AIOTES  OF  A 
BUSY  LIFE 


JOSEPH  B.  FO RAKER 


/ 


.f 


n 


NOTES 
OF  A  BUSY  LIFE 


BY 

JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 


WITH  PORTRAITS  AND  OTHER 
ILLUSTRATIONS 


VOLUME  ONE 


SECOND  EDITION 


»  ».  >  '.  J  » 


CINCINNATI 

STEWART  &  KIDD  COMPANY 

1916 


y 


Copyright,  1916, 

By  J.  B.  FORAKER 

All  Bights  Reserved 

COPYHIGHT    IK    ENGLAKD 


Johnson  &  Hakdix,  Pbintem, 
Cincinnati. 


This  Book  is  Dedicated 


TO 


My  Beloved  Wife  and  Children 


340202 


PREFACE  TO  SECOND  EDITION 


In  the  preparation  of  this  work  the  end  of  the  text  was 
reached  on  the  12th  day  of  August,  1915,  and  it  was  there, 
Volume  two,  page  478,  so  recorded,  but  in  printing  the  first 
edition  this  date  was  erroneously  placed  at  the  end  of  the 
preface  which  was  not  written  until  December  14,  1915. 

Although  this  error  was  of  but  little  moment  yet,  in  order 
to  conform  strictly  to  the  facts,  I  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
opportunity  afforded  by  the  printing  of  a  second  edition  to 
correct  it  and  a  few  others  of  like  minor  importance,  chiefl" 
typographical. 

No  other  changes  have  been  made  except  to  add  two  or 
three  short  foot-notes  that  need  no  explanation. 

J.    B.    FOKAKEE. 

March  23,  1916. 


PREFACE 


I  WAS  a  candidate  at  the  Ohio  primary  election  held  August 
11,  1914,  for  nomination  as  the  Republican  candidate 
for  United  States  Senator,  but  was  defeated.  I  recognized 
that  as  a  result  my  political  career  was  ended,  and  that  an 
opportune  time  had  come  to  answer  affirmatively  and  in  a 
practical  way  the  oft-repeated  request  of  my  family  and 
friends  that  I  should  some  time  write  a  sketch  of  my  public 
life  and  services.     I  acted  upon  that  thought. 

What  is  now  presented  is  intended  primarily  for  their 
benefit.  I  know  they  will  read  and  appreciate  it.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  I  have  written  about  past  events  in  which 
there  is  no  present  interest,  and  on  account  of  the  exciting 
European  War  news  now  filling  the  newspapers  and  maga- 
zines and  absorbing  everybody's  attention,  I  doubt  if  many 
others  will,  but  that  thought,  although  in  mind,  has  had  no 
influence  in  preparing  these  notes,  because  I  have  never 
thought  of  my  work  as  a  money  making  venture,  and  am 
not,  therefore,  concerned  about  the  question  whether  or  not 
it  will  prove  a  "good  seller." 

Except  to  give  a  brief  account  of  my  boyhood,  service 
in  the  Union  Army,  and  my  school  days,  of  which  my 
family  had  no  personal  knowledge,  I  have  confined  myself 
to  my  public  life  and  the  leading  events  connected  therewith. 

Although  I  have  had  to  divide  time  with  professional 
engagements,  and  other  labors;  and  although  my  family 
and  I  have  been  overtaken  and  sorely  distressed  in  the  midst 
of  my  work  by  sickness,  sorrow,  pain  and  death,  yet  by 
diligent  effort  I  have  found  enough  odd  hours  "between 
times"  to  live  over  again  by  the  help  of  scrap  books  and 
other  records  the  important  incidents  of  fifty  years  of  busy 


vi  PHEFACE 

life,  and  once  more  walk  and  talk  with  the  friends  of  former 
days. 

The  average  reader  may  think  I  have  quoted  too  freely — 
in  some  cases  at  even  tiresome  length — from  my  various 
speeches,  especially  those  with  respect  to  Cuba,  the  Philip- 
pines, Statehood,  the  Rate  Bill,  the  Brownsville  Affray  and 
other  subjects. 

I  have  done  this  because  that  was  easier,  and  seemed 
better  than  to  rewrite  what  was  thus  covered,  since  in  that 
way  might  be  presented  not  only  the  facts  and  arguments 
used,  but  also  the  spirit  involved.  Relatively  these  quota- 
tions are  comparatively  brief — ^not  extended  beyond  what 
has  seemed  necessary  to  give  an  intelligent  idea  of  the  dis- 
cussions to  which  they  relate. 

Necessarily  much  has  been  left  untold,  but  enough  will 
be  found  in  these  pages  to  give  any  careful  reader  of  them 
an  intelligent  idea  of  not  only  what  I  did  with  respect  to 
matters  at  the  time  deemed  important  but  also  to  give  a 
correct  idea  of  the  thoughts  and  circumstances  by  which 
that  action  was  prompted  and  governed. 

This  work  has  been  a  severe  tax  on  my  time  and  strength, 
not  so  much  to  write  the  story  I  have  told  as  to  verify 
the  facts  and  collect  and  arrange  and  set  forth  accurately 
and  logically  the  data  I  have  used. 

Compared  with  the  indescribably  tragic,  serious,  and 
world  menacing  European  war  the  record  I  have  portrayed 
shrinks  into  insignificance  as  to  its  importance,  and  yet  as 
I  look  back  over  it  I  am  amazed  at  its  volume — ^how  much 
there  is  of  it — ^and  am  compelled  to  wonder  how  I  was  able 
to  do  the  work  it  represents,  especially  the  Senatorial  part, 
considering  the  many  other  duties  that  fell  to  my  lot. 

I  have  made  many  speeches  that  I  have  not  mentioned 
at  all;  among  them  memorial  addresses  upon  the  life  and 
public  services  respectively  of  General  Grant,  General  Sher- 
man, Chief  Justice  Chase,*  Hon.  Jdhn  A.  Bingham,  General 
William  H.  Gibson,  and  the  Andrews  Raiders.*  It  would 
be  agreeable,  except  for  time  and  space,  to  say  something 

•  Printed  in  the  Appendix. 


PREFACE  vii 

about  them  and  the  interesting  occasions  in  connection  with 
which  they  were  delivered,  but  at  this  time  that  seems 
impossible. 

Most  of  them  will  be  found  in  a  number  of  the  leading 
libraries  of  the  country,  bound  together  with  such  of  my 
speeches  as  have  been  printed  in  pamphlet  form. 

I  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Miss  Caroline  Hein 
for  her  faithful  and  efficient  work  in  taking  and  transcrib- 
ing these  notes,  reading  the  proof,  preparing  the  index  and 
verifying  the  letters  and  other  documents  quoted. 

J.  B.  FORAKEE. 

Cincinnati,  December  14,  1915. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER    I.                                            PACK 
Outlike 1 

Birth,  Ancestry,  Family,  Official  Career. 

CHAPTER   II. 
Boyhood ■. 8 

Boyhood.  Campaign  of  1856.  Campaign  of  1860.  Quits 
Farm.     Enlists  in  Army. 

CHAPTER   III. 

In  the  Army 17 

Member  of  Company  A,  89th  O.  V.  I.  Officers  of  Regiment 
and  Company.  First  Duty  at  the  Front.  Ordered  to  Shave 
a  Soldier's  Head. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Seevice  IX  West  Virginia  and  Tennessee v^  26 

Emancipation  Proclamation.  Kanawha  Campaign.  Trans- 
ferred to  Tennessee — Ft.  Donelson,  Nashville  and  Carthage. 

CHAPTER   V. 

The  Tullahoma,  Chattanooga  and  Atlanta  Campaigns 82 

Battle  of  Hoover's  Gap.  Reinterment  of  General  Rose- 
crans.  Marching  through  Georgia  to  the  Sea;  through  the 
Carolinas.  Promoted  to  First  Lieutenant.  Battles  of 
Lookout  Mountain,  Mission  Ridge,  Buzzard's  Roost, 
Resaca,  Jonesboro. 

CHAPTER   VI. 

In  the  Signal  Service 40 

.  Detailed  to  act  as  Signal  Officer.  Stationed  at  Vining*s  Hill. 
Assigned  to  General  Slocum's  Staff.  Marching  through 
Georgia.    Entry  into  Savannah.     Notice  to  Fleet. 


X  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   VII.  PAGE 

Through   the  Caeolinas ^. .  61 

Crossing  the  State  Line  into  North  Carolina.  Goldsboro. 
Battles  of  Averysboro  and  Bentonville.  General  Slocum's 
Article  in  Century  Magazine.  General  Sherman's  Speech  at 
Reunion  of  Array  of  Tennessee.  Verses  of  Dr.  H.  S.  Ful- 
lerton.  Appointed  Brevet  Captain  and  Aide-de-Camp. 
Raleigh  to  Washington  via  Richmond.  Libby  Prison. 
Grand  Review  at  Washington.  General  Slocum's  Staff. 
Mustered  out. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
Back  to  Books •  • . .  • ^t 

South  Salem  Academy.  Ohio  Wesleyan  University.  Cor- 
nell University.  First  Heard  of  Philippines.  Admission  to 
Bar.  Marriage.  Located  in  Cincinnati.  Acquaintances. 
Elected  to  Bench  of  Superior  Court,    Resigned  Judgeship. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Dabblikg    Along   the    Edges ....8T 

Campaign  of  1868,  Liberal  Republican  Movement  of  1872. 
First  Participation  in  Politics.  Attend  Republican  State 
Convention  1876.  Hayes  Elected  Governor  for  third  term. 
Nomination  of  Hayes  for  President.  Campaign  of  1876. 
Electoral  Commission.    The  Cipher  Telegrams. 

CHAPTER   X. 

A  PvBJXQE  INTO   Politics 105 

Convention  of  1888.  Nominated  for  Governor.  Speech  of 
Acceptance.    Republican  ticket  of  1888. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

Cabipaign'  of  1883 — Defeated  but  Not  Damaged 1M5 

Campaigning — Then  and  Now.  Speech  at  Hamilton,  Ohio. 
Star  Route  Frauds.  Hayes-Tilden  Campaign.  Verses: 
"Ben  Foraker*s  Breeches."     Defeated. 


CHAPTER    XII. 
HiSTOBY   Repeats   Itself • . .  127 

Discussion  of  Liquor  Question— 1883-1914.  Remarks  at 
Ludlow  Falls.  Vote  on  Legislative  Control,  Prohibition 
and  Home  Rule  Amendments.  Correspondence  with  F.  L. 
Dustman.    Circular  of  Anti-Saloon  League. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS  ti 

CHAPTER   XIII.  PAOE 

A  Dip  ikto  National  Politics ._. .  l89 

National  Republican  Convention  of  1880.  Nomination  of 
Garfield.  Salary  Grab.  De  Golyer  Contracts.  Credit 
Mobilier  Scandals.  Hancock,  Democratic  Candidate  for 
President.  Mass  Meeting  at  Warren.  Garfield  Elected 
and  Inaugurated.  Garfield  Assassinated.  State  Convention 
of  1884.  First  Appearance  in  State  Politics  of  Taft  and 
Hanna.  Chosen  Delegate-at-Large.  Correspondence  with 
John  Sherman. 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

ComrENTioiir  op  1884 168 

Marcus  A.  Hanna.  Charles  L.  Kurtz.  Speech  Nominating 
Mr.  Sherman  for  Presidency.  Pen  Pictures.  Notification 
of  Mr.  Blaine.  George  William  Curtis.  Carl  Schurz. 
Young  Men's  Blaine  Club. 

CHAPTER    XV. 

Again    Nominated  for  Governor 175 

Correspondence  with  S.  E.  Huffman,  Correspondence  with 
M.  A.  Hanna.  Convention  of  1885.  Nominated  by  Hon. 
Miller  Outcfailt.    Speech  of  General  ^ojes. 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

The  Campaign  of  1885 192 

Ratification  Meeting  at  Springfield.  Speech  at  Wilberforce. 
Speech  at  Bellefontaine.  Challenge  for  Joint  Debate  with 
Governor  Hoadly.  Debate  at  Toledo.  Debate  at  Cincinnati. 
Elected  Governor.     Inaugural  Address  1886. 

CHAPTER    XVII. 
First  Year  as  Governor 211 

Appointments.  Cincinnati  Election  Frauds.  Unseating 
Senators  and  Members.  Election  Laws  Amended.  The  '  f 
Dow  Law.  State's  Finances.  Refunding  Bonded  Debt. 
Board  of  Public  Affairs  of  Cincinnati.  Removal  of  Cin- 
cinnati Police  Board.  Reinterment  of  Remains  of  Salmon 
P.  Chase.  G.  A.  R.  Encampment  at  Cleveland.  Charleston 
Earthquake. 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Moccasin  Tracks 286 

Confederate  Graves  in  Ohio.  Appointment  of  Judge  Taft. 
Rebel  Flag  Order.  Gettysburg  Monuments.  Philadelphia 
Centennial   Celebration.     New   York   Lincoln   Day   Speech. 

'  Pittsburg    Grant    Speech.      Sherman    Sentiment    in    Ohio. 

Chilly  Winds  Begin  to  Blow.  Factional  Lines.  Indorse- 
ment of  Sherman  by  State  Convention.  Correspondence  with 
John  Sherman. 


xii  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XIX.  PAGE 

Campaign  op  1887 266 

Toledo  Convention  of  1887.  Debate  at  Wheeling.  Campaign 
Enthusiasm.  Middletown  Speech.  Governor  Gordon. 
Closing  Meeting  of  Campaign. 

CHAPTER   XX. 

Cekteknial   Year 291 

Second  Inaugural  Address.  The  Marietta  Centennial.  The 
Cincinnati  Caitennial.  The  Columbus  Centennial  The 
G.  A.  R.  National  Encampment. 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

PSEPARIXG   FOB  THE    NATIONAL   REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION   OF  1888.  .tv. 818 

Appointments.  Correspondence  with  M.  A.  Hanna.  State 
Convention  of  1888. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

The  Republican  National  Convention jr 840 

Presentation  of  Candidates — 1888. 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

The  Nomination  of  Harrison 862 

Purchase  of  Tickets  from  Southern  Delegates.  Balloting. 
Tender  of  Blaine  Support.  Interview  of  Hon.  Samuel  Fes- 
senden.    Ratification  Meeting  at  Springfield. 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 

The  Pitcher  Goes  to  the  Well  Once  too  Oitten 879 

Harrison  Elected.  Lincoln  Day  Banquet  at  Columbus. 
Newspaper  Comments.  Halstead  Letter.  Brooklyn  Eagle 
Article.  Break  with  Hanna.  Johnstown  Flood.  State 
Convention  of  1889.    Nominated  for  Governor. 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

All  Lost  but  Honor,  and  That  Has  a  Close  Call 399 

Campaign  of  1889.  Illness.  The  Ballot  Box  Forgery. 
Saloon-Keepers'  Rebellion.  Mass  Meeting  in  Cincinnati. 
Defeated.    Newspaper  Comments. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

PAGE 

A  Few  Mixutes  ok  the  Side  with  Mr.  Hates 422 

Excerpts  from  "Life  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes."  Corre- 
spondence with  Harrison.  Hayes  Correspondence.  Soldier 
Banquet  in  Cincinnati.  George  W.  Fellers.  Sketch  of 
"Hayes." 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

Out  of  Office,  but  Not  Out  'OF  Politics .^.440 

State  Convention  of  1890.  Nomination  of  McKinley  for 
Governor — 1891.  Re-election  of  Senator  Sherman.  Dele- 
gate-at-large  to  National  Convention  of  1892.  Correspond- 
ence with  M.  A.  Hanna.  Newspaper  Comments.  Zanesville 
Convention.  Nomination  of  Bushnell.  Indorsement  of 
McKinley  for  Presidency  and  Foraker  for  Senator.  Speech 
as  Temporary  Chairman  of  State  Convention  of  1896. 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

The  National  Republicax  Cokvention  of  1896 463 

History  of  Gold  Plank  in  Platform.  Remarks  and  Plat- 
form Declarations  on  Hawaii,  Isthmian  Canal,  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, Independence  of  Cuba,  and  Merchant  Marine. 
Presentation  of  McKinley's  Name  to  Convention  of  1896. 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

Campaign  of  1896 489 

Ratification  Meeting  in  Cincinnati.  Speech  at  Columbus. 
Visit  London  and  Paris.  Meeting  at  Jackson,  Ohio. 
Sherman  Appointed  Secretary  of  State.  Correspondence 
with  M.  A.  Hanna.  Appointment  of  Hanna.  Retirement 
of  Sherman.  Letter  of  Sherman  Showing  Relations  with 
McKinley  and  Hanna.    Estimate  of  Mr.  Sherman. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

J.    B.    Foraker,    1908    Frontispiece 

The  Old  Mill 4 

In  Later  Years  I  Have  Fished  Considerably 10 

Samuel  E.  Newell,  the  Old  Miller 12 

Captain  Burch  Foraker 88 

Official    Map    of    Sherman's    March    Through    Georgia    and    the 

Carolinas 60 

General  William  T.  Sherman,  1865  66 

General  Slocum  and  StaflF   74 

Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati,  1879-1882 86 

Private  Foraker,  Co.  A,  89th  O.  V.  1 122 

Governor  J.  B.  Foraker  1886-1890 212 

Rebel  Flag  Order   242 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  Benjamin  Harrison,  March  27,  1889 428 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  R.  B.  Hayes,  August  19,  1887 482 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  William  Henry  Smith,  October  6,  1895 486 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  M.  A.  Hanna,  June  19,  1892 .-r.-^^ 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  William  McKinley,  January  29,  1896 468 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  William  McKinley,  March  9,  1896 460 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  William  McKinley,  April  7,  1896 462 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  John  J.  Ingalls,  December  6,  1899 480 

Governor  Asa  S.  Bushnell,  1896-1900  604 

Facsimile  of  letter  from  John  Sherman,  November  8,  1898 508 


xw 


'..^.i^KJi  1 


NOTES  OF  A  BUSY  LIFE 


CHAPTER  I. 

OUTLINE. 


I  WAS  bom  July  5th,  1846,  on  a  farm  situated  about 
one  mile  north  of  the  village  of  Rains'boro,  Highland 
County,  Ohio,  on  which  my  father  was  at  that  time  residing. 

When  I  was  only  two  years  old  my  father  removed  from 
there  to  a  farm  he  had  purchased  at  Reece's  Mills  on  the 
Rocky  Fork  of  Paint  Creek,  midway  between  Rainsboro  and 
the  village  of  Marshall,  three  miles  from  each. 

I  have  never  revisited  the  first  home,  but  saw  the  house 
frequently  from  the  main  road,  back  from  which  it  stood 
at  a  distance  of  perhaps  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  as  I  had  occa- 
sion to  pass  and  repass.  In  that  way  I  know  that  the 
house  was  a  good-looking,  comfortable-appearing,  commo- 
dious two-story  log  structure,  such  as  was  commonly  found 
on  the  farms  in  that  part  of  the  country  at  that  early  day. 
I  mention  this  only  because  in  some  manner  a  picture  of  an 
old,  single-room,  dilapidated-looking  log  house,  was  pub- 
lished, many  years  ago,  as  a  picture  of  the  house  in  which 
I  was  bom,  and  although  repeated  efforts  were  made  to 
correct  the  error,  the  same  old  picture  has  ever  since  been 
persistently  used. 

The  family  residence  on  the  farm  at  Reece's  Mills  was 
of  the  same  general  character,  except  that  ample  porches 
and  a  good  sized  "yard"  improved  the  general  appearance 
and  added  much  to  the  comfort  and  accommodation  of  the 
family.    * 


2  JOSEPH  BENSON    FORAKER 

Sometime  during  the  fifties,  probably  about  1855,  my 
father  built  within  the  same  enclosure  what  was  for  that 
time  a  rather  pretentious  one-and-one-half -story  frame  house, 
which  made  one  of  the  best  residences  to  be  found  in  that 
neighborhood.  This  continued  to  be  the  family  home  until 
after  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  when,  about  1870,  as 
nearly  as  I  can  now  recall,  my  father  sold  his  farm  and 
moved  to  Hillsboro,  which,  with  the  exception  of  two  or 
three  years  spent  on  what  is  known  as  the  old  Daniel  Miller 
farm,  situated  on  the  turnpike  leading  from  Hillsboro  to 
Rainsboro,  continued  to  be  his  residence  until  his  death 
in  1898. 

The  residence  at  Reece's  Mills  was  my  home  until  the  fall 
of  1861,  when  I  left  the  farm  to  take  a  clerical  position 
with  my  uncle,  James  Reece,  in  the  County  Auditor's  office, 
in  Hillsboro,  where  I  remained,  living  with  his  family,  until 
July,  1862,  when  I  enlisted  as  a  private  in  Company  A, 
89th  0.  V.  I. 

I  served  until  the  close  of  the  war,  when  I  became  a 
student;  was  graduated  from  Cornell  University,  and  admit- 
ted to  the  practice  of  the  law  in  1869;  elected  Judge  of 
the  Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati  in  1879,  Governor  of  Ohio, 
1885,  re-elected  1887,  elected  United  States  Senator,  1896, 
re-elected,    1902. 

It  will  be  my  endeavor  to  tell  something  of  the  life  of 
which  these  dates  and  facts  are  the  mere  skeleton. 

I  do  not  know  much  about  my  ancestry.  The  most  I  know  is 
what  I  have  heard  my  father  and  mother  repeat.  I  know  from 
them  that  my  grandfather  on  my  father's  side  was  named 
"John,"  and  that  his  name  was  always  during  his  lifetime 
spelled  "Fouracre."  He  is  buried  in  what  is  known  as  Hart- 
man's  Graveyard,  near  Rainsboro,  and  I  have  been  told  that  on 
his  tombstone  his  name  is  given  as  John  Fouracre.  I  know 
from  my  father  that  his  father  brought  him  to  Ohio  in  1820, 
when  my  father,  who  was  born  June  7th,  1815,  was  but 
^Lve  years  of  age;  that  although  of  that  tender  age  when  he 
left  it,  he  had  until  the  day  of  his  death  a  distinct  recoUec- 


OUTLINE  8 

tion  of  the  appearance  of  his  birthplace  when  they  started 
on  their  journey  to  the  then  far  distant  West;  that  his 
father  was  a  farmer,  and  that  his  home  at  the  time  when 
he  changed  his  residence  to  Ohio  was  on  Bombay  Hook 
Island  in  Delaware  Bay. 

I  do  not  know  much  about  my  grandfather  on  my 
father's  side,  except  that  he  was  a  plain,  simple,  but  sturdy 
kind  of  man,  and  that  his  ancestors  came,  according  to 
family  traditions,  from  Devonshire,  England,  where  I  under- 
stand the  Fouracre  family  is  still  represented. 

My  grandmother,  on  my  father's  side,  was  of  Scotch-Irish 
descent,  and  her  maiden  name  was  Robinson.  I  have  no 
recollection  of  having  ever  seen  my  grandfather,  but  I  can 
remember  my  grandmother.  She  lived  until  I  was  probably 
seven  or  eight  years  of  age,  and  one  of  the  distinct  and 
pleasing  recollections  I  have  of  my  early  childhood  is  of 
catching  a  large  ringeye,  or  rock  bass,  fish  just  below  the 
mill  dam  in  the  Rocky  Fork  at  Reece's  Mills,  and  going 
with  my  father  in  a  buggy  to  Rainsboro  to  deliver  it  in 
person  to  my  grandmother,  who,  as  I  recall  her,  was  an 
old  lady  of  very  pleasing  appearance  and  cordial  manner, 
particularly  so  when  we  told  her  what  had  brought  us,  and 
delivered  to  her  the  fish.  I  have  no  other  personal  recollec- 
tion of  her  except  of  her  funeral,  which  occurred  some 
years  later. 

I  know  little  more  of  my  ancestors  on  my  mother's  side, 
and  what  I  do  know  is  likewise  simply  traditional.  Her 
maiden  name  was  Reece.  The  name  of  her  father,  my  grand- 
father on  her  side,  was  David  Reece.  His  father's  name 
was  David  Reece. 

The  Reeces  came  to  Ohio  some  time  during  the  early 
years  of  the  nineteenth  century  from  Grayson  County,  Vir- 
ginia. They  settled  at  Reece's  Mills,  and  my  mother's 
grandfather  located  the  mill  site  and  erected  thereon  what 
was  known  for  many  years  as  Reece's  Mills.  He  also 
acquired  the  farm  adjoining,  which  was  subsequently  pur- 
chased, as  already  stated,  by  my  father  and  made  by  him 


4  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

our  family  home.  At  the  same  time  that  he  acquired  the  farm 
my  father  acquired  also  the  mill  property,  consisting  of 
the  flour  mill  and  a  saw  mill,  all  at  that  time  in  good  con- 
dition and  in  full  operation. 

The  Rocky  Fork  of  Paint  Creek  was  not  a  very  large 
stream,  but  a  stone  dam  thrown  across  it  at  the  mill  site 
made  a  good  body  of  water  for  swimming  and  fishing  in 
the  summer  and  skating  in  the  winter  time. 

My  mother's  grandfather,  after  locating  the  mill  site  and 
building  and  putting  into  operation  the  mills,  in  some  way 
lost  his  eyesight.  I  have  frequently  heard  my  mother  tell 
how  he  delighted  to  narrate  to  the  family  his  early  expe- 
riences, and  how,  among  other  things,  he  told  them  that  the 
fish  in  the  creek  where  he  established  his  mill  were  so  thick 
when  he  first  came  there  he  could  stir  them  with  a  stick. 
This  was  perhaps  an  exaggeration,  but  pardonable  in 
view  of  the  exaggerated  stories  that  fishermen  are  permitted 
to  tell. 

My  grandfather  David  Reece  was,  according  to  all 
accounts,  a  very  excellent  man.  He  served  for  many  years 
as  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  and  represented  his  county  a 
number  of  times  in  the  State  Legislature.  He  was  widely 
known  throughout  the  State  and  highly  esteemed  and 
regarded  by  everyone.  He  was  overtaken  with  some  kind 
of  iUness  from  which  he  died  before  he  reached  the  age  of 
sixty  years.  He  left  six  children,  one  of  whom  was  my 
uncle  James  Reece,  who  was  elected  to  various  county  offices, 
among  them  the  office  of  County  Treasurer,  County  Auditor, 
and  to  various  municipal  offices.  I  have  many  pleasing  recol- 
lections of  him  and  owe  him  probably  a  greater  debt  of 
gratitude  than  I  owe  to  any  other  man,  except  only  my 
father,  and  my  brother  Burch,  because  of  the  encouraging 
interest  he  manifested  at  all  times  in  my  welfare.  It  wa^ 
through  his  advice  and  encouragement  very  largely  that 
I  determined  when  I  came  home  from  the  army  to  get  a 
collegiate  education,  and  to  adopt  the  law  as  a  profession. 
It  is  with  much  satisfaction  I  recall  that  I  was  able  in  later 


OUTLINE  5 

years  to  repay  him  in  some  small  measure  for  the  much  that 
he  so  generously  did  for  me  at  a  critical  and  needful  time. 
He  had  five  sisters,  my  mother,  whose  name  was  Margaret, 
and  her  four  sisters,  all  of  whom  were  happily  married  and 
had  comfortable  homes. 

My  father  and  mother  were  married  on  the  28th  day  of 
March,  1838.  They  lived  to  celebrate  their  Golden  Wedding 
Day,  and  to  have  ten  added  years  of  life  together. 

My  father  died  on  the  11th  day  of  May,  1898,  at  the  age 
of  eighty-three  years,  lacking  only  a  few  days,  and  my 
mother  followed  him  a  little  more  than  one  year  later,  in 
July,  1899,  at  the  age  of  seventy-nine.  There  were  bom  of 
this  marriage  eleven  children;  two  of  them,  a  brother  and  a 
sister,  died  in  infancy.  Of  those  who  grew  to  man  and 
womanhood  only  good  could  be  spoken,  but  only  one  of  them 
had  any  particular  influence  upon  my  life,  and  for  that 
reason  I  may  not  find  occasion  to  make  special  mention  of 
any  of  the  others  in  these  notes. 

If  it  were  otherwise  I  might  say  much  about  my  brother, 
James  R.  Foraker,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Cincinnati  bar, 
who  was  for  some  years  Assistant  City  Solicitor,  and  who 
had  been  my  law  partner  for  many  years  when  he  died 
in  1907. 

I  might  say  even  more  of  my  youngest  brother,  Crelghton 
M.  Foraker,  who  became  a  citizen  of  New  Mexico  in  188S 
with  his  brother,  Charles  E.  Foraker,  and  has  continuously 
lived  there  ever  since.  He  served  four  successive  terms  as 
United  States  Marshal  for  that  territory.  His  appointment 
in  eadh  instance  was  made  on  the  recommendations  and 
requests  of  his  neighbors  and  friends,  without  any  soHcita- 
tion  from  me,  although  our  relations  were  of  the  most 
affectionate  character.  He  received  the  first  appointment 
from  President  McKinley,  the  second  and  third  from  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt,  and  the  fourth  from  President  Taft.  The 
following  correspondence  shows  how  President  Taft  came 
to  pay  him  the  unusual  compliment  of  a  fourth  successive 
appointment. 


6  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

I  insert  it  not  only  on  that  account,  but  also  because  it 
shows  how,  after  a  disagreeable  interruption,  friendly  rela- 
tions were  restored  between  President  Taft  and  myself: 

Cincinnati,  December  28,  1909. 
Dear  Mr,  President — My  brother  stopped  oflf  here  yesterday  on  his 
way  back  to  New  Mexico.  He  told  me  of  your  kind  references  to 
me  in  his  conversations  with  you  in  New  Mexico  and  in  Washington. 
He  also  told  me  that  he  had  stopped  here  to  tell  me  of  them  with  your 
knowledge  and  approval.  I  infer  from  this  that  you  will  not  misun- 
derstand me  if  I  write,  as  I  do,  to  express  my  appreciation  for  what 
you  have  said  of  me  personally  and  for  what  you  have  done  in  reap- 
pointing my  brother.  While  I  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  join  in 
recommending  him  for  reappointment,  I  am  none  the  less  gratified 
on  that  account,  but  all  the  more,  rather,  that  you  should  have  found 
his  record  worthy  of  the  unusual  recognition  of  a  fourth  term. 

With  all  the  compliments  of  the  season,  and  wishing  for  your  admin- 
istration the  highest  degree  of  success,  I  remain. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 
Hoir.  WiiUAM  H.  Taft,  J.  B.  Forakeb. 

The  White  House, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


The  White  House, 
Washington. 

December  25,  1909. 
My  Dear  Senator — It  gratified  me  very  much  to  be  able  to  reap- 
point your  brother.  By  inquiry  of  every  one  who  had  to  do  with  his 
ofiBce,  I  found  that  he  had  discharged  his  public  duties  in  a  way  most 
satisfactory  to  those  who  were  interested  in  the  proper  administration 
of  justice,  and  that  the  only  complaint  made  of  him  was  that  he  didn't 
take  an  active  part  in  the  factional  politics  of  the  Territory.  I  could 
not  see  that  this  was  a  reason  for  failing  to  recognize  his  excellence 
as  a  public  ofl&cer,  and  I  had  much  pleasure  in  bringing  the  chief 
political  powers  in  the  Territory  to  believe  that  it  was  wiser  for  them 
to  acquiesce  in  his  appointment.  I  need  not  say  that  it  was  a  very 
great  additional  pleasure  to  appoint  him,  that  he  was  your  brother. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 
HoK.  J.  B.  FoRAKEB,  Wm.  H.  Tapt. 

Traction  Building, 
Cincinnati,  Ohio. 


The  one  referred  to  above  as  having  had  some  special 
influence  upon  my  course  in  life  was  my  brother,  Burch 
Foraker.  He  was  five  years  older  than  I,  and  had  a  corre- 
sponding influence  on  all  my  actions  and  ambitions.     I  not 


OUTLINE  7 

only  sought  to  emulate  all  he  did,  but  I  looked  to  him  as 
though  to  a  father,  especially  during  our  service  in  the 
army. 

He  enlisted  in  Company  I  of  the  24th  O.  V.  I.,  the 
second  company  recruited  in  Highland  County ;  the  first 
being  Company  K  of  the  12th  O.  V.  I.  I  enlisted  one  year 
later  in  Company  A,  89th  O.  V.  I.  Most  of  our  service  was 
in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  and  we  had  opportunities 
to  see  each  other  frequently.  This  experience  and  these 
chance  meetings,  and  the  interest  always  shown  by  him  in 
my  life,  health  and  safety  created  an  attachment  for  him 
stronger  than  that  which  even  brothers  ordinarily  have. 


\. 


CHAPTER  II. 

BOYHOOD. 

UNTIL  I  had  passed  by  three  months  my  fifteenth  birth- 
day I  lived  at  home  with  my  parents  and  the  other 
members  of  our  family,  on  the  farm  at  Reece's  Mills. 

My  lot  was  not  different,  or  my  experiences,  from  those  of 
other  farmer  boys  of  that  day  and  locality. 

My  father  was  a  pushing,  active,  restless,  aggressive  man 
in  all  he  undertook  to  do,  whether  farming,  milling  or 
trading,  in  all  of  which  he  was  busily  engaged  during  that 
period. 

His  farm  was  well  stocked  with  horses,  cows,  cattle,  sheep 
and  hogs,  and  there  was  always  plenty  of  work  that  a  boy 
could  do  in  helping  to  feed  and  take  care  of  them.  In 
addition  there  was  always  more  work  to  do  in  plowing, 
sowing,  harvesting  and  hauling  to  market,  than  he  and  all 
the  "hands"  he  employed,  and  he  gave  employment  liberally, 
could  do.  Consequently  from  the  earliest  moment  that  I 
was  old  enough  and  big  enough  to  do  such  work  until  I 
quit  the  farm  I  was  constantly  engaged  at  some  one  or  other 
of  the  many  different  kinds  of  work  that  was  to  be  done, 
except  when  attending  school,  which  amounted  to  three  or 
four  months  during  the  winter  session  in  the  District  School. 

That  school  was  not  so  good  as  such  schools  now  are,  but 
I  managed  to  learn  how  to  spell,  read,  write  and  "cipher," 
and  found  out  something  about  grammar,  geography, 
algebra,  etc. 

I  was  always  fond  of  reading,  especially  history, — particu- 
larly war  history. 

I  early  acquired  pretty  familiar  knowledge  of  our  own 
history,  and  our  own  wars  with  England,  Mexico,  and  the 
frontier  wars  with  the  Indians,  and  the  Napoleonic  wars, 
8 


BOYHOOD  9 

and  in  a  general  way  of  the  wars  of  antiquity,  especially 
the  wars  of  Rome  and  Greece. 

I  developed  also  from  the  beginning  an  aptitude  for 
declamation.  I  remember  at  one  school  exhibition  I  recited 
as  many  as  seven  diflPerent  pieces.  I  recall  only  two  of 
them,  "Rienzi's  Address  to  the  Romans,"  and  "Henry  V 
at  Harfleur," — rather  ambitious  specimens,  but  well  enough 
delivered  to  excite  a  great  deal  of  praise  and  commendation. 

At  the  same  time  my  good  mother  had  much  to  do  with 
my  reading ;  especially  what  might  be  called  Sunday  reading. 
The  reading  she  enjoined  embraced,  first,  the  Bible,  then 
John  Bunyan's  Pilgrim's  Progress,  Josephus,  and  other  books 
of  like  character. 

My  father  and  mother  were  both  active  and  devout  mem- 
bers of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  regular  attend- 
ants upon  all  the  different  services.  All  the  family  were 
required  to  attend  with  them,  and  it  was  very  rare  indeed 
that  any  of  us  missed  attendance  upon  either  the  regular 
church  service  or  Sunday  school. 

We  not  only  attended  Sunday  school,  but  we  actively  par- 
ticipated in  all  the  exercises.  I  remember  that  during  one 
summer  when  I  was  only  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age  I  com- 
mitted to  memory  and  recited  to  my  Sunday  school  teacher 
1,396  verses  of  the  New  Testament,  and  was  awarded  the 
first  prize  therefor,  a  small-sized  New  Testament,  bound 
with  a  rather  fine-looking  red  leather.  The  book  seemed 
very  beautiful,  and  was,  for  that  day,  and  I  was  quite 
proud  of  the  fact  that  I  had  taken  the  first  prize,  and  that 
I  was  given  such  a  reward. 

But  it  was  not  all  work  and  study  and  reading.  There 
were  rainy  days,  and  holidays,  and  Saturday  afternoons, 
and  other  "between  times"  when  we  had  a  chance  to  swim, 
attend  celebrations,  and  other  public  occasions,  and  now  and 
then  go  fishing,  or  take  a  hunt  in  the  fields  and  woods  of 
(the  farm  for  squirrels,  rabbits  and  quail. 

I  became  and  was  known  all  through  the  neighborhood  as 
one  of  the  most  expert  swimmers,  and  as  a  good  horseman, — 
it  was  a  perfect  delight  to  "break  a  colt," 


10  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

I  also  soon  developed  a  fondness  for  fishing  in  the  creek  that 
ran  through  the  farm,  and  on  which  the  mill  stood.  I  came 
by  this  taste  naturally.  My  mother  had  it  in  a  large 
degree.  It  was  her  delight  when  she  could  get  away  from 
her  household  duties  to  stroll  along  the  creek  and  fish  at 
some  one  of  a  number  of  favorite  places  she  was  pleased  to 
visit.  On  such  occasions  I  was  always  her  favorite  com- 
panion. We  seldom  returned  without  a  long  string  of 
good  fish.  These  hours  with  my  mother  are  among  the  most 
pleasant  that  I  am  able  to  recall,  not  only  of  that  boyhood 
period,  but  from  all  the  other  years  of  my  life. 

In  later  years  I  have  fished  considerably,  but  never  yet 
that  I  have  not  been  reminded  of  those  days,  and  when  lucky, 
had  much  pleasure  in  thinking  how  my  dear  mother  would 
have  enjoyed  it,  if  she  could  have  been  with  me. 

As  early  as  1856  I  became  greatly  interested  in  politics. 
In  connection  with  the  acts  of  the  "Border  Ruffians"  of 
Kansas,  and  other  eff^orts  that  were  made  to  extend  slavery 
into  the  territories,  the  political  literature  of  that  time 
became  exciting  and  intensely  interesting. 

Our  family  paper  during  that  period  was  the  Cincinnati 
WeeMt/  Gazette.  It  was  then  the  leading  Republican  organ 
of  the  West.  It  was  ably  edited.  I  found  time  to  read  and 
discuss  in  a  boy's  weak  way  with  my  father  and  Mr.  Samuel 
E.  Newell,  the  miller,  who  operated  the  mill,  all  the  current 
events,  speeches  and  arguments. 

During  the  campaign  of  1856  I  became  so  enthusiastic 
that  although  only  ten  years  of  age,  I  went  to  the  woods 
and  selected  a  tall,  straight  young  tree  of  proper  size,  cut 
it,  and  with  some  help  that  I  enlisted,  brought  it  to  the  top 
of  a  small  hill  in  the  lane  leading  from  our  house  out  to  the 
public  road,  and  there  planted  it  with  a  flag  of  my  own 
manufacture,  unfurled  at  the  top  of  it,  bearing  the  names 
of  Fremont  and  Dayton.  That  was  the  only  flag  so  dis- 
played in  all  that  neighborhood.  Naturally  it  was  much 
talked  about,  my  name  being  always  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  it. 


EN    LATEIt    V1-:.\US    I     HAVE    FISHEL>    < '<  )XSI  1  »1.:MABL\ 


BOYHOOD  11 

Later  when  the  election  came,  and  Fremont  and  Dayton 
were  defeated,  I  suffered  my  first  disappointment  in  politics. 
It  was  one  of  the  greatest  and  bitterest  I  have  ever  expe- 
rienced. It  was  difficult  for  me  to  become  reconciled  to  it; 
but  it  was  not  long  until,  like  many  other  defeats  and 
disappointments  I  have  since  suffered,  I  came  to  see  that  it  was 
all  of  God's  ordering  and  for  the  best. 

I  continued  to  read  carefully,  watch  closely  and  to  keep 
in  constant  touch  with  the  old  miller,  who  was  my  friend, 
adviser  and  guide,  beyond  anybody  else  with  respect  to 
public  and  political  matters. 

After  Fremont  was  defeated  I  became  an  enthusiastic 
supporter  of  Seward,  as  our  next  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency. I  was  always  praising  him  and  advocating  him. 
I  thus  championed  him  until  Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  speech  in 
Cincinnati  about  1858  or  '59.  It  was  so  clear,  simple  and 
straightforward,  and  so  easily  understood  and  so  persuasive, 
that  it  completely  captured  me.  After  reading  it  I  repaired 
at  once  to  the  miller  to  talk  it  over  with  him.  He  liked  the 
speech  but  was  still  for  Seward. 

We  were  talking  the  matter  over  in  a  friendly  way  when 
one  of  our  neighbors.  Judge  Nathaniel  Delaplane,  a  most 
estimable  man,  very  intelligent,  very  cultivated,  and  well 
informed,  but  one  of  the  leading  Democrats  of  that  vicinity, 
rode  up  to  the  door  of  the  mill  near  which  we  were  standing. 
Noting  the  character  of  our  conversation,  he  made  a  remark 
of  a  rather  deprecating  character  about  my  views  on  such 
matters,  at  which  the  old  miller  took  offense.  In  a  somewhat 
resentful  manner  he  picked  me  up  in  his  arms,  and,  holding 
me  out  toward  the  Judge,  told  him  in  an  earnest,  energetic 
tone  to  take  a  good  look  at  me,  for  some  day  I  would  be 
Governor  of  Ohio.  That  was  my  first  nomination.  I  little 
thought  then  that  any  such  honor  would  ever  come  to  me, 
but  when  years  afterwards  I  was  nominated  and  elected 
Governor  of  Ohio,  this  incident  was  still  remembered  in  that 
neighborhood;  naturally  it  soon  had  currency  in  the  cam- 
paign. Both  the  Judge  and  the  old  miller  lived  to  see  the 
prediction   fulfilled,  and  although  I  probably   did  not   get 


1«  JOSEPH  BENSON   FORAKER 

the  vote  of  the  Judge,  I  am  sure  he  bore  me  only  good  ^11 
and  rejoiced  in  a  non-partisan  way  that  the  miller's  predic- 
tion, although  made  in  a  spirit  of  resentment,  had  come  true. 

During  the  campaign  of  1860  I  was  only  fourteen  years 
old,  but  I  attended  every  important  political  meeting  held 
in  the  county  seat,  Hillsboro,  or  at  any  point  in  our  eastern 
part  of  Highland  County. 

I  not  only  listened  to  the  speeches,  but  marched  in  the 
processions  with  the  other  "rail  splitters"  by  day  and  with 
the  "wide  awake  torch  bearers"  by  night. 

I  remember  one  incident  of  that  campaign  that  had  an 
effect  upon  me  years  afterward,  when  I  had  occasion  to 
make  campaign  speeches.  I  heard  at  Rainsboro  one  night 
a  very  eloquent  speech.  I  was  so  pleased  with  the  orator, 
whose  speech  seemed  so  natural,  so  instructive  and  so  well 
illustrated  with  anecdotes,  that  I  went  to  hear  him  the 
following  night,  when  he  spoke  at  Marshall,  six  miles  distant 
from  Rainsboro.  He  probably  thought,  the  two  places  being 
this  distance  apart,  that  he  had  an  entirely  different  audi- 
ence, but  I  was  at  least  one  who  was  at  both  places,  and 
there  were  probably  others.  However  that  may  be,  although 
he  was  a  man  of  ability  and  resourceful,  who  might  have 
said  something  new,  he  made  exactly,  word  for  word,  the 
same  speech  from  beginning  to  end  that  he  had  made  the 
night  before,  and  told  the  same  anecdotes  in  precisely 
the  same  way. 

I  was  so  disappointed  at  not  hearing  anything  new  from 
him  that  I  never  forgot  the  lesson,  and  in  after  years,  when 
making  campaign  speeches  and  when  speaking  even  two  or 
three  times  a  day,  and  sometimes  oftener,  I  always  tried  to 
have  something  new  each  time  I  spoke ;  not  alone  something 
new  in  subject  matter,  but  also  something  new  in  form  of 
expression  in  presenting  the  same  topics,  something  new  in 
anecdotes  if  I  saw  fit  to  illustrate  in  thaJt  way,  something 
that  would  show  some  versatility,  and  be  of  some  interest  to 
the  man  w'ho  might  have  heard  me  the  night  before,  or  at 
some  other  time  during  the  campaign. 

It  was  sometimes  hard  to  do  so,  but  I  always  felt  better 
when  I  struck  some  new  chord  or  advanced  some  new  thought 


BOYHOOD  13 

I  had  not  previously  presented.  By  watching  the  newspapers 
and  reading  them  closely,  I  usually  found  it  easy  to  thus 
vary  my  remarks,  and  yet  be  always  discussing  the  same 
general  subjects. 

I  remember  that  once — I  cannot  now  give  the  date,  except 
that  it  was,  I  think,  while  I  was  Governor — ex-President 
Hayes,  Major  then>  but  afterwards  President  McKinley^ 
and  I  were  lunching  together  at  the  St.  Nicholas  Hotel  in 
Cincinnati,  when  in  some  way  this  subject  came  up  for 
comment,  and  that  ex-President  Hayes  surprised  both  of  us; 
by  advising  us  to  make  always  the  same  speech  everyivhere 
we  went,  except  as  we  might  have  occasion  to  make  allu- 
sions to  local  events  or  circumstances,  or  some  new  event  or 
fresh  occurrence;  all  on  the  theory  that  every  audience  we 
addressed  was  entitled  to  the  very  best  speech  we  could 
make,  and  that  if  we  carefully  prepared  a  speech  and 
committed  it  to  memory,  it  would  be  better,  as  a  rule,  at 
least,  than  anything  new  that  we  might  say  extemporane- 
ously, or  without  careful  consideration  or  studious  selection 
of  the  language  in  which  we  should  express  ourselves. 
There  might  be  much  said  along  the  line  of  the  ex-Presi- 
dent's observations,  but  I  have  always  felt  stronger,  and  at 
least  thought  I  was  niore  forcible,  persuasive  and  eflScient 
when  I  was  not  tied  to  any  set  phrases,  and  did  not  have 
to  tax  my  mind  to  remember  mere  words. 

I  think  this  has  been  the  experience  of  most  public 
speakers;  at  least  it  has  been  so  far  as  I  have  heard  them 
make  expressions  on  the  subject. 

During  these  boyhood  years  I  made  many  acquaintances 
and  friendships  that  I  have  never  forgotten  but  have  always 
prized  highly  through  all  the  busy  years  of  a  long  life. 

Among  them  may  be  mentioned  the  Honorable  Thomas 
M.  Watts,  who  has  been  a  prominent  and  useful  citizen, 
filling  most  creditably  a  number  of  important  public  offices^ 
among  them  that  of  State  Senator  from  his  Senatorial 
district,  and  Judge  of  the  Probate  Court  of  Highland 
County.  We  were  schoolmates  in  a  district  school  taught 
by  his  father.  He  was  always  studious,  kind-hearted,  true 
and  loyal,  and  faithful  in  all  his  duties,  both  public  and 


14  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

private.  He  had  two  brothers,  Roderick  L.  Watts  and 
Theophilus,  both  of  them  splendid  men  of  the  same  type, 
and  both  of  them  most  excellent  teachers.  At  different  times 
I  attended  their  schools,  and  was  always  greatly  profited  by 
their  teachings.  They  lived  long  and  useful  lives  and  were 
highly  esteemed  and  honored  by  all  who  knew  them. 

Another  dear  friend  was  a  blind  man,  Alfred  Skeen.  He 
lived  on  a  farm  adjoining  my  father's  farm.  He  was  always 
so  patient,  and  so  thoughtful,  and  so  sound  in  judgment 
that  I  came  early  to  esteem  and  highly  appreciate  his  friend- 
ship and  companionship. 

When  disposed  to  be  impatient  over  some  disappointment 
that  befell  me  I  always  thought  of  Alfred  Skeen  and  tried 
to  accept  whatever  had  happened,  without  complaint,  because 
his  misfortunes  were  so  much  greater  than  mine  or  those  of 
most  people.  His  example  of  never  complaining  was  so 
impressive  that  anyone  who  o'bserved  it  never  failed  to  be 
profited  by  it. 

In  the  way  indicated  the  years  passed  until  the  time  came 
in  October,  1861,  for  me  to  quit  the  farm.  It  came  unex- 
pectedly and  without  anything  being  done  on  my  part,  or 
on  the  part  of  any  of  my  family  to  bring  it  about.  Two 
or  three  years  before  that  date  my  Uncle  James  Reece  had 
been  elected  County  Auditor  of  Highland  County  and  had 
given  a  clerical  position  in  his  office  at  Hillsboro  to  my 
brother  Burch,  who  during  the  time  of  his  service  with  him 
lived  with  him  in  his  family.  He  was  a  faithful,  careful, 
industrious,  painstaking  brother,  dearly  beloved  as  such  not 
only  by  all  the  members  of  the  family,  but  by  everybody 
else  who  knew  him. 

No  one  was  surprised  when  my  uncle  gave  him  a  position 
in  his  office,  and  took  him  to  live  with  his  family  as  a 
mem'ber  of  it.  As  already  mentioned,  he  was  five  years  older 
than  I,  and,  therefore,  old  enough  to  enlist  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war.  This  he  did  in  Company  I,  24th  Regiment, 
O.  V.  I.  He  thus  vacated  his  place  in  the  office,  but  my 
uncle  did  not  at  once  fill  it.  He  in  common  with  almost 
every  one  else  entertained  the  opinion  that  the  war  would 
not  be  of  long  duration,  and  that  my  brother  might  soon 


BOYHOOD  15 

return  to  take  his  place  with  him  again.  He,  therefore,  held 
it  open  for  him  until  in  October,  at  which  time  he  tendered 
it  to  me. 

I  still  remember  as  though  only  yesterday,  how  my  father 
came  to  me  with  a  letter  to  him  from  my  uncle,  telling  him 
that  he  would  have  to  fill  my  brother's  place,  and  that  he 
wanted  to  give  it  to  me;  and  how  he  thought  it  would  be 
of  great  advantage  to  me  to  hold  it  until  my  brother's  return. 

I  remember,  too,  that  I  was  greatly  surprised,  and  that 
I  doubted  my  qualifications  for  the  place,  and  my  ability  to 
fill  it  with  anything  like  such  acceptability  as  my  brother 
had  filled  it,  and,  therefore,  feared  I  would  suffer  by  com- 
parison in  my  uncle's  estimation  if  I  accepted  his  offer. 

My  uncle  was  one  of  the  most  kind,  thoughtful  and  affec- 
tionate of  men.  He  had  apparently  foreseen  how  I  might 
feel  about  it,  and,  therefore,  in  his  letter  had  anticipated 
all  my  objections  and  answered  them  so  as  to  remove  from 
my  mind  any  serious  doubt  as  to  my  duty  to  accept  the 
place,  which  I  did  to  my  father's  very  great  satisfaction; 
for  while  recognizing  that  I  was  not  well  prepared  for  such 
duties,  yet  he  had  confidence  in  my  ability  to  learn  and  to 
become  efficient  and  helpful,  and  also  had  confidence  that 
the  experience  would  be  of  great  value  to  me  in  preparing 
me  to  make  a  start  in  life,  when  sooner  or  later  it  would 
be  necessary  for  me  to  do  so. 

My  father  also  realized  that  it  would  be  of  great  advan- 
tage to  me  to  live  with  my  uncle  in  his  family  and  have 
the  opportunity  that  would  be  thus  presented  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  kind  of  life  people  lived  in  the  important 
county  seat  cities  and  towns,  where  they  had  more  culture 
and  refinement  than  those  of  us  enjoyed  who  at  that  time 
lived  on  the  farms. 

Accordingly  I  quit  the  dear  old  farm, — every  field  and 
hill  and  hollow  and  tree  and  spring  and  brook  of  which  was 
like  a  friend  of  many  years  standing, — and  took  up  my 
abode  with  my  uncle,  and  entered  upon  my  duties  as  a  clerk 
in  the  County  Auditor's  office. 

I  remained  there,  living  with  his  family  and  working  in 
the   office,    until   July    14,    1862,   when   I,   too,    enlisted   in 


16  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

Company  A,  89th  Regiment,  O.  V.  I.  The  Union  cause  had 
not  been  progressing  very  favorably.  We  had  lost  a  number 
of  important  battles.  The  outlook  was  full  of  doubt  and 
trouble.  Every  one  then  realized  that  the  war  would  prob- 
ably be  of  long  duration,  and  that  thousands,  even  hundreds 
of  thousands,  additional  troops  would  be  needed  to  suppress 
the  rebellion.  The  impression  prevailed  everywhere  that 
every  man  able  to  carry  a  gun  should  be  at  the  front. 
Under  such  circumstances  my  uncle  rather  reluctantly  and 
yet  patriotically  and  resignedly  acquiesced  in  my  determi- 
nation to  enlist. 

I  gave  up  my  place  and  in  a  few  weeks  was  off  to  the 
front,  there  to  remain  until  the  close  of  the  war.  The  ten 
months  spent  in  Hillsboro,  living  in  my  uncle's  family,  and 
doing  clerical  work  in  the  Auditor's  office,  proved  of  great 
benefit  and  advantage  to  me  in  the  new  duties  I  was  to 
undertake,  as  well  as  in  all  the  years  of  my  subsequent  life. 

I  made  during  this  period  great  improvement  in  my  pen- 
manship, but  the  most  valuable  thing  that  I  acquired  was 
the  knowledge  of  how  the  public  business  of  the  county 
was  conducted. 

My  duties  brought  me  in  contact  with  the  County  Com- 
missioners, who  held  their  meetings  in  the  Auditor's  office, 
and  for  whose  Board  the  County  Auditor,  or  his  clerk 
(myself),  always  acted  as  secretary. 

In  the  same  way  I  was  brought  in  contact  with  the  County 
Treasurer,  for  whom  we  made  up  the  tax  duplicates  on 
which  he  collected  the  revenues  out  of  which  the  expenses  of 
the  county  government  were  paid. 

Althoug'h  not  brought  into  immediate  contact  with  them, 
I  soon  became  acquainted  with  the  Prosecuting  Attorney, 
the  Probate  Judge,  the  Sheriff,  and  the  Clerk  of  the  Court, 
and  had  an  opportunity  to  see  something  of  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  when  the  Common  Pleas  Court  was  in  session. 
All  this  was  intensely  interesting  to  me. 

It  was  my  first  glimpse  of  the  life  of  a  government. 

Of  this  part  of  my  boyhood  days  I  have  not  only  a  pleas- 
ing but  a  most  appreciative  recollection. 


CHAPTER  III. 

IN    THE    ARMY. 

MY  enlistment  came  about  unexpectedly.  On  my  way 
home  from  Sunday  school  July  13,  1862,  I  happened 
to  fall  into  the  company  of  William  H.  Glenn,  who  was  the 
local  agent  at  Hillsboro  of  our  only,  at  that  time,  railroad, 
and  who  was  a  near  neighbor  to  my  Uncle  James  Reece, 
with  whom  I  was  living. 

He  was  a  man  well  known  and  highly  esteemed  and  I 
had  become  pretty  well  acquained  with  him  during  the  time 
I  had  lived  near  him. 

We  frequently  met  as  we  were  passing  back  and  forth  to 
and  from  our  respective  homes  and  places  of  business. 

The  war  had  then  been  in  progress  more  than  a  year.  The 
Union  forces  had  met  with  some  disastrous  reverses,  of  which 
Bull  Run  and  Ball's  Bluff  were  examples,  and  had  achieved 
only  enough  success  to  keep  the  loyal  people  of  the  North 
from  becoming  discouraged. 

Fort  Donelson  and  "Unconditional  Surrender"  Grant  came 
just  in  time  to  give  renewed  confidence  and  hope  to  the 
friends  of  the  Union  throughout  all  the  Northern  States. 

Shiloh  was  also  reassuring,  but  it  was  so  bloody  and  the 
reports  that  our  troops  had  been  surprised,  and  that  they 
showed  lack  of  discipline,  and  that  Grant,  who  had  loomed 
up  so  splendidly  on  the  Cumberland  River,  had  been  drunk, 
and  was  responsible  for  all  that  was  unsatisfactory,  caused 
keener  appreciation  of  the  serious  magnitude  of  the  work 
ahead  than  had  been  theretofore  realized. 

All  this  was  accentuated  by  another  call  for  soldiers. 

I  had  wanted  to  go  with  my  brother  in  the  24th  Ohio, 
then  later  with  the  60th  Ohio,  a  one  year's  regiment, 
recruited  during  the  summer  and  fall  of  1861,  almost  entirely 

17 


18  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

from  Highland  County,  but  every  one  insisted  that  I  was 
too  young,  and  that  I  would  not  be  accepted  for  that  reason. 

I  realized  that  I  was  under  age — a  mere  boy — and  that 
real  men  were  needed,  and,  therefore,  rather  sorrowfully 
concluded  I  would  not  be  able  to  give  a  service  I  was 
anxious  to  render.  It  seemed  hard  and  inglorious  to  be 
compelled  to  remain  at  home  w^hen  such  heroic  work  was 
to  be  done. 

I  read  the  papers  carefully  and  followed  the  fortunes  of 
the  different  regiments  of  which  I  had  some  knowledge  with 
the  keenest  interest  and  extremest  anxiety. 

When  the  news  came  that  the  12th  Ohio,  Company  K, 
of  which  riegiment  had  been  recruited  in  Highland  County, 
and  among  whose  members  I  had  a  number  of  personal 
friends,  and  the  Captain  of  which  company  was  Judge 
James  Sloane,  with  whom  I  afterward  read  law,  had  been 
engaged  in  the  battle  of  Scarey  Creek,  and  that  Captain 
Sloane  had  been  wounded,  it  seemed  like  the  war  had  indeed 
come  home  to  us,  and  that  blood  had  been  shed  that  we 
should  all  join  in  avenging. 

This  feeling  was  intensified  when  later  the  news  was  flashed 
to  us  of  the  Battle  of  Carnifex  Ferry,  a  much  more  impor- 
tant engagement,  and  that  the  12th  Ohio  was  again  in  the 
fight,  this  time  suffering  still  more  severe  losses.  Colonel 
Lowe,  the  gallant  Colonel,  being  among  those  killed  in 
the  battle. 

The  strain  grew  constantly  greater  and  more  intense,  until 
life  at  home  became  irksome  and  almost  intolerable. 

Almost  every  day  we  read  of  some  engagement  somewhere 
in  which  Ohio  troops  participated,  and  found  among  the 
losses  and  casualties  the  names  of  friends  and  acquaintances. 

It  was  not  long  until  the  24th  Ohio  met  the  enemy,  first 
in  some  slight  skirmishes  near  Cheat  Mountain  and  then  on 
the  Green  Brier  River  in  West  Virginia. 

My  brother's  letters  giving  the  details  of  his  experiences 
were  intensely  interesting.  They  were  read  not  only  by  the 
whole  family  but  were  sought  after  and  passed  around  from 
family  to  family  throughout  the  neighborhood  until  they 
were  almost  worn  out  by  the  continued  handling  of  them. 


IN    THE    ARMY  19 

A  little  later,  In  the  winter  of  1861,  that  regiment  was 
transferred  from  West  Virginia  to  Louisville,  Kentucky,  and 
was  there  made  a  part  of  Buell's  army. 

A  few  weeks  later,  April  6th  and  7th,  this  regiment 
brigaded  with  the  6th  Ohio,  the  famous  Guthrie  Greys, 
participated  in  the  Battle  of  Shiloh,  and  then  in  the  Corinth 
campaign  that  followed. 

My  brother  was  fortunate  enough  to  capture  at  Shiloh  a 
double  barrelled  shot  gun  that  a  Confederate  soldier  had  used 
in  the  battle.  He  sent  it  home  to  me.  This  is  a  trifling 
incident,  but  it  had  the  effect  of  causing  me  to  think  more 
and  more  of  my  own  duty  in  the  premises. 

I  finally  determined  that  if  I  could  not  enlist  as  a  soldier 
I  would  in  some  other  capacity  find  a  way  to  help  in  the 
great  struggle. 

It  was  while  my  mind  was  in  this  state  that  I  walked 
home,  as  above  noted,  from  Sunday  school  in  company  with 
my  neighbor  and  friend  and  was  told  by  him  in  the  con- 
versation we  had  that  he  had  only  the  night  before  received 
a  commission  from  Governor  Tod,  authorizing  him  to  raise 
a  company  to  be  designated  "Company  A,"  and  to  be 
assigned  to  the  89th  Regiment  of  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry, 
and  that  he  intended  to  immediately  resign  his  railroad 
agency  and  commence  recruiting  his  company. 

I  recognized  that  my  opportunity  to  enter  the  service 
had  come.  He  was  my  neighbor  and  friend — a  most  excel- 
lent man;  honorable,  high-minded,  and  in  every  way  a 
suitable  man  to  have  command  and  have  charge  of  men; 
to  look  out  not  only  for  their  training  and  discipline,  but 
also  for  their  health  and  safety  from  unnecessary  hardships 
and  exposures. 

I  told  him  while  I  was  not  yet  eighteen  I  would  like  to 
go  with  him  and  I  would  like  to  have  the  honor  of  being 
his  first  recruit. 

He  seemed  greatly  pleased,  and  said  that  I  should  think 
it  over  and  that  at  about  nine  o'clock  the  next  morning  he 
would  call  at  the  Auditor's  office,  and  that  if  I  still  desired 
to  enlist,  I  should  have  the  honor  I  had  solicited. 


«0  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

The  next  morning  I  was  more  determined  than  ever,  so 
that  when  he  arrived  promptly  at  the  hour  named  at  the 
Auditor's  office,  I  signed  the  necessary  papers,  took  the 
necessary  oath  and  became,  as  the  record  shows,  the  first 
man  enlisted  in  Company  "A,"  89th  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry, 
and,  as  the  record  further  shows,  the  first  man  enlisted  in 
the  regiment. 

When  I  told  my  Uncle  James  Reece  Sunday  afternoon 
what  I  had  said  to  Captain  Glenn  and  that  I  wanted  his 
approval  of  my  proposed  action,  he  seemed  greatly  dis- 
tressed. It  seemed  to  him  that  I  was  too  young,  and  that, 
I  did  not  know  enough  about  taking  care  of  my  health, 
and  feared  I  would  not  be  able  to  endure  the  hardships. 
But  finally,  after  talking  the  matter  all  over  with  him,  he 
yielded  his  consent,  and  thus  gave  me  peace  of  mind  about 
it,  which  I  could  not  have  had  if  I  had  enlisted  against  his 
judgment  and  advice. 

I  had  no  opportunity  to  consult  either  my  father  or 
mother,  who  lived  twelve  miles  in  the  country,  but  they 
knew  my  disposition,  and  I  knew  they  were  prepared  to 
hear  almost  any  time  of  my  enlistment,  and  that  they  would 
not  be  surprised  when  they  learned  that  I  was  to  be  a 
member  of  Captain  Glenn's  company. 

A  month  was  spent  in  recruiting  the  company.  It  seemed 
hard  to  get  a  good  start.  Various  parts  of  the  county  were 
visited.  We  had  a  drum  corps,  and  flags  and  speakers,  and 
while  there  was  much  enthusiasm,  yet  there  was  some  reluc- 
tance upon  the  part  of  men  who  had  made  up  their  minds 
to  enlist  in  determining  to  what  regiment,  of  a  number  that 
were  then  being  recruited,  they  would  attach  themselves. 

Finally,  however,  the  tide  turned  in  our  favor,  and  then 
our  ranks  were  speedily  filled.  In  due  time  we  were  ordered 
to  rendezvous  at  Camp  Dennison,  where  we  were  assigned 
quarters  in  wooden  barracks,  and  were  joined  in  a  few  days 
by  other  companies  that  had  been  recruited  for  our  regi- 
ment; one  other  company,  "Company  I,"  Captain  David  M. 
Barrett,  from  Highland  County,  three  companies  from  Cler- 
mont County,  two  companies  from  Brown  County,  and  three 


IN    THE    ARMY  ^1 

companies  from  Ross  County — ^ten  in  all — a  full  regiment 
of  a  thousand  men. 

Our  Colonel  was  John  G.  Marshall  of  Georgetown.  He 
was  related  in  some  way  to  General  Grant,  and  naturally 
had  larger  stature  in  our  estimation  on  that  account.  He 
was  a  lawyer  by  profession  and  had  a  fondness  for  public 
speaking,  in  which  he  indulged  on  every  occasion  that  gave 
him  an  excuse,  especially  if  he  had  been  drinking,  for  which 
he  soon  developed  an  over-fondness. 

Our  Lieutenant  Colonel  was  James  Rowe  of  Chillicothe, 
who  had  been  an  officer  in  the  Ohio  Militia. 

He  was  of  rather  delicate  health  and  on  that  account 
soon  resigned. 

Our  Major  was  Joseph  D.  Hatfield,  a  Baptist  minister 
from  Clermont  County.  He  finally  succeeded  to  the  Col- 
onelcy, but  did  not  develop  an  aptitude  for  a  military 
command  of  such  important  character,  and  before  a  year 
had  passed  he,  too,  was  out  of  the  service  and  home  again. 

The  officers  of  our  company  were  William  H.  Glenn, 
Captain;  Henry  H.  Mullinix,  first  Lieutenant;  and  Samuel 
A.  Glenn,  second  Lieutenant.  Of  these  only  Samuel  A. 
Glenn  had  seen  any  service. 

He  had  been  a  Sergeant  in  Company  I  of  the  24th 
O.  V.  I.,  the  same  company  in  which  my  brother  was  serving. 

On  account  of  this  experience  he,  and  a  few  others  in 
other  companies,  especially  Capt.  W.  R.  Adams  of  Company 
K,  and  Lieutenant,  afterward  Captain,  Isaac  C.  Nelson  of 
Company  D,  who  had  seen  some  service,  were  very  valuable 
officers  to  the  whole  regiment. 

The  non-commissioned  officers  were  appointed  by  the 
Colonel  on  the  recommendation  of  the  Captain  of  the  com- 
pany. When  they  were  appointed  I  was  gratified  to  find 
that  I  was  given  the  place  of  second  Sergeant.  With  that 
rank  I  was  mustered  in  with  the  regiment  on  the  26th  day 
of  August,  1862. 

We  were  permitted  to  spend  only  a  few  days  at  Camp 
Dennison,  but  these  few  days  were  full  of  hard  work,  drilling 
and  making  necessary  preparation  for  service  at  the  front. 


22  JOSEPH  BENSON   FORAKER 

Before  we  were  anything  like  properly  drilled  and  disciplined 
we  were  hurried  into  active  service  in  the  rear  of  Covington 
and  Newport,  Kentucky,  to  resist  a  threatened  attack  on 
Cincinnati  by  Kirby  Smith,  who  was  then  making  his  cele- 
brated raid. 

We  left  Camp  Dennison  during  the  first  week  of  September. 
The  weather  was  intensely  warm.  We  had  not  yet  become 
accustomed  to  our  new  uniforms.  We  had  worn  them  only 
a  few  days.  They  were  entirely  too  heavy  for  such  a 
temperature.  Our  knapsacks  were  filled  almost  to  the 
bursting  point,  and  on  top  of  them  we  carried  a  heavy 
blanket. 

We  went  by  rail  to  Cincinnati,  disembarked  at  the  "Little 
Miami  Depot,"  as  it  was  then  called,  and  marched  through 
the  streets  of  Cincinnati  to  a  position  in  front  of  the 
Burnet  House,  at  that  time  one  of  the  principal  hotels  of  the 
city.  There  we  were  paraded  before  Governor  Tod  and 
General  Lew  Wallace,  who  was  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
forces  assembled  for  the  defense  of  the  city.  A  number  of 
speeches  were  made  to  us,  all  very  complimentary  in  char- 
acter. Among  others  who  spoke  was  our  Colonel.  In  the 
course  of  his  remarks  he  christened  us  the  "Tod  Tigers," 
a  name  that  clung  to  us  throughout  our  service. 

When  the  speeches  were  ended  we  were  marched  to  the 
pontoon  bridge  crossing  the  Ohio  River,  and  over  it  into 
Covington,  Kentucky,  and  out  beyond  the  city  on  to  some 
high  hills  of  which  our  troops  were  taking  possession,  and 
there  put  into  position  for  the  night  at  what  was  supposed 
to  be  the  very  front. 

We  had  scarcely  gone  into  camp  before  I  was  detailed 
for  guard  duty  and  acted  during  the  night  as  one  of  the 
Sergeants  of  the  camp  guard.  Shortly  after  I  was  so  assigned 
to  duty  "Company  A" — ^the  company  to  which  I  belonged — 
was  detailed  for  picket  duty,  and  spent  the  night  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  in  advance  of  our  camp  in  that  kind  of  service. 
In  this  way  I  was  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  conferring 
with  the  officers  of  my  company  in  regard  to  the  first 
serious  experience  and  trouble  I  had  as  a  soldier.     I  had 


IN  THE  ARMY  23 

never  before  been  on  such  duty.  Hardly  anybody  else  in 
the  regiment  had  ever  had  any  such  experience.  It  was  our 
first  night  "at  the  front." 

Some  time  during  the  night,  when  it  became  my  duty  to 
put  on  a  relief  guard,  I  found  one  of  the  soldiers  intoxi- 
cated ;  so  much  so  that  he  was  utterly  unfit  for  duty.  I  put 
another  man  in  his  place  and  a  guard  over  him,  and  in  the 
morning,  immediately  after  roll  call,  reported  him  to  the 
officer  of  the  day.  Some  one  told  the  Colonel.  He  was 
very  much  incensed  to  think  that  on  the  very  first  day  of 
service,  in  what  he  was  pleased  to  call  the  "enemy's  country," 
one  of  the  Tod  Tigers  should  be  guilty  of  such  an  offense. 
With  a  loud  voice  he  called  upon  me  as  Sergeant  of  the 
guard  to  bring  the  offending  soldier  to  his  headquarters. 
This  order  made  me  nervous,  for  I  had  never  before  been 
very  near  to  the  Colonel.  I  had  never  before  spoken  to  him 
nor  had  he  ever  spoken  to  me.  To  be  unexpectedly  called 
before  him  in  such  a  way  filled  me  with  apprehension.  At 
that  time  he  was  to  me  a  very  august  person. 

It  was,  therefore,  with  fear  and  trembling  that  I  brought 
the  guilty  ofi'ender  forward,  and  stood  by  while  the  Colonel 
interrogated  first  the  soldier  and  then  myself  as  to  what 
had  happened. 

After  he  became  thus  informed,  and  after  almost  the 
entire  regiment  had  gathered  about  to  see  w*hat  was  going 
on,  he  proceeded  to  make  a  speech  in  which  he  told  of  the 
serious  character  of  the  offense  that  had  been  committed; 
that  nothing  could  be  worse  than  that  a  soldier  appointed 
to  guard  his  sleeping  comrades  should  be  guilty  of  drinking 
to  excess  and  making  himself  incapable  of  discharging  that 
duty,  thus  putting  the  lives  of  all  the  regiment  in  jeopardy, 
for  all  this  had  happened  not  only  in  the  enemy's  country, 
but  also  in  the  very  presence,  as  it  were,  of  the  enemy,  who 
was  expected  to  attack  us  almost  any  hour. 

He  finally  ended  his  discourse  by  sentencing  him  then 
and  there,  without  court  martial  or  any  other  proceeding, 
to  have  his  head  shaved,  and  directed  me,  as  the  Sergeant 
in  charge,  to  proceed  to  execute  the  sentence. 


24  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

From  the  first  my  embarrassment  had  been  increasing. 
This  capped  the  chmax.  I  did  not  know  what  to  do,  but 
I  had  to  do  something  and  do  it  at  once.  Never  having 
shaved  anybody's  head,  I  timidly  asked  wha:t  I  should  shave 
his  head  with.  The  Colonel  answered  in  a  stern  voice,  which 
indicated  impatience  with  my  ignorance  as  to  how  to  pro- 
ceed, that  I  should  shave  his  head  with  a  razor,  of  course. 
I  told  him  I  had  no  razor;  w*here  could  I  get  one?  He  then 
suggested  that  I  might  substitute  a  pair  of  scissors.  I  told 
him  I  had  no  scissors,  and  did  not  know  where  I  could  get 
a  pair.  With  this  he  became  very  impatient  and  gave  me 
a  severe  lecture  for  having  neither  razor  nor  scissors,  but 
told  me  to  cut  his  hair  with  my  knife.  I  had  a  knife,  but 
by  this  time  I  was  so  thoroughly  confused  that  I  had  great 
difficulty  to  get  my  hand  under  my  belted  blouse  and  into  my 
pocket.  Finally,  however,  I  got  it  out  and  opened  it,  but  not 
knowing  just  how  to  proceed  to  use  it,  I  stood  a  moment 
hesitating  what  to  do,  when  the  Colonel,  greatly  to  my  relief, 
snatched  it  out  of  my  hand,  grabbed  the  man  by  the  hair  and 
commenced  to  saw  off  one  lock  after  another,  the  man  groan- 
ing and  the  Colonel  all  the  while  commenting  on  the  gravity 
of  the  offense  and  the  propriety  of  the  punishment  he  was 
administering  as  an  object  lesson  to  all  others. 

He  cut  away  until  the  poor  man's  head  was  quite  spotted. 
At  last,  satisfied  with  what  he  had  accomplished,  he  directed 
me  to  remove  the  prisoner,  but  to  set  him  to  work  digging 
a  ditch  as  a  further  punishment  for  his  very  great  offense. 
What  kind  of  a  ditch  and  where  it  should  be  located  he  did 
not  specify,  and  I,  profiting  by  experience,  did  not  make 
any  inquiries,  but  marched  him  down  into  a  ravine  near 
the  edge  of  the  camp  and  set  him  to  work  with  a  spade  that 
I  secured  from  the  Quartermaster.  He  continued  at  this 
work  until  guard  mount  came  and  I  was  relieved. 

Just  when  and  how  the  soldier  was  relieved  I  do  not 
now  recall. 

The  Colonel's  excited,  nervous  and  impulsive  manner  not 
only   continued   but   grew   worse,   until   a   few   weeks   later, 


IN    THE    ARMY  2$ 

w*hile  we  were  at  Point  Pleasant,  West  Virginia,  he  was 
dismissed  from  the  service. 

We  were  unfortunate  as  to  all  our  field  officers,  but  each 
dropped  out  before  the  end  of  the  first  year  in  the  field. 

We  were  most  fortunate,  however,  in  the  officers  who  suc- 
ceeded them.  Caleb  H.  Carlton,  a  graduate  of  West  Point, 
and  a  Captain  of  the  4th  U.  S.  Infantry,  was  appointed 
Colonel.  William  H.  Glenn,  Captain  of  Company  A,  became 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  and  John  H.  Jolly,  Captain  of  Company 
E,  became  Major.  These  officers  quickly  brought  the  regi- 
ment to  a  high  state  of  efficiency. 

Celonel  Carlton  was  one  of  the  most  capable  officers  it 
was  my  fortune  to  meet  during  all  my  experience  in  the 
service.  He  was  a  strict  disciplinarian,  a  fine  drill  officer, 
brave  and  cool  in  battle,  and  always  dignified  and  courteous 
in  his  intercourse  with  both  officers  and  men.  He  quickly 
acquired  and  never  lost  the  confidence,  admiration  and  affec- 
tionate regard  and  esteem  of  the  entire  regiment.  It  was 
a  great  pleasure  to  me  to  call  his  splendid  record  to  the 
attention  of  President  McKinley,  who,  solely  on  his  merit, 
promoted  him  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General.  He  is  now 
on  the  retired  list. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SERVICE  IN   WEST    VIRGINIA   AND   TENNESSEE. 

WE  were  kept  in  the  rear  of  Covington  and  Newport, 
changing  our  position  a  number  of  times,  until  Kirby 
Smith  disappeared  and  all  apparent  danger  for  Cincinnati 
passed  away. 

These  were  at  times  exciting  days,  and  our  experience  was 
an  important  preparation  for  what  was  to  follow.  Forts 
were  erected,  breastworks  were  constructed,  trees  were  felled 
to  clear  our  front  and  obstruct  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  during  this  period,  while  we  were  stationed  at  a 
point  called  Fort  Shaler,  in  the  rear  of  Newport,  that 
Lincoln,  September  22,  1862,  issued  his  Emancipation 
Proclamation. 

When  the  daily  papers  reached  the  camp  the  men  quickly 
gathered  in  groups  about  one  of  their  number  who  read 
aloud  for  the  benefit  of  all. 

Every  man  seemed  to  realize  the  significance  of  the  step 
that  had  been  taken;  that  a  change  in  the  character  of  the 
struggle  had  taken  place,  which  thenceforth  was  to  involve 
not  alone  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  but  also  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery. 

There  was  little  doubt  expressed — I  do  not  now  recall 
any — as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  act.  On  the  contrary,  by 
all  so  far  as  I  can  now  remember,  it  was  applauded  as  not 
only  a  necessary  war  measure,  but  as  wise,  timely,  inevitable 
and  calculated  to  help  our  cause,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

Every  man  knew  that  it  meant  a  long,  bloody  war,  but 
all  felt  that  the  contest  had  been  placed  on  a  higher  and 
better  plane,  both  morally  and  patriotically;  that  Union 
victory  in  consequence  meant  something  worth  fighting  for, 
and,  if  need  be,  dying  for.     The  result  was  a  firmer  reso- 


WEST  VIRGINIA  AND   TENNESSEE  ST 

lution  on  the  part  of  every  one  to  achieve  success,  let  the 
sacrifice  and  consequences  be  what  they  might. 

A  few  days  later  we  were  put  under  marching  orders. 
Until  we  broke  camp  and  started  back  across  the  Ohio  River 
into  Cincinnati,  where  we  were  loaded  into  a  train  of  box 
freight  cars,  we  had  no  idea  where  we  were  bound  for;  and 
it  did  not  matter.  We  were  glad  to  be  moving,  for  in  that 
fact  alone  there  was  promise  of  an  opportunity  to  render 
more  useful  services. 

After  we  were  on  board  the  train  we  learned  that  we  were 
en  route  for  West  Virginia,  the  immediate  point  being  Point 
Pleasant  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha  Valley. 

Our  forces  in  that  locality  had  met  with  some  reverses, 
and  practically  the  whole  valley  was  in  the  possession  of 
the  Confederate  forces. 

We  were  taken  by  rail  to  Hamden,  and  thence  to  Oak 
Hill,  in  Jackson  County,  Ohio,  passing  in  sight  of  the 
residence  of  the  Honorable  H.  S.  Bundy,  situated  on  a  farm 
where  Wellston  now  stands. 

I  did  not  know  Mr.  Bundy  at  that  time,  or  take  any 
note  then  of  his  home,  but  later  when  the  war  was  over, 
and  while  I  was  a  student  at  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  University 
at  Delaware,  I  met  there  Mr.  Bundy's  daughter,  who  was 
a  student  at  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  Female  College,  and  became 
engaged  to  her,  and  that  made  it  interesting  to  me  to  visit 
her  in  this  home,  where  in  1870  we  were  married. 

Disembarking  at  Oak  Hill,  we  marched  via  Gallipolis  to 
Point  Pleasant,  where  we  joined  and  became  a  part  of  the 
forces  then  being  assembled  there  under  the  command  of 
Major  General  Jacob  D.  Cox. 

The  task  before  us  was  the  recapture  of  the  valley. 

When  a  short  time  later  we  started  on  the  march  to  meet 
the  enemy,  as  we  supposed,  we  were  surprised,  in  view  of 
his  reported  strength,  to  find  that  he  did  not  stand  and 
give  us  battle,  but  from  day  to  day  as  we  cautiously 
advanced  he  continued  to  fall  back,  only  now  and  then 
making  enough  resistance  by  his  rear  guard  to  cover 
his  retreat. 


g8  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

Finally  we  reached  Kanawha  Falls,  at  the  head  of  the 
valley,  just  in  time  to  see  the  last  of  the  enemy's  column 
disappearing  over  Cotton  Mountain  toward  Fayetteville. 

The  following  day  we  learned  why  our  success  had  been 
so  easily  achieved,  and  that  we  were  entitled  to  only  a  part 
of  the  credit,  for  we  were  then  and  there  joined  by  another 
column  of  Union  soldiers,  under  the  command  of  General 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes.  These  soldiers  were  fresh  from  the 
battles  of  South  Mountain  and  Antietam,  and  were  hurrying 
from  the  East  to  the  head  of  the  valley  to  intercept  the 
retreating  Confederates,  who,  apprised  of  the  movement,  had 
been  yielding  to  our  advance,  not  so  much  to  avoid  battle 
■frith  us,  as  to  escape  a  trap  in  which  they  would  have  been 
caught  if  their  retreat  had  been  less  expeditious  than  it  was. 

For  a  short  time  the  two  columns  thus  gathered  were 
encamped  side  by  side.  This  was  our  first  acquaintance  with 
real  veterans,  fresh  from  battlefields,  where  great  victories 
had  been  won.  We  looked  upon  them  with  great  admiration. 
I  shall  not  undertake  to  say  how  they  regarded  us. 

We  could  not  help  feeling  that  we  were  at  a  great  dis- 
advantage as  compared  with  them;  that  they  had  seen  real 
service,  real  marching,  real  fighting,  and  that  they  had 
helped  to  accomplish  great  results. 

Looking  back  to  that  encampment,  it  is  interesting  to 
recall  that  we  had  present  there  at  that  time  General  Hayes, 
afterwards  President  of  the  United  States;  General  Cox, 
afterwards  Governor  of  Ohio,  and,  later,  a  distinguished 
member  of  President  Grant's  Cabinet ;  and,  also,  least  at  that 
time,  but  greater  than  either,  afterward,  William  McKinley, 
who  was  then  an  officer  of  the  23rd  Ohio,  which  was  a  part 
of  General  Hayes'  column. 

I  did  not  personally  know  any  of  these  men  at  the  time, 
but  in  after  years,  when  I  had  come  to  know  all  of  them, 
we  talked  frequently  of  the  Kanawha  campaign  and  that 
first  meeting. 

The  valley  having  been  recaptured,  and  winter  coming 
on — ^it  was  then  November — our  regiment  was  stationed  on 
the   south   side   of   Cotton   Mountain,   midway   between   the 


WEST  VIRGINIA  AND  TENNESSEE  ^9 

Falls  and  Fayetteville,  where  we  were  told  we  would  prob- 
ably remain  until  spring,  and  in  consequence  were  ordered 
to  construct  winter  quarters. 

For  a  month  or  more  we  were  kept  busy  and  hard  at 
work,  drilling  and  building  log  houses.  We  took  great 
pains  to  make  our  quarters  comfortable.  We  had  large  fire- 
places, well  arranged  bunking  conveniences,  and  were  glad 
indeed  when  we  were  able  to  quit  our  tents  and  take  up  our 
quarters  in  such  comfortable  homes.  The  evenings  were 
especially  enjoyable.  They  were  spent  sitting  about  the 
fires,  telling  stories,  talking  about  the  war,  home,  etc. 

But  our  plans  were  all  soon  upset.  The  battle  of  Stone 
River  was  fought  and  there  was  a  demand'  for  reinforce- 
ments for  Rosecrans.  Early  in  January,  therefore,  when 
we  had  hardly  become  well  settled  in  the  quarters  we  ha,d 
taken  so  much  pains  to  build,  we  were  ordered  to  break 
camp,  abandon  all  our  comforts,  and  start  to  the  relief  of 
our  comrades  in  Tennessee.  We  marched  back  over  Cotton 
Mountain  and  down  the  valley  as  far  as  Cannelton,  where 
we  were  halted  and  put  into  camp  for  a  short  time  in  the 
quarters  recently  vacated  by  the  30th  Ohio,  which  had  been 
sent  only  a  few  days  before  our  arrival  there  to  reinforce 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

It  was  two  or  three  weeks  before  boats  came  for  us. 
We  were  glad  indeed  when  they  arrived,  for  we  had  then 
been  long  enough  in  the  service  to  feel  mortified  that  we 
had  not  yet  been  in  any  kind  of  an  engagement. 

We  embarked  and  started  on  what  proved  to  be  a  long 
journey.  Down  the  Kanawha  to  the  Ohio,  and  then  down 
the  Ohio,  passing  Cincinnati,  Louisville,  and  on  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Cumberland,  and  then  up  that  stream  to  Fort 
Donelson,  reaching  there  just  as  the  second  battle  at  that 
place  was  ending. 

We  were  held  there  two  or  three  days,  and  during  this 
time  allowed  to  go  on  shore  and  visit  the  places  where  the 
fighting  was  done.  The  dead  were  still  unburied.  It  was 
the  first  battlefield,  with  its  ghastly  evidences  of  the  struggle 
remaining  that  we  had  had  opportunity  to  visit. 


30  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

It  is  probably  not  necessary  to  say  that  it  made  a  very 
lasting  impression  on  our  minds. 

At  the  end  of  our  short  stay  we  were  carried  by  our 
boats  to  Nashville,  where  we  disembarked  and  remained  in 
camp  for  two  or  three  weeks.  While  this  was  a  beautiful 
city,  beautifully  located,  yet  there  was  only  one  place  of 
real  interest  to  visit,  and  that  was  the  State  House.  I 
remember  being  much  interested  in  visiting  that.  It  was  the 
first  State  Capitol  building  I  had  ever  seen. 

At  the  end  of  our  short  stay  at  Nashville  we  were  taken 
to  Carthage,  sixty  miles  above  Nashville,  where  the  brigade 
to  which  we  had  been  attached,  commanded  by  Brigadier 
General  George  Crook,  was  stationed  as  a  sort  of  outpost 
or  guard  for  the  left  flank  of  our  army. 

We  had  here  a  beautiful  camp  on  a  plantation  that 
belonged  to  an  ex-Congressman  by  the  name  of  CuUom. 
He  was  a  typical  Southern  gentleman  of  the  ante-war  period. 
He  had  a  large  brick  residence,  surrounded  by  beautiful 
fields  and  groves  and  a  fine  orchard.  He  had  a  herd  of  deer, 
tShe  first  I  had  ever  seen.  The  farm  was  well  stocked  with 
cattle,  horses  and  other  animals. 

He  made  no  pretensions  of  sympathy  with  our  cause,  but 
in  a  manly  way  told  us  that  his  sympathies  were  all  with 
the  Confederates,  and  that  he,  too,  would  be  with  them 
except  only  for  his  age  and  infirmities.  He  must  have 
been  sorely  distressed,  and  in  his  heart  he  must  have  felt 
bitterly  aggrieved  to  have  a  whole  army,  as  it  were,  come 
and  take  possession  of  all  he  had  in  the  unceremonious  way 
in  which  we  visited  him;  but,  nevertheless,  he  was  always 
polite,  courteous  and  kind. 

I  do  not  now  recall  how  I  happened  to  become  acquainted 
with  him,  but  in  some  manner  I  met  him.  Learning  that  I 
was  from  Hillsboro,  Ohio,  he  asked  me  if  I  knew  Nelson 
Barrere,  with  whom  he  had  served  in  Congress  and  for 
whom  he  had  a  warm  feeling  of  friendship  and  of  high 
personal  regard. 

Mr.  Barrere  was  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers  at  the  Hills- 
boro bar  and  one  of  our  best  known  citizens.     I  was  able  to 


WEST  VIRGINIA  AND   TENNESSEE  31 

tell  him  many  things  about  him  that  greatly  interested  him 
and  caused  him  to  become  much  interested  in  me. 

Learning  one  day  that  the  Sergeant  Major  of  our  regi- 
ment, James  B.  Elliott,  a  first  cousin  of  mine,  for  whom 
I  had  all  the  affection  suggested  by  our  kinship,  was 
dangerously  ill  with  typhoid  fever  in  the  camp  hospital, 
where  it  was  difficult  to  take  proper  care  of  him,  he  insisted 
that  he  should  be  brought  to  his  house,  and  that  I  should 
come  there  and  remain  with  him  and  help  take  care  of 
him  during  his  illness. 

We  availed  ourselves  of  his  kind  offer,  but  all  in  vain, 
for  although  he  gave  us  every  possible  help  and  seemed  as 
much  concerned  as  though  the  sick  man  had  been  his  rela- 
tive instead  of  mine,  and  a  Confederate  instead  of  a  Union 
soldier,  the  poor  boy  continued  to  grow  worse,  and 
shortly  died. 

When  I  remember  the  tenderness  and  sympathy  of  this 
stout-hearted  man  and  recall  the  circumstances  under  whidi 
he  extended  such  hospitality  and  consideration,  I  find  myself 
placing  him  high  up — near  the  top  of  the  roll  among  the 
noblest  men  whom  it  has  been  my  fortune  to  know. 

His  splendid  plantation  was  a  military  camp.  His  fences, 
crops,  buildings,  in  short,  everything  visible  that  he  pos- 
sessed, was  destroyed  or  seriously  damaged,  except  only  the 
ground  itself,  and  that  was  trampled  and  interfered  with 
in  one  way  and  another,  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  prob- 
ably a  long  time  after  we  left  before  he  was  able  to  restore 
it  to  its  former  good  condition;  and  all  this  was  done  and 
being  done  by  the  enemy  of  the  cause  in  w'hich  all  his 
sympathies  were  enlisted,  and  yet  no  Union  man,  unharmed 
in  his  possessions,  or  undisturbed  in  his  feelings,  could  have 
been  kinder  or  more  knightly  in  his  conduct  toward  that 
poor,  unfortunate,  dying  boy  and  his  distressed  friends. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  TULLAHOMA,  CHATTANOOGA  AND  ATLANTA 
CAMPAIGNS. 

OUR  stay  at  Carthage  gave  us  an  opportunity,  which 
.  was  fully  improved,  to  become  much  better  drilled 
and  disciplined.  We  not  only  had  the  advantage  of  being 
brigaded  with  veteran  troops  like  the  11th  and  the  3Gth 
Ohio  Regiments,  from  whom  we  learned  much  by  observation 
and  contact,  but  our  Brigade  Commander  was  General  George 
Crook,  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  a  most  accomplished 
officer  who  knew  how  to  enforce  discipline  and  quickly  make 
soldiers  out  of  raw  recruits. 

In  addition  we  were  greatly  helped  by  two  slight  brushes 
with  the  enemy  during  this  period. 

Small  bodies  of  Confederate  cavalry  repeatedly  visited  the 
country  in  the  vicinity  of  our  camp,  apparently  on  only 
scouting  or  reconnoitering  expeditions.  On  two  occasions 
our  regiment  was  sent  out  to  drive  them  off.  Each  time  we 
had  a  skirmish  with  them,  in  one  of  which  Samuel  Pence, 
a  private  in  my  company,  received  a  slight  gunshot  wound 
in  the  calf  of  the  leg — the  first  blood  shed  by  the  89th! 

These  incidents  were  too  unimportant  to  mention,  except 
for  the  fact  that  they  enabled  us  to  realize  and  tell  that 
we  had  been  "under  fire,"  and  had  successfully  returned  it. 
That  gave  us  confidence  and  some  pride  in  our  record. 

In  the  meanwhile  I  had  been  promoted  to  be  first  Ser- 
geant, and  then  to  the  rank  of  second  Lieutenant,  each 
promotion  to  fill  a  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  promotion  of 
the  next  in  rank  above  me. 

Finally  we  were  greatly  rejoiced  to  receive  orders  to  join 
the  main  force  under  General  Rosecrans  at  Murfreesboro, 
where  we  were  assigned  to  the  Fourth  Division  of  the  Four- 
32 


TULLAHOMA,  CHATTANOOGA,  ATLANTA  SS 

teenth  Corps,  commanded  by  General  Reynolds,  in  time  to 
participate  as  such  in  the  TuUahoma  campaign. 

On  the  first  day  of  this  campaign  our  regiment  was  in 
the  advance  on  the  road  on  which  our  brigade  marched, 
and  it  was  ray  fortune  to  command  the  advance  guard,  con- 
sisting of  a  platoon  of  men  from  Company  A,  which  had 
the  advance  of  our  regiment. 

We  marched  rapidly  and  without  interruption,  feeling 
much  elation  over  the  thought  that  we  were  in  a  situation 
to  do  some  effective  work,  until  suddenly,  as  we  passed  a 
turn  in  the  road,  we  came  in  sight  of  a  squad  of  mounted 
men,  the  outpost  of  the  enemy,  not  more  than  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  in  front  of  us.  We  were  expecting,  sooner 
or  later,  to  come  upon  the  enemy's  pickets,  but  had  no  idea 
that  they  were  so  close  at  hand. 

At  the  same  instant  that  we  saw  them  they  fired  a  volley 
at  us  and  then  galloped  away.  We  returned  the  fire,  but 
neither  their  shots  nor  ours  took  effect.  These  were,  how- 
ever, the  opening  shots  in  our  particular  front  of  the 
battle  of  Hoover's  Gap,  not  a  very  serious  affair,  but  one 
I  mention  because  of  an  incident  happening  many  years 
later  that  had  reference  to  it. 

The  enemy  having  been  developed,  I  was  ordered  to  rejoin 
the  regiment,  which  with  other  regiments  was  formed  in  line 
of  battle,  and  behind  a  heavy  line  of  skirmishers  moved 
forward  to  dislodge  him. 

We  found  him  in  a  strong  position  and  able  to  hold  us 
in  check  for  two  or  three  days,  during  which  time,  although 
night  and  day  there  was  a  perfect  downpour  of  rain,  there 
was  an  almost  incessant  rattle  of  musketry,  occasionally 
interspersed  with  artillery,  that  did  some  damage  on  both 
sides,  but  there  was  no  serious  fighting. 

The  enemy  finally  vacated  his  position,  more  because  the 
other  columns  of  our  army  were  flanking  him  than  because 
of  anything  we  did. 

Years  afterward,  May  17,  1902,  the  body  of  General 
Rosecrans,  who  had  died  in  California  in  1898,  was  brought 
to  Washington  to  be  reinterred  at  Arlington.  He  was  given 
a   military    funeral,    attended   by    President   Roosevelt    and 


34  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

most  of  his  Cabinet  and  other  important  officials  of  the 
Government  then  in  Washington. 

I  was  then  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  and 
attended  as  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  to  rep- 
resent that  body.  I  rode  to  Arlington  in  a  carriage  with 
Senator  John  C.  Spooner  of  Wisconsin,  and  Senator  Wil- 
liam B.  Bate  of  Tennessee,  both  of  whom  had  served  with 
distinction  in  the  Civil  War;  Senator  Spooner  in  the  Union 
Army,  and  Senator  Bate  in  the  Confederate  Army.  Natu- 
rally, under  such  circumstances,  we  indulged  in  reminiscences. 
In  the  course  of  our  conversation  Senator  Bate  chanced  to 
tell  us  that  he  was  in  the  fight  and  wounded  at  Hoover's  Gap. 

It  was  an  interesting  and  impressive  coincidence  that  we 
should  have  lived  to  be  colleagues  in  the  Senate  and  to  be 
thus  associated  in  paying  a  last  tribute  of  respect  to  the 
commander  of  the  Union  forces  in  that  engagement. 

I  had  for  Senator  Bate  a  high  and  friendly  regard  which 
was  greatly  increased  by  this  circumstance. 

He  was  one  of  the  most  faithful  and  efficient  of  all  the 
many  able  and  distinguished  ex-Confederates  who  honored 
the  membership  of  that  body. 

My  regiment  was  attached  to  the  Fourteenth  Corps  until 
the  end  of  the  war,  participating  in  the  Chattanooga  and 
Atlanta  campaigns  and  the  marches  through  Georgia  to 
the  sea  and  through  the  Carolinas,  but  after  Chickamauga 
there  was  a  partial  reorganization  in  which  our  brigade  was 
made  the  First  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division ;  better  known 
as  Turchin's  Brigade;  a  designation  of  which  we  were  very 
proud  because  of  the  gallant  old  hero  who  commanded  us 
and  of  whom  we  were  all  very  fond  and  for  whom  we  had 
great  admiration. 

It  participated  also  in  the  Grand  Review  at  Washington 
at  the  close  of  the  war.  We  were  finally  discharged  at 
Camp  Dennison  June  14,  1865. 

In  the  course  of  an  address  made  at  a  reunion  of  the 
regiment  held  at  Hillsboro,  Ohio,  September  20,  1869,  speak- 
ing of  its  record  and  services,  I  said : 

I  cannot  stop  here  to  particularly  recount  our  marches  and  counter- 
marches,  labors,   toils    and   privations;   nor   is    it  necessary,    for   they 


TULLAHOIVIA,  CHATTANOOGA,  ATLANTA      35 

have  passed  into  the  history  of  the  country,  and  will  hereafter,  till  the 
end  of  time,  be  known  in  connection  therewith.  SuflSce  it  to  say,  that 
on  our  battle  flag  are  entitled  to  be  written  the  following  facts: 

"Two  years  and  eleven  months  in  the  service;  more  than  three  thou- 
sand miles  traveled,  over  one  thousand  seven  hundred  of  which  were  on 
foot,  with  knapsack  on  the  back  and  enemy  in  the  front." 

Hoover's  Gap,  Chickamauga,  Mission  Ridge,  Rocky  Face  Ridge, 
Resaca,  Kenesaw  Mountain,  Peach  Tree  Creek,  Utoy  Creek,  Jonesboro, 
Atlanta,  Savannah  and  Bentonville,  are  the  battles,  leaving  unmentioned 
at  least  fifty  such  skirmishes  as  Phillipi,  Rich  Mountain  and  Scarey 
Creek,  which,  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  when  they  were  fought,  were 
thought  to  be  great  battles. 

Next  comes  the  recital  of  the  most  terrible  price  at  which  they  were 
purchased.  Nearly  eight  hundred  fallen.  For,  starting  out  with  more 
than  a  thousand,  as  hearty,  strong,  noble  and  patriotic  men  as  ever 
obeyed  a  country's  call,  we  returned  to  Camp  Dennison  at  the  close  of 
the  war  numbering  only  two  hundred  and  thirty-one,  rank  and  file;  and 
among  them  all  there  could  scarce  be  found  a  corporal's  guard  who 
could  not  show  where  at  least  one  bullet  of  the  enemy  had  struck  them. 
Not  all  of  these  eight  hundred  missing  had  fallen  in  battle,  it  is  true, 
nor  perhaps  the  half  of  them,  for  with  us,  as  with  all  soldiers,  the 
exposures  and  privations  and  over-fatigue  were  more  destructive  than 
the  enemy's  bullets. 


The  commission  appointed  to  represent  Ohio  in  the  plac- 
ing of  monuments  and  markers  on  the  battlefield  of  Chicka- 
mauga m'ade  an  official  report  to  the  Governor  of  the  State 
of  the  services  of  the  different  regiments  and  batteries  from 
our  State  that  participated  in  that  engagement.  In  that 
report  they  say  of  the  89th  Ohio: 

It  joined  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  in  the  early  part  of  1868, 
and  bore  an  honorable  part  in  thirty-one  campaigns,  skirmishes  and 
battles. 

I  participated  in  all  the  above  mentioned  engagements 
except  Chickamauga.  At  the  date  of  that  battle,  September 
19th  and  20th,  1863,  I  was  detached  for  recruiting  service, 
as  hereinafter  mentioned — a  great  piece  of  good  fortune; 
since,  after  hours  of  the  severest  fighting,  in  which  the 
casualties — ^killed  and  wounded — ^were  very  heavy,  the  sur- 
vivors were  surrounded  and  captured.  The  officers  were 
taken  to  Libby  Prison,  and  kept  there  several  months,  until 
some  of  them  escaped,  and  others  were  exchanged,  while  the 
men  were  taken  to  Andersonville,  where  most  of  them  died. 
As  an  offset  to  Chickamauga,  I  participated  in  the  battle 


36  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

of  Aver jsboro,  a  minor  engagement,  jet  one  noted  for  the 
stubborn  character  of  the  fighting  that  was  done. 

Early  in  1864  I  was  promoted  to  be  first  Lieutenant  of 
Company  A.  I  held  this  rank  and  commanded  the  company 
during  the  Atlanta  campaign,  at  the  close  of  which  I  was 
transferred  to  Company  G,  and  detailed  to  act  as  Adjutant 
of  the  regiment. 

I  had  been  thus  serving  as  Adjutant  only  a  few  days 
when  I  was  detailed  for  service  in  the  Signal  Corps.  I  was, 
later,  on  the  recommendation  of  General  H.  W.  Slocum, 
made  a  Brevet  Captain  of  United  States  Volunteers,  and 
assigned  to  duty  on  his  staff  as  Aide-de-camp,  in  which 
capacity  I  served  until  after  the  Grand  Review  at  Wash- 
ington, when  all  officers  on  detached  duty  were  ordered  to 
rejoin  their  regiments   preparatory   to  being  mustered   out. 

My  lot  in  the  main  was  only  that  of  the  average  soldier 
and  officer  of  my  age  and  rank,  and  I,  therefore,  pass  it 
all  by  with  the  exception  of  a  few  experiences  that  were 
exceptional,  and  which,  if  recorded,  may  be  of  some  interest 
to  friends  at  least. 

During  the  period  intervening  between  the  TuUahoma 
and  the  Chattanooga  campaigns  I  was  detailed  with  two 
other  officers,  Major  Jolly  and  Captain  James  R.  Vickers, 
of  our  regiment  to  go  to  Columbus,  Ohio,  and  there  take 
charge  of  and  escort  back  to  the  front  our  regiment's  quota 
of  the  men  who  were  then  about  to  be  drafted.  When  we 
reached  Columbus  we  found  the  draft  had  been  postponed, 
and  that  orders  were  awaiting  us  to  open  recruiting  stations 
at  places  to  which  we  were  respectively  assigned. 

Political  excitement  was  then  running  high  and  so  much 
opposition  had  developed  to  the  proposition  to  force  men  into 
the  army  by  a  draft  that  the  Government  thought  it  better 
to  desist  and  try  to  secure  volunteers. 

I  was  sent  to  Lynchburg,  Highland  County,  Ohio,  and 
kept  there  until  after  the  election  at  which  a  Governor  was 
to  be  chosen. 

John  Brough,  a  former  Democrat,  was  the  candidate  of 
the  L^^nion  Party,  and  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  then  an 
exile  in  Canada,  was  the  Democratic  candidate. 


TULLAHOMA,  CHATTANOOGA,  ATLANTA   37 

It  was  not  only  my  privilege  but  my  duty  to  go  about 
over  the  adjoining  territory  in  attendance  upon  all  kinds 
of  public  meetings. 

In  this  way  I  saw  a  great  deal  of  the  practical  political 
side  of  the  great  struggle  for  the  Union,  as  exemplified  in 
that  vicinity  during  that  contest. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  surprise  and  dis- 
tress I  experienced  because  of  the  constant,  open,  avowed 
and  at  times  apparently  overwhelming  demonstrations  of 
hostility  to  the  Union  cause. 

A  feature  of  almost  every  meeting  was  a  procession  in 
which  banners  were  carried  on  which  mottoes  were  inscribed 
expressive  of  the  sentiment  of  those  constituting  the 
procession. 

All  kinds  of  patriotic  inscriptions  were  carried  in  the 
Union  meetings.  They  were  in  the  nature  of  pledges  of 
support  to  the  Union  cause,  and  words  of  appreciation  and 
praise  for  the  Union  soldiers,  and  of  encouragement  to  the 
President,  and  of  confidence  in  his  ultimate  success. 

These  meetings  were  serious  and  spirited,  but  there  was 
nothing  disorderly  or  vicious. 

At  the  Democratic  meetings  the  processions  were  surpris- 
ingly large,  exceedingly  noisy  and  demonstrative,  and  the 
banners  they  carried  were  purposely  offensive. 

The  inscriptions  on  them  were  intended  to  arouse  the 
most  hostile  feeling  toward  the  administration.  They  referred 
to  Union  soldiers  as  "Lincoln  hirelings" ;  the  most  disre- 
spectful allusions  were  made  to  the  President,  and  the  women 
carried  banners  with  such  inscriptions  as  "Save  us  from 
nigger  husbands."  These  are  only  a  few  samples  of  the 
many  of  like  character. 

Finally  the  election  came  and  Brough  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  more  th'an  a  hundred  thousand.  This  clarified 
the  situation  so  far  as  Ohio  was  concerned;  but  the  elections 
in  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  other  parts  of  the  country 
were  so  disappointing  that  it  was  impossible  to  meet  with 
any  success  in  securing  new  recruits. 

Finally,  greatly  to  our  relief,  an  order  came,  directing  us 
to  return  to  our  regiment.     We  were  glad  indeed  to  obey 


^8  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

it,  for  to  all  of  us  our  service  on  this  detail  had  been  of  the 
most  disagreeable  character. 

When  we  reached  our  regiment  we  found  it  in  front  of 
Chattanooga  in  line  of  battle.  Hooker  was  making  his 
ascent  of  Lookout  Mountain.  He  was  in  the  midst  of  his 
"battle  above  the  clouds."  The  following  day  we  stormed 
Mission  Ridge,  and  were  sharers  in  the  great  victory  that 
was  won. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  was  over,  and  while  we  were 
in  the  midst  of  our  rejoicing  I  saw  General  Grant  for  the 
first  time.  He  had  ascended  the  Ridge  somewhere  in  front 
of  Orchard  Knob,  at  which  point  he  was  stationed  during 
the  assault,  and  was  riding  along  the  crest  with  his  staff 
toward  the  north  end,  where  there  was  still  some  fighting 
going  on. 

We  cheered  him  enthusiastically,  but  he  took  little  notice 
of  our  demonstrations,  and  did  not  show  the  slightest  elation. 
He  was  the  same  calm,  imperturbable,  quiet,  modest,  unas- 
suming man  in  that  moment  of  one  of  his  greatest  triumphs 
that  we  all  became  so  familiar  with  during  the  later  years 
of  his  life. 

My  company  did  picket  duty  that  night.  We  were  sta- 
tioned a  quarter  of  a  mile  or  more  to  the  front  in  a  dense, 
dark  woods.  To  reach  us  from  the  crest  of  the  Ridge  was 
a  difficult  matter  in  daylight,  much  worse  at  night,  and  yet 
it  was  my  fortune,  in  spite  of  all  these  difficulties,  to  receive 
there  a  much  appreciated  visitor. 

About  midnight,  while  it  was  my  turn  to  be  off  duty, 
and  while  I  was  sound  asleep,  my  brother  Burch,  who  had 
been  hunting  me  ever  since  the  close  of  the  battle,  came  to 
our  post.  He  was  unwilling  to  rest  until  he  knew  whether 
I  was  safe.  He  was  happy  indeed  when  he  found  us  and 
learned  from  my  comrades,  before  I  was  wakened,  that  no 
harm  had  come  to  me.  After  a  short  stay  he  left,  to  hunt 
his  way  back  to  his  position,  distant  from  our  post  at  least 
two  or  three  miles,  for  he  was  stationed  far  away  on  the 
right,  and  we  were  the  last  division  on  the  left  of  the 
charging  column.  It  must  have  been  well  nigh  morning 
before  he  got  a  chance  to  get  any  sleep  or  rest. 


LIEUTENANT,    LATt]R    CAPTAIN,    BURCH   FORAKER, 
24th  O.   V.  I. 


TULLAHOMA,  CHATTANOOGA,  ATLANTA   39 

I  shall  not  dwell  on  this  incident,  or  even  mention  many 
others  of  like  character,  nor  shall  I  try  to  express  the 
thoug^hts  started  by  their  recall.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  as 
these  evidences  of  brotherly  affection  and  deep  concern  come 
trooping  back  to  mind  across  the  half  century  that  has  since 
passed,  my  heart  fills  with  emotion  and  my  eyes  with  tears. 

We  remained  in  camp  at  Chattanooga  with  the  rest  of  the 
army  until  February  23rd,  when  our  brigade  and  some  other 
troops  were  sent  on  a  reconnoitering  expedition  which  led 
up  to  and  ended  with  the  battle  of  Buzzard's  Roost,  or 
Rocky  Face  Ridge,  in  which  we  participated. 

After  this  engagement  we  returned  to  Ringgold  and 
remained  in  camp  there  until  May  7th,  when  we  started  on 
the  Atlanta  campaign. 

Our  first  important  engagement  was  the  battle  of  Resaca, 
May  14th.  From  that  time  on  we  were  under  fire  every  day, 
participating  in  all  the  principal  engagements  until  Sep- 
tember 1st,  when  the  campaign  ended  with  the  battle  of 
Jonesboro. 

I  do  not  stop  to  speak  in  detail  of  this  service  because 
it  was  of  such  important  character  that  history  has  made 
all  familiar  with  it. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

IN   THE    SIGNAL   SERVICE. 

SHORTLY  after  the  fall  of  Atlanta  the  term  of  service 
of  the  Twenty-fourth  Ohio  expired.  Some  of  its  mem- 
bers probably  re-enlisted,  but  the  organization  as  such  did 
not  do  so. 

It  was,  therefore,  mustered  out,  and  my  brother  with  the 
others.  He  had  been  for  some  time  on  detached  duty  as 
an  acting  Signal  Officer.  He  had  made  a  good  record,  and 
that  may  have  led  to  my  selection  to  fill  one  of  the  vacancies 
created  by  the  retirement  of  him  and  a  number  of  other 
officers  mustered  out  about  the  same  time  and  for  the  same 
reason.  This  branch  of  the  service  had  become  very  impor- 
tant and  very  efficient.  Consequently  a  detail  was  promptly 
made  to  fill  up  these  depletions. 

The  officers  and  men  were  mounted  and  attached  to  the 
respective  army  and  corps  headquarters.  This  made  this 
service  very  desirable;  especially  to  a  line  officer  who  had 
been  "footing  it"  more  than  two  years,  and  who  had  little 
chance  to  know  what  was  going  on  until  it  was  done.  I 
knew  of  these  desirable  features  from  observation  and 
through  my  brother. 

I  was  very  much  pleased,  therefore,  when  an  order  came, 
September  18,  1864,  detailing  me  for  this  duty  and  order- 
ing me  to  report  to  a  camp  of  instruction  that  had  been 
established  in  Atlanta. 

After  two  or  three  weeks  in  this  camp  I  was  deemed 
qualified  to  assist  in  field  and  station  work  and  was  assigned 
to  duty  on  Vining's  Hill,  then  in  charge  of  Lieutenant 
James  H.  Connelly,  who  belonged  to  an  Indiana  regiment 
and  had  been  an  acting  Signal  Officer  so  long  that  he  was 
considered  one  of  the  most  expert  of  all  the  veterans  of 
that  corps. 
40 


IN  THE  SIGNAL  SERVICE  41 

Vming's  was  a  high  point,  situated  near  the  railroad 
leading  back  to  Chattanooga,  on  the  north  bank  of  the 
Chattahoochie  River,  six  miles  from  Atlanta,  and  the  con- 
necting or  intermediate  station  between  Atlanta  and 
Kenesaw  Mountain,  some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  further 
to  the  north. 

The  next  station  beyond  Kenesaw  was  AUatoona,  some 
ten  or  fifteen  miles  further  north.  This  station  had  been 
for  some  months  one  of  our  bases  of  supplies,  and  great 
quantities  of  rations,  ammunition,  clothing,  etc.,  had  been 
assembled  there. 

About  October  1st  General  Sherman  learned  that  General 
Hood  had  crossed  the  Chattahoochie  River  some  miles  west 
of  our  right  flank  and,  taking  the  offensive,  had  inaugurated 
a  movement  by  which  he  proposed  to  pass  to  the  north  of 
us  with  a  view  to  compelling  us  to  abandon  Atlanta  and 
fall  back  to  protect  our  lines  of  communication  and  our 
supplies. 

Sherman  for  some  time  had  been  studying  in  his  mind 
a  march  from  Atlanta  to  some  point  on  the  sea  coast,  and 
was  waiting  and  watching  for  an  opportunity  to  execute  it. 
He  at  once  recognized  that  most  unexpectedly  Hood  was 
probably  playing  directly  into  his  hand. 

He,  therefore,  watched  his  enemy's  movements  with  a  most 
intense  interest,  not  only  that  he  might  baffle  his  purposes, 
but  that  he  might  seize  the  opportunity,  if  presented,  of 
carrying  out  his  own  cherished  ambition. 

When  satisfied  that  Hood  was  so  far  committed  to  the 
bold  program  upon  which  he  had  entered  that  he  would  not 
abandon  it,  he  left  General  Slocum  with  the  Twentieth  Corps 
to  hold  Atlanta  and  started  on  the  back  track  with  the 
remainder  of  his  army,  keeping  between  the  railroad  and 
the  Confederates  with  a  view  to  protecting  his  lines  of 
communication  and  his  supplies  at  AUatoona. 

As  he  passed  Vining's  on  his  way  north,  he  sent  a  message 
to  General  John  M.  Corse,  then  stationed  at  Rome,  Georgia, 
informing  him  of  the  situation  and  directing  him  to  go  at 
once  with   all  available  troops  to  the   relief   of  AUatoona, 


42  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

correctly  surmising  that  Hood  would  make  an  effort  to 
capture  that  place  and  appropriate  for  his  own  army  what 
had  been  so  carefully  and  generously  provided  for  ours. 

Corse  had  available  only  a  small  force,  not  exceeding 
twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  men,  but  he  hastened  with  all 
possible  dispatch  to  comply  with  the  order.  He  reached 
Allatoona  late  in  the  evening  of  October  4th,  but  in  time 
to  save  the  place  from  capture.  In  the  meanwhile  Sherman 
had  reached  Kenesaw,  from  which  point  he  opened  communi- 
cation with  Corse  at  Allatoona  by  signal  immediately  after 
Corse's  arrival  there.  His  first  message,  slightly  changed, 
was  adopted  as  the  title  of  that  soul-thrilling  revival  hymn, 
"Hold  the  Fort,  for  I  am  Coming." 

Hold  the  fort  he  did,  although  he  had  to  fight  furiously 
to  do  so. 

The  next  morning,  October  5th,  French's  division  of  the 
Confederate  army,  some  four  or  five  thousand  strong,  arrived 
and  invested  the  place.  The  first  thing  French  did  was  to 
send  Corse  a  note  demanding  an  immediate  and  unconditional 
surrender  to  save  a  "needless  effusion  of  blood."  To  this 
demand  Corse  answered  that  he  was  ready  for  the  "needless 
effusion,"  and  that,  if  French  wanted  the  place,  "he  would 
have  to  come  and  get  it,"  thus  anticipating  by  fifty  years 
the  German  Governor  of  Kiaou  Chou,  who  is  just  now 
(August  27th,  1914)  getting  great  praise  for  answering 
in  identically  the  same  language  a  similar  demand  from  the 
Japanese.  French  assaulted  immediately  and  severe  fighting 
continued  until  almost  nightfall,  when,  repeatedly  repulsed, 
he  acknowledged  defeat  by  withdrawing  his  troops  and 
rejoining  the  main  body  of  Hood's  forces. 

Corse  was  a  gallant  soldier,  and,  at  times,  somewhat 
profane.  During  the  battle  a  bullet  struck  him  in  the  face. 
It  tore  away  part  of  one  cheek  and  part  of  one  ear.  He 
made  himself  famous  by  signaling  to  Sherman  on  Kenesaw 
that  the  enemy  had  been  driven  off,  and  that,  although 
"minus  a  cheek  and  one  ear,  he  was  able  to  whip  all  hell  yet." 

Notwithstanding  his  serious  backset  at  Allatoona,  Hood 
kept  on  his  northward  march,  still  vainly  seeking,  by  threat- 


IN   THE  SIGNAL  SERVICE  43 

ening  first  one  place  and  then  another,  to  compel  Sherman 
to  evacuate  Atlanta  and  retire  to  Tennessee. 

Sherman  followed  him  far  enough  and  long  enough  (until 
about  November  1st)  to  make  all  necessary  preparations  to 
divide  his  army,  sending  a  part  of  it  back  to  Nashville 
under  the  command  of  General  George  H.  Thomas,  to 
whom  he  wisely  committed  the  task  of  taking  care  of  Hood, 
and  then  assembling  the  remainder  at  Atlanta,  consisting 
of  the  Fourteenth  and  Twentieth  Corps  of  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland  and  the  Fifteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  Kilpatrick's  Cavalry,  from 
which  point  he  started,  November  15th,  on  his  ever-famous 
march  to  the  sea. 

During  all  the  month  of  October  the  signal  line  back 
from  Atlanta,  as  far  as  to  Resaca  and  Dalton,  was  thor- 
oughly busy  with  flags  by  day  and  torches  by  night,  trans- 
mitting and  receiving  messages  of  the  most  vital  importance. 
They  related  to  the  movement  of  troops,  and,  because  of 
their  great  length,  they  were  not  only  important,  but 
unusually  difficult  to  handle  with  the  expedition  and  accuracy 
necessary.  It  was  this  kind  of  work  and  service  into  which 
I  was  immediately  plunged  when  I  left  the  camp  of  instruc- 
tion. I  "vas  fortunate  enough,  how^ever,  to  do  my  part  so 
satisfactorily  that,  when  General  Sherman  abandoned  his 
line  of  communication  with  the  North  and  called  in  those 
whom  he  desired  to  accompany  him  to  the  sea,  I  was  ordered 
by  Captain  Samuel  Bachtell,  Chief  Signal  Officer  of  the 
Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  then  attached  to  Gen- 
eral Sherman's  staff,  to  report  to  Major  General  Slocum,  to 
whose  staff  I  was  assigned  for  signal  duty  in  the  approach- 
ing campaign. 

I  had  never  met  General  Slocum,  and  had  heard  he  was 
a  very  strict  disciplinarian  and  hard  to  get  along  with. 
I  had  some  misgiving,  therefore,  as  to  my  ability  to 
please  him. 

This  was  soon  dispelled,  for  I  found  him  an  intelligent, 
agreeable  gentleman,  an  accomplished  soldier  and  an  able, 
careful,  safe  and  painstaking  Commander,  under  whom  it 
was  a  pleasure  to  serve. 


44  UOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

Nothing  occurred  that  concerned  me  personally  until  we 
reached  Savannah  except  that  when  we  arrived  at  Miliedge- 
ville,  then  the  Capital  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  we  found 
that  the  Legislature  had  precipitately  adjourned,  and  in 
company  with  the  Governor  and  other  State  officials,  had 
decamped  only  a  few  hours  before  our  arrival.  One  of  the 
first  places  visited  was,  of  course,  the  State  Capitol.  Upon 
somebody's  suggestion,  a  mock  special  session  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  Georgia  was  convened,  composed  of  officers  of 
Slocum's  command.  I  sat  as  a  Member  and  voted  for  a 
resolution  which  was  unanimously  adopted,  repealing  an 
ordinance  of  secession  and  restoring  the  State  to  the  Union. 
This  was  my  first  legislative  experience,  and  it  is  needless 
to  say  I  greatly  enjoyed  it.  From  an  official  history  of 
the  Twentieth  Corps  I  quote  as  follows: 

The  Georgia  Legislature  adjourned  that  day  with  unfinished  business 
on  its  calendar.  But  its  seats  were  soon  occupied  by  a  jolly  crowd  of 
officers  from  Slocum's  army.  They  may  have  lacked  the  dignity  and 
impressive  demeanor  of  the  Southern  law  makers,  but  they  dispatched 
business  and  passed  important  bills  at  a  rapid  rate  during  their  short 
session.  General  Robinson  (Third  Brigade,  First  Division)  was  chosen 
Speaker,  and  Col.  "Hi"  Rogers,  of  Slocum's  staff.  Clerk  of  the  Assem- 
bly. A  sergeant-at-arms  was  appointed  who  did  his  best  to  maintain 
disorder.  The  Speaker  announced  a  Committee  on  Federal  Relations — 
Colonels  Cogswell,  Carmen,  Zulich,  Thompson,  Watkins  and  Ewing — 
which  retired  to  a  committee  room.  Bryant,  the  historian  of  the  Third 
Wisconsin,  says  that  "the  sounds  of  song  and  laughter  that  came  from 
that  room  testified  to  the  zeal  of  the  occupants;"  and  that  "there  were 
evidently  refreshments"  in  that  committee  room. 

During  the  course  of  the  session  some  good  speeches  were  made, 
brilliant  and  witty,  and  there  was  a  display  of  mock  gravity,  inter- 
mingled with  "points  of  order,"  "Will  the  gentleman  allow  me?"  etc., 
to  all  of  which  there  were  bright  repartees.  General  Kilpatrick  made 
the  speech  of  the  occasion.  When  a  point  of  order  was  raised  that  he 
should  treat  the  Speaker  before  continuing  his  remarks,  the  doughty 
General  declared  the  point  well  taken,  and,  drawing  a  flask  from  his 
pocket,  took  a  long  drink  amid  the  applause  of  the  House. 

The  Committee  on  Federal  Relations  reported  a  bill  declaring  that 
the  ordinance  of  secession  was  injudicious,  indiscreet  and  should  be 
repealed,  which  was  duly  passed  by  a  satisfactory  vote.  The  fun 
becoming  fast  and  furious,  some  of  the  members  rushed  into  the  hall, 
shouting,  "The  Yankees  are  coming!"  whereupon  the  Legislature 
adjourned  in  well  simulated  fright  and  with  frantic  confusion.    General 


IN   THE  SIGNAL  SERVICE  45 

Sherman  says  in  his  Memoirs  that  he  "was  not  present  at  this  frolic, 
but  heard  of  it  at  the  time  and  enjoyed  the  joke."  And  this  was  one 
of  the  ways  Slocum's  men  enjoyed  themselves  as  they  went  marching 
through  Georgia. 

The  General  Robinson  who  presided  as  Speaker  that  after- 
noon afterward  served  several  terms  in  Congress  and  two 
terms  as  Secretary  of  State  of  the  State  of  Ohio;  the  last  of 
these  terms  while  I  was  Governor.  He  was  a  grand  old  hero 
whom  Ohio  delighted  to  honor. 

When  we  reached  Savannah  it  was  known  that  a  fleet 
with  supplies  and  additional  troops  was  somewhere,  or  at 
least  should  be,  near  at  hand.  A  few  days  afterward  Fort 
McAllister,  on  the  Ogeechee  River,  on  which  our  right  rested, 
was  captured  by  General  Hazen's  division  of  the  right  wing 
and  from  there  communication  was  opened  with  the  fleet. 
At  that  time  it  was  not  known  when  we  would  be  able  to 
capture  the  city  and  open  additional  and  more  important 
and  more  direct  communication  via  the  Savannah  River. 

The  place  was  strongly  fortified  and  in  our  front  there 
were  swamps  and  marshes  and  much  bad  ground  to  interfere 
with  a  direct  assault. 

On  this  account  we  were  delayed  until  the  21st  day  of 
December,  when  the  "March  through  Georgia"  was  ended 
by  a  triumphant  entry  into  this  old  and  beautiful  city.  The 
enemy  had  evacuated  the  place  and  had  retired  across  the 
Savannah  River  into  South  Carolina  during  the  previous 
night. 

Our  troops  also  at  the  same  time  took  possession  of  Fort 
Jackson,  situated  on  the  river  four  miles  below  Savannah, 
which  had  also  been  abandoned.  As  soon  as  this  information 
was  received  by  General  Slocum  I  was  directed  to  go  to  Fort 
Jackson  and  from  there  open  communication  with  the  fleet 
by  signal  and  advise  them  of  the  situation,  so  that  they 
might  join  our  left  at  Savannah  as  they  had  joined  our 
right  on  the  Ogeechee.  Taking  with  me  two  men,  we  rode 
hurriedly  to  the  fort.  We  found  it  in  possession  of  the 
^8th  Pennsylvania  and  the  29th  Ohio,  but  could  not  find 
any  point  about  it  that  was  high  enough  to  enable  us  to  see 


46  JOSEPH  BENSON   FORAKER 

over  the  apparently  illimitable  stretch  of  canebrakes  that 
spread  out  before  us  along  the  shores  of  the  river. 

I  reported  this  situation  to  General  Slocum  and  asked  for 
further  instructions.  He  answered,  "Go  to  the  lighthouse 
off  Tybee  Island  and  from  there  open  communication  with 
the  fleet." 

I  had  a  pocket  map  with  me  on  which  a  lighthouse  was 
marked  as  situated  in  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah  River  some 
ten  or  twelve  miles  distant.  The  order  given  me  gave  no 
instructions  as  to  how  I  was  to  reach  the  point  named. 

I  assumed  there  was  some  roadway  over  which  I  could 
travel,  but  was  unable  to  find  any  such  road.  No  one  at  the 
fort  being  able  to  give  me  any  information,  I  recalled  that 
we  had  passed  a  house  a  mile  or  two  from  the  fort  on  the 
way  back  to  the  city,  in  front  of  which  on  a  spacious  lawn 
were  assembled  a  few  white  people  and  a  great  many  negroes. 
Not  being  able  to  get  information  otherwise,  it  occurred  to 
me  I  might  get  information  there. 

We  rode  back  to  that  place  and  made  inquiry,  only  to 
learn  that  there  was  no  roadway  whatever;  that  the  whole 
country  on  the  Georgia  side  of  the  river  down  to  Fort 
Pulaski  near  its  mouth  was  one  vast  marsh  filled  with  cane- 
brakes  and  impassable,  and  that  the  only  way  to  get  to 
the  lighthouse  "off  Tybee  Island"  was  to  go  down  the  river 
by  boat,  stopping,  if  deemed  advisable,  when  we  reached 
there  at  the  fort,  which  had  been  captured  by  the  Union 
forces  under  General  Wright  in  1862,  and  had  ever  since 
then  been  in  our  possession. 

I  reported  these  facts  to  General  Slocum  and  asked  for 
further  instructions.  In  a  few  minutes  back  came  the  order, 
"Go  to  the  lighthouse  off  Tybee  Island  and  from  there  open 
communication  with  the  fleet,"  and  not  another  word.  I 
regarded  this  as  not  only  final  and  peremptory,  but  as 
somewhat  curt. 

There  was  a  good-looking  row  boat  of  ordinary  size  fas- 
f:ened  to  the  shore  near  the  fort.  Concluding  that  was  the 
only  way  to  carry  out  my  orders,  I  rode  back  again  to  the 
farmhouse  and  asked  the  negroes  there  assembled  if  any  of 


IN  THE  SIGNAL  SERVICE  47 

them  had  ever  been  down  the  river,  if  they  knew  how  to 
row  a  boat,  and  if  they  would  take  me  to  the  destination  I 
was  ordered  to  reach.  Two  intelligent,  fine-looking  fellows 
stepped  forward  and  volunteered  to  take  me,  saying  they 
were  acquainted  with  the  river  and  accustomed  to  boating, 
and  that  they  could  safely  take  me  to  Fort  Pulaski  at  least. 

We  took  them  up  behind  us  on  our  horses  and  galloped 
back  to  Fort  Jackson,  unfastened  the  boat,  and  were  just 
starting  when  Colonel  Howard,  the  brother  of  General 
Howard,  and  a  member  of  his  staff,  appeared  on  the  scene, 
saying  he  had  an  order  similar  to  mine,  and  that  he  had 
learned  there  was  no  other  way  to  go. 

He  chartered  the  other  boat,  but  upon  examining  it,  came 
to  the  conclusion  it  was  unseaworthy  and  declined  to  under- 
take the  trip.  My  orders  were  so  peremptory  that  I  felt  I 
had  no  election  to  do  otherwise  than  make  the  effort. 

We  turned  our  horses  over  to  one  of  the  mounted  men 
who  had  accompanied  me,  and  I  took  the  other  in  the  boat 
with  me,  and  by  the  help  of  the  negroes  who  had  so  kindly 
offered  to  row  us  and  steer  us,  we  started. 

Darkness  soon  overtook  us,  and  not  only  darkness  but  a 
high  wind,  which  made  the  water  exceedingly  rough,  so 
much  so  that  I  was  alarmed  at  times  for  our  safety.  In 
view  of  the  condition  of  the  water  and  the  darkness  of  the 
night,  I  directed  the  oarsmen  to  keep  as  near  to  the  shore 
as  they  could,  so  that  if  anything  happened  to  us,  we  might 
have  a  chance  to  reach  dry  land. 

We  had  been,  perhaps,  an  hour  under  way  when  we  sud- 
denly ran  aground.  We  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  off, 
and  at  times  it  looked  as  though  the  water  would  break  over 
the  boat  in  such  quantities  as  to  swamp  us.  Finally,  how- 
ever, we  got  under  way  again.  Thinking  it  would  be  safer, 
I  directed  the  oarsmen  to  go  out  farther  from  the  shore. 

We  had  proceeded  a  half  hour  longer,  perhaps,  when 
again  we  ran  aground.  This  time  we  were  so  far  out  from 
the  shore  that  we  could  not  see  the  land  on  either  side. 
Our  plight  seemed,  indeed,  precarious.  The  wind  was  con- 
stantly  rising  higher,   and  it  was   rapidly   growing   colder. 


48  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

But  finally  we  got  loose  and  under  way  again.  About  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning  we  were  halted  by  a  sentinel,  who  was 
on  duty  at  the  landing  in  front  of  Fort  Pulaski,  then  in 
command  of  a  Colonel  Brown.  After  the  usual  parleying 
we  satisfied  him  we  were  friends,  and  he  allowed  us  to  come 
on  shore. 

We  were  so  stiff  and  cold  we  had  difficulty  to  get  out  of 
the  boat.  I  told  the  sentinel  where  we  were  bound  for. 
He  said  it  was  impossible  to  reach  the  lighthbuse,  for  it  was 
several  miles  beyond  where  we  were,  and  the  river  was  so 
wide  that  it  would  be  like  undertaking  to  cross  the  ocean. 

He  suggested  that  we  go  to  the  fort  and  report  our 
situation  to  Colonel  Brown,  and  advise  with  him  as  to  what 
should  be  done.  We  did  so,  and  although  it  was  a  most 
unseemly  hour,  the  officers,  when  wakened,  gave  us  a  most 
cordial  reception. 

Colonel  Brown  said  it  would  be  impt>ssible  to  reach  the 
lighthouse  on  a  craft  like  that  in  which  we  had  come  down 
the  river,  and  that  it  was  unnecessary  to  try  to  do  so. 
That  they  had  a  steamer  at  the  dock  and  that  he  would 
have  it  get  up  steam  and  take  us  out  to  the  fleet,  where  I 
could  deliver  my  message  directly  and  in  person.  Accord- 
ingly we  were  soon  on  board  the  steamer  on  our  way  to  the 
fleet.  Just  as  we  were  going  on  board  the  steamer.  Captain 
Duncan,  Captain  of  the  scouts  of  General  Howard's  right 
wing  of  the  army,  put  in  an  appearance.  He  had  somehow 
reached  the  fort  by  land  on  the  same  general  mission.  He 
accompanied  us  on  the  boat  to  the  fleet,  where  we  reported 
fully  and  in  detail  to  General  J.  G.  Foster  in  command. 

We  were  then  given  a  place  to  lie  down  and  get  some 
rest.  When  I  was  wakened  in  the  morning  I  learned  the 
General  had  ordered  the  fleet  to  proceed  to  Savannah,  and 
that,  fearing  there  might  be  torpedoes  in  the  river,  he  had 
sent  some  torpedo  boats  ahead  to  clear  the  way.  At  an 
early  hour  we  were  off.  The  torpedo  boats  removed  a 
number  of  torpedoes,  over  which  we  had  passed  coming  down 
the  night  before,  but  we  reached  Savannah  about  noon 
time  without  any  accident,  to  find  thousands  of  the  soldiers 


IN  THE  SIGNAL  SERVICE  49 

of  the  army  assembled  on  the  wharf  to  greet  us.  The  greet- 
ing they  gave  us  was  so  loud  and  so  thoroughly  heartfelt, 
that  their  welcome  can  never  be  forgotten.  Captain  Bachtell, 
Chief  Signal  Officer  of  the  military  division  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, made  the  following  mention  of  this  incident  in  his 
official  report: 

.  .  .  Lieutenant  J.  B.  Foraker  was  ordered  to  proceed  down  the 
river  and  open  communication  with  Fort  Pulaski,  if  any  signal  officer 
was  there.  But  finding  it  impossible  to  go  far  enough,  owing  to  the 
marshy  nature  of  the  ground,  he  returned  to  Fort  Jackson,  procured 
a  small  boat,  and  pressing  two  negroes  for  oarsmen,  he,  with  his  flag- 
man (Second  Class  Private  Thomas  E.  Matteson),  started  for  Fort 
Pulaski,  some  nine  miles  distant,  which  point  he  reached  some  time 
after  dark.  He  communicated  soon  after  with  Major  General  Foster 
in  person,  some  two  miles  off.  He  was  the  first  to  give  him  the  news 
of  our  troops  occupying  the  city  of  Savannah.  On  the  following  day  he 
returned  with  General  Foster  to  the  city.  ...  In  conclusion,  too 
much  cannot  be  said  of  the  conduct,  efforts  and  energy  displayed  by 
the  officers  of  the  corps  in  trying  to  establish  communication  with  the 
fleet.  .  .  .  Also  Lieut.  J.  B.  Foraker,  acting  signal  officer,  in  carrying 
out  his  orders,  in  a  small  boat  over  unknown  waters,  almost  at  the  peril 
of  his  life. 

Of  the  other  officers  and  men,  to  whom  no  fine  opportunities  were 
presented  to  distinguish  themselves,   all  have  willingly  and   faithfully 
and  well  performed  their  duty.    I  am.  Colonel,  very  respectfully. 
Your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Bachtell, 
Captam  and  Chief  Signal  Officer,  U.  S.  A. 


Captain  Bachtell  was  afterward,  on  the  recommendation 
of  General  Sherman,  promoted  for  meritorious  service  to 
the  rank  of  Colonel  and  Chief  Signal  Officer. 

There  stood  near  the  wharf  a  high  warehouse,  the 
highest  building,  as  I  now  remember,  in  Savannah,  on  which 
I  learned  the  Confederates  had  maintained  a  signal  station. 
I  was  ordered  to  open  one  at  the  same  place.  I  did  so, 
occupying  for  sleeping  and  living  apartments  the  top  room 
of  the  building,  immediately  under  the  station,  which  I 
reached  by  means  of  a  narrow  stairway  opening  out  upon 
the  roof,  through  a  trap  door. 

I  had  been  there  some  time  when  the  Honorable  Edwin 
M.  Stanton,  Secrd;ary  of  War,  came  to  Savannah  on  a 
sort  of  official  inspection  tour  and  for  general  conference. 


50  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

I  had  no  thought  of  personally  meeting  him,  but  one  day, 
when  engaged  at  the  station  on  top  of  the  building,  with  the 
trap  door  open,  I  heard  voices  in  the  room  below  and 
recognized  one  of  them  as  the  voice  of  General  Sherman. 
It  was  only  a  minute  or  two  until  the  General  appeared 
through  the  trap  door  with  another  gentleman  in  civilian 
dress,  whom  I  recognized,  from  the  pictures  I  had  seen  of 
him,  as  Secretary  Stanton. 

General  Sherman  introduced  me  to  him,  and  told  me  he 
had  brought  him  up  there  so  that  he  might  get  a  good  view 
of  the  city  and  of  the  surrounding  country;  particularly 
South  Carolina,  immediately  opposite. 

Sherman  was,  as  usual,  enthusiastic,  cordial,  frank  and 
talkative.  Stanton,  on  the  contrary,  was  glum  and  had 
little  to  say.  His  manner  was  such  I  could  not  help  thinking 
he  was  unfriendly  to  Sherman,  as  he  afterward  showed 
he  was. 

Sherman  had  many  things  to  say  to  the  Secretary  that 
were  under  the  circumstances  very  interesting  to  me,  and  I 
accounted  myself  fortunate  to  hear  them.  They  were,  how- 
ever, of  only  transient  imDortance,  and  are  not  any  longer 
distinctly  remembered. 

I  noticed  while  they  were  talking  that  Sherman  was 
smoking  a  cigar.  Finally,  when  they  said  good-by  and 
started  to  leave,  Sherman,  as  though  not  thinking  of  it 
until  then,  remarked  that  I  kept  good  cigars;  that  he  had 
found  a  box  open  on  the  table  in  the  room  below  and  had 
helped  himself,  and  that  he  was  enjoying  my  hospitality 
very  much  without  my  consent,  but  he  hoped  I  wouldn't 
object.  The  box  was  one  that  had  been  sent  me  from 
Hilton  Head,  S.  C,  by  a  brother  officer  a  few  days  before, 
and  I  felt  honored  that  the  General  had  seen  fit  to  help 
himself. 


h 


I 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THROUGH   THE  CAROLINAS. 

OUR  stay  in  Savannah  was  of  short  duration.  On 
the  18th  of  January  we  made  a  start  for  the  cam- 
paign through  the  Carolinas.  Slocum's  left  wing  of  the 
army  marched  up  the  Savannah  River,  on  the  Georgia  side, 
a  distance  of  about  forty  miles,  to  a  place  called  Sisters 
Ferry. 

I  was  ordered  to  go  there  on  the  United  States  gunboat 
Pontiac,  commanded  by  Captain  S.  B.  Luce  of  the  United 
States  Navy.  This  gunboat,  my  diary  tells  me,  carried 
"fourteen  guns — ^two  one  hundred  pounders,  four  nine-inch 
and  eight  six-inch  brass  guns,  and  was  a  snug,  swift-running 
craft,  well  officered  and  well  manned."  It  was  under  orders 
to  proceed  up  the  river  to  patrol  it  and  to  protect  Slocum's 
crossing  at  Sisters  Ferry.  The  purpose  of  sending  me  on 
it  was  to  enable  the  right  and  left  wings  of  the  army,  march- 
ing on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  river,  to  communicate  with 
each  other,  if  there  should  be  necessity  and  opportunity 
therefor.  There  was  neither  necessity  nor  opportunity,  for 
the  country  was  flat  as  a  pancake  and  generally  shut  out 
entirely  by  trees  that  lined  the  shores. 

Having  nothing  to  do  gave  me  opportunity  to  become 
acquainted  with  the  officers  of  the  ship,  whom  I  found  very 
cordial  and  polite.  They  seemed  delighted  to  tell  me  of 
service  in  the  navy  generally  and  of  their  particular  expe- 
riences. They  were  naturally  very  anxious  to  hear  every- 
thing I  could  tell  them  about  the  details  of  our  march 
through  Georgia  and  our  general  service  on  the  land. 

I  was  on  board  this  ship  about  two  weeks.  It  carried  a 
fairly  good  library  and  I  found  in  it  a  number  of  books 
that  I  read  during  my  spare  time.     Reference  to  my  diary 

61 


5»  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

informs  me  that  I  read  during  this  time  "Redbum's  First 
Voyage,"  "Tom  Brown's  School  Days  at  Rugby"  and  "The 
Red  Rover." 

I  took  advantage  of  every  opportunity  to  read  such  books 
as  I  could  get,  and  there  were  a  good  many  of  them,  but 
at  the  moment  I  recall  only  one  other,  "Nicholas  Nickleby," 
that  I  read  about  this  time.  I  read  that  while  stationed  on 
Vining's  Hill  and  greatly  enjoyed  it. 

General  Howard  entered  South  Carolina  by  way  of 
Hilton  Head,  marching  from  there  into  the  interior  of  the 
State  .on  roads  that  led  to  points  practically  opposite 
Sisters  Ferry. 

A  few  days  after  the  Pontiac  reached  Sisters  Ferry,  Janu- 
ary 31st,  1865,  I  bade  good-by  to  the  naval  service  and 
rejoined  General  Slocum's  headquarters,  where  I  felt  more 
at  home. 

The  Savannah  River  was  at  the  time  little  short  of  a  great 
flood.  It  was  everywhere  "out  of  its  banks,"  and  we  were 
compelled  to  remain  there  in  camp  some  days  before  it  was 
safe  to  put  down  our  pontoons  and  cross  over.  When  finally 
we  were  able  to  move.  General  Kilpatrick  first  crossed  with 
his  cavalry,  then  the  infantry.  For  some  reason  w'hich  I 
do  not  now  recall,  I  crossed  in  a  row  boat  with  General  A.  S. 
Williams,  then  commanding  the  Twentieth  Corps,  and  two 
or  three  members  of  his  staff.  As  we  neared  the  South 
Carolina  shore,  General  Williams,  who  seemed  to  have  some 
acquaintance  with  literature,  called  attention  to  the  long, 
gray,  funereal-looking  moss  that  hung  in  great  profusion 
from  the  branches  of  the  live  oaks  that  lined  the  bank,  and 
remarked  that  it  made  him  think  of  cemeteries,  and,  taken 
in  connection  with  our  situation  and  what  we  were  doing, 
reminded  him  of  Gray's  "Elegy,"  written  in  a  country 
churchyard,  and  Wolfe's  remark,  as  he  crossed  the  St.  Law- 
rence the  night  before  the  battle  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham, 
that  he  would  rather  be  the  author  of  that  poem  than  to 
capture  Quebec  on  the  following  day.  At  that  time  I  had 
read  Gray's  "Elegy," — ^it  had  a  prominent  place  in  one 
of  the  readers  used  in  our  district  country  sdhools, — but  I 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  53 

had  never  before  heard  of  the  comment  of  General  Wolfe 
mentioned  by  General  Williams. 

At  the  first  opportunity  I  read  the  "Elegy"  again  with 
greater  appreciation  than  ever  before,  and  studied  with  new 
interest  the  struggle  that  settled  it,  in  that  death  grapple 
at  Quebec,  that  the  English  and  not  the  French  were  to 
dominate  America. 

I  happened  to  be  present  ^Vhen  General  Sherman,  after 
all  was  in  readiness  for  the  Carolina  campaign  and  each 
was  about  to  go  his  separate  way,  said,  in  substance,  as  his 
parting  words  to  Slocum:  "Don't  forget  that  when  you 
have  crossed  the  Savannah  River  you  will  be  in  South 
Carolina,  You  need  not  be  so  careful  there  about  private 
property  as  we  have  been.  The  more  of  it  you  destroy  the 
better  it  will  be.  The  people  of  South  Carolina  should  be 
made  to  feel  the  war,  for  they  brought  it  on  and  are  respon- 
sible more  than  anybody  else  for  our  presence  here.  Now 
is  the  time  to  punish  them." 

General  Slocum  indicated  assent. 

Two  of  the  first  villages  we  reached  were  Roibertsville 
and  Lawtonville.  They  were  both  small  towns  of  perhaps 
six  or  eight  hundred  inhabitants.  They  were  both  in  ashes. 
There  was  not  a  house  left  in  either  place,  only  a  lot  of 
naked  chimneys,  and  many  of  them  had  been  thrown  down. 

I  did  not  know  who  fired  these  towns,  and  did  not  learn, 
but  they  were  probably  fired  by  the  cavalry.  I  know  they 
could  not  have  been  fired  by  our  column,  because  we  reached 
there  only  a  few  hours  after  the  first  of  our  troops  crossed 
the  river,  and  even  if  our  advance  had  fired  them,  they 
would  not  have  been  completely  burned  by  the  time  we 
arrived.  But  they  had  been  burned  all  the  same,  and  the 
picture  they  presented  recalled  in  a  vivid  way  the  words  of 
the  parting  Generals  and  caused  me  to  think  that  General 
Slocum  was  not  the  only  one  who  had  been  cautioned  to 
remember  that  when  we  crossed  the  river  we  would  be  in 
South  Carolina. 

These  were,  however,  the  only  towns  I  saw  burned  or  in 
any  way  unnecessarily  mistreated  during  all  that  celebrated 
march. 


M  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

A  large  part  of  Columbia,  the  capital  of  South  Carolina, 
was  burned,  and  there  was  a  fierce  controversy  between 
General  Sherman  and  various  Confederate  authorities  as  to 
responsibility  therefor;  but  our  column  did  not  enter  that 
city  and  I  have  no  personal  knowledge  of  the  facts. 

Our  march  through  the  Carolinas  differed  from  that 
through  Georgia  chiefly  as  conditions  were  different.  While 
marching  through  Georgia  we  were  favored  with  good 
weather  and  fine  roads  that  led  through  a  beautiful  and 
bountiful  country.  Before  leaving  Atlanta  Sherman  issued 
a  general  order,  in  which  he  told  us,  among  other  things, 
that  on  our  march  we  would  have  to  subsist  largely  on  the 
country,  and  that  we  would  therefore  be  allowed  to  "forage 
liberally."  This  we  did,  and  doing  so,  found  an  abundance 
to  supply  our  wants. 

In  the  Carolinas  it  was  different.  Instead  of  November 
and  December  we  had  February  and  March;  instead  of  the 
weather  being  pleasant  it  was  inclement, — heavy,  cold  rains 
poured  down  upon  us  almost  constantly,  particularly  during 
the  early  weeks  of  the  campaign ;  instead  of  dry,  firm  ground 
we  had  water-soaked  roads;  rivers  were  at  flood  tide  and 
marshes  and  swamps  were  well-nigh  impassable.  The  soil 
was  poor  and  the  food  supply  scarce. 

Our  foragers  had  hard  work  to  find  enough  to  meet  our 
necessities.  We  had  better  weather  and  better  roads  later 
in  the  campaign.  In  fact,  the  whole  situation  improved  as 
we  neared  and  passed  into  North  Carolina.  And  yet  we 
had  there  some  heavy  rains,  bad  roads  and  high  rivers  to 
cross.  There  was  mud  everywhere  at  both  Averysboro  and 
Bentonville. 

General  Slocum  was  always  alert  to  get  information  about 
the  roads,  the  enemy  and  the  sentiments  of  the  people.  In 
this  behalf  he  questioned,  or  had  some  one  question,  every 
intelligent-looking  citizen  we  chanced  to  meet  and  had 
opportunity  to  talk  with.  As  we  passed  through  South 
Carolina  we  were  told  by  almost  every  one  we  interviewed 
that  he  was  a  Union  man,  and  that  he  wished  for  our  success. 
We  discounted  all  these  statements,  sometimes  with  derision, 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  56 

thinking  that  they  were  made  only  to  deceive  and  get 
protection. 

We  were  anxious  to  locate  the  boundary  line  between 
North  and  South  Carolina,  and  to  know  exactly  when  we 
crossed  it.  To  this  end,  when  we  knew  we  must  be  approach- 
ing it.  General  Slocum  inquired  about  its  location,  or  had 
some  one  inquire  for  him  of  all  the  native  citizens  whom 
we  chanced  to  pass  or  meet.  They  kept  telling  us  that  we 
had  not  yet  come  to  the  line;  that  it  was  still  some  distance 
ahead;  that  we  were  still  in  South  Carolina,  and  so  forth 
and  so  on.  Finally,  after  having  gone  some  distance  without 
seeing  any  one  of  whom  we  could  make  further  inquiry,  we 
saw  ahead  of  us  a  middle-aged  man  standing  in  front  of  a  log 
house  that  stood  back  from  the  road  about  three  or  four  hun- 
dred feet,  silently  watching  the  marching  column.  When  we 
came  opposite  to  him  the  General  turned  from  the  road  and 
rode  up  to  where  the  man  was  standing.  He  prefaced  his 
inquiry  about  the  boundary  line  between  the  States  with  a 
remark  that  he  supposed  he  was  a  Union  man.  The  citizen 
answered,  "No,  I  am  not  a  Union  man."  The  General  next  said 
to  him,  "Then  I  suppose  you  are  a  Secessionist."  The  citizen 
answered,  "No,  I  am  not  a  Secessionist,  either."  The  General 
then  said,,  "If  you  are  not  a  Union  man  or  a  Secessionist, 
please  tell  me  what  you  are.?"  The  old  man  answered,  "I  am 
a  Rebel."  The  General  turned  to  his  staff  and  said,  ".  .  . 
we  have  crossed  the  line."     And  so  we  had. 

Before  asking  about  the  State  line,  however,  the  General 
sought  to  get  a  line  on  the  political  status  of  the  man  he 
was  interviewing.  In  tfhe  short  conversation  that  ensued  he 
found  him  very  intelligent  and  very  sturdy  in  his  opinions. 
He  informed  the  General  that  he  had  never  believed  in  the 
doctrine  of  secession,  but  he  did  believe  that  any  people 
had  a  right  to  rebel  against  any  government;  that  as  a 
Southern  man  his  sympathies  were  with  the  South,  and, 
therefore,  while  he  did  not  believe  a  State  had  a  constitu- 
tional right  to  withdraw  from  the  Union  at  pleasure,  he  did 
believe  that  a  State  had  a  natural  right  to  rebel,  and  that  inas- 
much as  his  State  had  taken  action  equivalent  to  rebellion,  his 


56  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

sympathies  were  with  the  Confederacy,  and  that  only  his 
age  and  his  infirmities  had  prevented  him  from  going  into 
the  Confederate  army.  He  excited  the  admiration  of  all 
who  heard  him,  and  I  am  sure  the  General  would  have  shown 
him  any  favor  within  his  power  to  grant,  that  he  might  have 
asked ;  but  he  wanted  nothing. 

It  was  thought  by  the  Confederates  when  our  campaign 
commenced  that  Charleston  was  our  objective  point.  On 
that  account  many  valuables  were  taken  back  from  the  city 
and  its  vicinity  to  the  interior  of  the  State  for  safe  keeping 
until  we  should  have  come  and  gone. 

Many  of  these  things  were  so  removed  from  places  where 
they  would  have  been  safe,  if  allowed  to  remain  there,  and 
put  directly  in  our  pathway.  As  a  rule  everything  that 
admitted  of  such  treatment  was  buried  or  hidden  away  in 
some  manner  in  the  ground.  The  soldiers  soon  learned  this, 
and  as  a  result  they  were  to  be  seen  every  day  spread  out 
over  the  country  through  which  we  were  passing  in  regular 
line  of  battle,  as  it  were,  not  only  looking  for  horses,  mules, 
cattle,  hogs,  chickens,  hams,  bacon  and  other  things  we 
needed,  but  prodding  the  ground  with  their  bayonets  or  with 
sharp  sticks  with  which  they  had  provided  themselves,  in 
search  of  soft  places  where  something  had  been  secreted. 

In  this  way  they  found  not  only  jewelry,  silver  plate  and 
fine  china,  but  also  fine  wines, — port,  Madeira,  sherry  and 
native  wines;  among  others  was  a  native  wine  called  scup- 
pernong.  There  were  large  quantities  of  this,  but  there 
were  so  many  to  drink  it,  and  such  careful  supervision  of 
the  use  of  it  by  the  officers,  that  I  did  not  hear  of  any  one 
becoming  intoxicated. 

These  discoveries  and  recoveries  were  numerous  in  the 
country  around  about  Cheraw  and  FayetteviUe.  On  the 
day  the  Twentieth  Corps  reached  FayetteviUe,  where  we 
remained  a  day  or  two.  General  Slocum  wanted  a  message 
carried  to  General  Ward,  who  was  commanding  one  of  the 
divisions  of  the  Twentieth  Corps.  All  his  regular  staff  officers 
being  just  then  otherwise  engaged,  he  asked  me  to  hunt  up 
General  Ward's  headquarters  and  deliver  his  message  to  him. 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  67 

In  doing  so  I  found  on  arrival  at  his  location  that  his  tents 
were  only  then  being  pitched,  and  that  he,  surrounded  by 
his  staff,  was  sampling  some  scuppernong.  I  delivered  my 
message.  In  the  conversation  that  followed  some  one  com- 
plimented the  wine,  and  asked  him  how  much  he  had. 
He  answered,  "Some  of  them  got  some,  but  I  got  only  a 
barrel  and  a  half!"  He  was  a  Kentuckian  and  a  brave  and 
gallant  soldier,  who,  while  neither  a  Prohibitionist  nor  a 
Sunday  school  teacher,  yet  never  drank  to  excess,  as  his 
facetious  remark  indicated  he  might  have  done  under  favor- 
able circumstances.  His  remark  is  remembered  and  given  a 
place  in  these  personal  notes  because  it  was  widely  repeated 
at  the  time  and  because  it  shows  that  even  war  had  some 
humorous  sides ;  at  least  our  part  of  it. 

The  most  pleasing  event  connected  with  our  stay  at 
Fayetteville  was  the  arrival  of  a  small  steamboat  that  had 
come  up  the  Cape  Fear  river  with  the  mail,  the  latest  news- 
papers and  good  reports  generally  as  to  the  progress  of  the 
war  and  the  prospects  of  peace.  It  put  us  once  more  in 
communication  with  the  rest  of  the  world  and  made  us  very 
happy.  She  tarried  with  us  but  a  few  hours,  when  she 
returned,  bearing  letters  to  our  homes  and  messages  to  the 
pufblic  that  gladdened  the  hearts  of  not  only  the  thousands 
who  heard  from  us  directly,  but  the  hearts  also  of  the  loyal 
millions  of  the  North  who  had  been  for  weeks  anxiously 
waiting  to  hear  in  some  reliable  way  from  an  army  that 
had  voluntarily  cut  itself  off  from  the  outside  world  to 
render  a  service  of  the  most  hazardous  character,  on  the 
success  or  failure  of  which  the  fate  of  the  Union  cause 
largely  depended. 

After  two  or  three  days,  during  which  time  other  boats 
came  and  went,  and  all  the  army  caught  up  and  got  more 
or  less  rested,  we  started  on  what  may  be  called  the  last 
leg  of  our  journey  to  Goldsboro;  four  divisions  of  the  left 
wing  going  by  way  of  Averysboro  to  Bentonville,  while 
the  right  wing  struck  out  directly  for  Goldsboro,  but  after- 
ward turned  aside  to  Bentonville  to  help  the  left  wing  in 
that  battle. 


58  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

We  knew  of  the  battles  of  Franklin  and  Nashville  and 
how  thoroughly  General  Thomas  had  vindicated  the  con- 
fidence reposed  in  him  when  he  was  intrusted  with  the  duty 
of  "taking  care  of  Hood."  We  knew  that  the  scattered 
remnants  not  only  of  Hood's  army,  but  of  all  the  other 
armies  outside  of  Virginia,  were  being  gathered  together 
and  hurried  across  the  country  to  be  concentrated  in  our 
front  to  stop  and  destroy  "Sherman's  vandals."  We  knew 
that  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  had  been  assigned  to  the 
command  of  these  troops,  and  we  knew  of  his  great  ability 
as  a  commander  and  that  he  was  a  wily  and  skillful  strate- 
gist and  all-around  dangerous  enemy.  We  knew  that  in  all 
probability  somewhere  between  Fayetteville  and  Goldsboro  he 
would  dispute  our  further  progress.  Preparatory  therefor 
General  Slocum  sent  all  his  wagon  trains,  guarded  by  two 
divisions,  on  interior  roads,  while  two  divisions  of  the  Four- 
teenth Corps  and  two  divisions  of  the  Twentieth  Corps,  in 
light  marching  order  and  ready  for  instant  action,  took  the 
outside  roads  leading  first  north  along  the  Cape  Fear  river 
to  Averysboro  and  then  making  a  sharp  turn  to  the  right 
almost  due  east  to  Bentonville.  The  right  wing  also  sent 
their  wagons  on  interior  roads,  guarded  by  two  divisions, 
while  the  other  four  divisions,  stripped  for  battle,  followed 
roads  well  to  the  south  on  the  right  of  us. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  write  history,  but  only  to  jot 
down  a  few  personal  notes.  I  do  not  stop,  therefore,  to 
describe  either  the  battle  of  Averysboro  or  the  battle  of 
Bentonville.  It  is  not  necessary,  for  history  has  done  that 
elaborately.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  here  that  it  was  my 
fortune  to  actively  participate  in  both  these  engagements, 
not  as  a  Signal  Officer,  for  the  level  and  wooded  country 
made  it  impossible  to  do  any  work  of  that  kind,  but  as 
Aide-de-camp  to  General  Slocum,  who  gave  me  a  great  deal 
of  that  kind  of  work  to  do.  At  Averysboro  it  was  only  such 
work  as  was  usual, — ^the  carrying  of  orders,  etc.  At  Ben- 
tonville, however,  it  was  somewhat  different. 

General  Sherman  joined  us  while  the  battle  of  Averys- 
boro was  in  progress  and  remained  with  our  column  until  the 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  69 

morning  of  the  lOfh.  That  morning  he  left  us  to  join 
Howard  and  travel  with  the  right  wing  that  he  might  the 
sooner  meet  Generals  Schofield  and  Terry,  who,  coming  up 
from  Newberne,  were  expected  to  connect  with  our  right 
at  Cox's  Bridge.  Before  he  left  us  our  column  was  already 
on  the  march  and  already  there  was  a  spirited  skirmish 
firing  going  on  at  the  front.  General  Sherman  and  every- 
body else  at  the  time  when  he  left  us  were  of  the  opinion, 
however,  that  there  was  nothing  in  our  front  except  only 
some  cavalry,  or  at  most  only  a  small  force  that  could  not 
impede  our  march.  As  he  said  good-by  to  General  Slocum 
and  rode  away,  he  spoke  cheerily  of  the  fact  that  we  were 
nearing  the  end  of  the  campaign  and  that  there  no  longer 
appeared  to  be  any  reason  to  apprehend  any  further  serious 
opposition.  He  had  not  been  gone  long,  however,  before  the 
troops  at  the  front  were  halted  and  the  scattering  shots 
seemed  to  increase.  Finally  it  occurred  to  Major  William 
G.  Tracy,  of  General  Slocum's  staff,  and  to  myself  that  it 
might  be  well  for  us  to  ride  to  the  front  and  find  out  exactly 
what  the  situation  was.  We  told  General  Slocum  what  we 
had  in  mind,  and  he  approved.  It  was  probably  a  mile 
from  where  we  left  the  General  until  we  reached  the  head 
of  the  column.  When  we  did  so  we  found  it  halted  at  the 
edge  of  an  open  space  of  ground,  perhaps  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  width,  beyond  which  there  was  the  usual  pine  woods. 
Our  line  of  skirmishers  was  about  half  way  across  this  field 
and  two  or  three  regiments  were  being  formed  in  rear  of  it 
as  reserves,  indicating  that  the  line  had  met  with  so  much 
resistance  that  the  officer  in  command  was  strengthening  it 
before  undertaking  to  advance  farther.  We  rode  down 
toward  where  the  reserves  were  being  formed,  and  as  we 
did  so,  the  command  to  advance  was  given.  The  skirmishers 
rushed  forward  to  the  edge  of  the  woods,  the  reserves  follow- 
ing down  in  supporting  distance.  When  our  line  thus  started 
forward  there  was  instantly  opened  upon  them  a  fierce 
musketry  fire  from  what  turned  out  to  be  a  line  of  outposts, 
each  post  more  or  less  protected  by  a  light  intrenchment  or 
barricade   made    of   logs,   rails,    etc.      These    outposts   were 


60  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

situated  far  enough  back  in  the  pine  woods  not  to  be  seen 
until  we  got  near  them.  When  the  firing  commenced  Tracy 
and  I  were  within  range  of  the  enemy's  bullets.  We  were 
there  as  mere  volunteers,  as  it  were,  and  felt  somewhat 
uncomfortable  because  of  the  situation  in  which  we  found 
ourselves, — under  fire  without  ability  to  return  it  and 
without  being  able  to  render  any  kind  of  service  as  a  com- 
pensation for  our  exposure.  We  were  mounted  and  each 
had  an  orderly  with  him.  We  made,  therefore,  a  rather 
conspicuous  mark  for  the  enemy.  Before  we  had  time  to 
consider  what  we  should  do,  Major  Tracy  was  wounded; 
a  bullet  passed  through  his  boot-leg  and  wounded  him 
between  the  knee  and  the  ankle.  I  dismounted  to  examine 
as  to  the  extent  of  his  injuries  and  found  that  they  were 
not  so  serious  but  that  he  could  ride  back  on  his  horse. 
I  sent  him  back  with  his  orderly.  By  the  time  I  was  able 
to  remount  our  skirmishers  and  their  reserves  had  driven  the 
enemy  from  his  intrenchments,  back  through  the  woods,  out 
of  sight.  I  went  forward  to  investigate.  When  I  came  to 
what  had  been  the  enemy's  line  I  saw  a  wounded  Confed- 
erate whom  I  shall  never  forget.  He  was  seriously  wounded, 
perhaps  fatally.  Two  or  three  Union  soldiers  were  gathered 
about  him,  trying  to  give  him  assistance,  but  he  would  not 
allow  them  to  do  anything  for  him.  To  everything  said 
to  him  he  answered  by  reaching  about  him  for  sticks,  pebbles 
or  anything  he  could  get  hold  of  and  viciously  throwing 
them  at  his  would-be  good  Samaritans.  I  observed  that  he 
was  an  infantryman  and  was  hoping  I  might  be  able  to  get 
from  him  some  information  as  to  the  forces  in  front  of  us,  but 
before  I  could  do  so  a  squad  came  from  the  front  guarding 
some  prisoners  who  had  been  captured  and  from  whom  we 
learned  that  Joe  Johnston  was  in  front  of  us  with  his  entire 
army,  estimated  by  them  at  about  forty  thousand  men,  or 
more  than  twice  the  number  of  the  four  divisions  we  had 
marching  on  that  road.  This  was  such  important  news  and, 
under  the  circumstances,  so  surprising  that  I  felt  it  my 
duty  to  ride  back  to  General  Slocum  and  give  him  the 
information.     I  did  so  as  hurriedly  as  possible,  but  found 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  61 

the  General  already  informed.  The  same  information  had 
reached  him  from  another  source,  and  he  was  himself  hur- 
rying to  the  front  and  had  already  ordered  the  troops  from 
the  rear  to  move  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible  and  take 
position  on  either  side  of  the  road,  correctly  assuming  that 
if  Johnston  was  there  in  force,  he  would  probably  try  to 
a,ttack  our  marching  column  before  it  could  be  deployed, 
and  thus  throw  us  into  confusion  and  drive  us  back  on  the 
troops  in  the  rear,  the  result  of  which  could  not  have  been 
otherwise  than  disastrous.  I  never  before  saw  troops  so 
hurried  into  battle.  Carlin's  division  of  the  Fourteenth  Corps 
was  in  the  advance.  It  was  quickly  deployed  on  the  left 
of  the  road  on  which  we  were  marching.  Morgan's  division, 
also  of  the  Fourteenth  Corps,  immediately  following  Carlin, 
was  rushed  into  position  on  the  right  of  the  road.  The 
artillery  came  to  the  front  and  into  place  in  a  gallop.  The. 
two  divisions  of  the  Twentieth  Corps  were  coming  forward  as 
rapidly  as  possible  to  take  position  on  our  left,  but  before  they 
arrived  the  firing  in  front  of  Carlin,  who  had  advanced  his 
line  to  develop  the  strength  and  exact  position  of  the 
enemy,  grew  heavier  and  more  significant.  It  soon  became 
evident  that  the  enemy  was  taking  the  offensive.  Presently 
our  skirmishers  were  seen  retiring,  and,  following  them,  in 
long  lines  of  gray,  came  what  we  afterward  learned  was  the 
whole  of  Hoke's  Division.  It  was  composed  of  veterans  of 
Lee's  army,  and  had  just  come  up  from  Wilmington,  where 
it  had  been  stationed  for  some  time,  and  where  it  had  been 
well-fed,  clothed,  drilled  and  rested.  It  was  the  flower  of 
Johnston's  forces  and  doubtless  as  fine  a  division  as  there  was 
at  that  time  in  the  whole  Confederate  army.  We  had  only 
Carlin's  Division  in  line,  with  Morgan's  taking  position  on 
Carlin's  right,  when  this  assault  was  made.  The  assailants 
greatly  outnumbered  those  already  in  line  to  receive  them, 
but  these  gave  them  such  a  warm  welcome  and  made  such  a 
stubborn  resistance  that,  although  Carlin  was  compelled  to 
fall  back  a  short  distance,  to  where  we  were  establishing  our 
main  line,  yet  there  was  no  demoralization  whatever  in  his 
ranks.     His  men  were  veterans  who  could  not  be  stampeded. 


m  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

They  preserved  their  alignment  and  fought  so  fiercely  that 
they  soon  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  enemy  waver 
and  then  break  and  retreat. 

In  due  time  the  two  divisions  of  the  Twentieth  Corps, 
Jackson's  and  Ward's,  reached  the  position  assigned  them  on 
the  left  of  Carlin.  The  line  thus  made  was  reinforced  by  all 
the  artillery  of  the  four  divisions.  The  enemy  re-formed  and 
again  and  again  returned  to  the  attack,  but  each  time  to  find 
our  line  better  able  to  receive  him  and  each  time  better  able 
to  inflict  repulse  and  defeat. 

When  the  first  assault  was  commencing  General  Slocum, 
no  longer  doubting  the  serious  situation  that  confronted  him, 
wrote  a  message  to  Sherman,  giving  him  full  information 
and  asking  for  assistance.  Turning  to  his  staff  to  select 
some  one  to  carry  it,  I  was  both  surprised  and  pleased  when 
he  beckoned  to  me.  Handing  me  the  message,  he  told  me 
it  was  for  General  Sherman ;  that  he  wanted  it  put  into  his 
hands  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  and  that  he  wanted 
me  to  take  it  to  him.  He  told  me  in  a  general  way  where 
I  could  find  him  and  that  I  should  ride  well  to  the  right 
to  avoid  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy,  but  to  keep  a  southerly 
direction  until  I  found  the  road  on  which  the  General  was 
marching,  then  to  pursue  and  overtake  him.  His  last  words 
were,  "And  don't  spare  horseflesh."  I  obeyed  his  orders 
as  promptly  and  literally  as  I  could  and  was  fortunate 
enough  to  give  satisfaction  to  both  Generals.  Both  have 
told  enough  of  this  ride  to  make  it  unnecessary  for  me  to 
do  more  than  to  quote  what  they  have  said.  In  the  Century 
Magazine  for  October,  1887,  will  be  found  an  article  by 
General  Slocum,  giving  an  account  of  the  battle  of  Benton- 
ville,  in  the  course  which  he  says,  speaking  of  this  incident: 

This  information  was  carried  to  General  Sherman  by  a  young  man 
not  then  twenty  years  of  age,  but  who  was  full  of  energy  and  activity 
and  was  always  reliable.  He  was  then  the  youngest  member  of  my  staff. 
He  is  now  Governor  of  Ohio — Joseph  B.  Foraker.  His  work  on  this 
day  secured  his  promotion  to  the  rank  of  Captain.  Some  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war  Foraker  wrote  me,  calling  my  attention  to  some 
errors  in  a  published  account  of  this  battle  of  Bentonville,  and  although 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  69 

his  letter  was  private,  his  statements  are  so  full  of  interest  that  I  fed 
certain  I  shall  be  pardoned  for  giving  an  extract  from  it. 

"Firing  between  the  men  on  the  skirmish  line  commenced  before 
Sherman  had  left  as  on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  but  it  was  supposed 
there  was  nothing  but  cavalry  in  our  front.  It  was  kept  up  stead- 
ily, and  constantly  increased  in  volume.  Finally  there  was  a  halt 
in  the  column.  You  expressed  some  anxiety,  and  Major  W.  G.  Tracy 
and  I  rode  to  the  front  to  see  what  was  going  on.  At  the  edge  of 
the  open  fields  next  to  the  woods  in  which  the  barricades  were  we 
found  our  skirmish  line  halted.  ...  In  a  few  minutes  it  moved 
forward  again.  The  enemy  partly  reserved  their  fire  until  it  got 
half  way  or  more  across  the  field.  This  induced  Tracy  and  me  to 
think  there  was  but  little  danger,  and  so  we  followed  up  closely, 
until  suddenly  they  began  again  a  very  spirited  firing,  in  the  midst 
of  which  we  were  sorry  to  find  ourselves.  I  remember  we  hardly 
knew  what  to  do, — we  could  do  no  good  by  going  on  and  none  by 
remaining.  To  be  killed  under  such  circumstances  would  look  like 
a  waste  of  raw  material,  we  thought.  But  the  trouble  was  to  get 
out.  We  didn't  want  to  turn  back,  as  we  thought  that  would  no:t 
look  well.  While  we  were  thus  hesitating  a  spent  ball  struck  Tracy 
on  the  leg,  giving  him  a  slight  but  painful  wound.  Almost  at  the 
same  moment  our  skirmishers  charged  and  drove  the  rebels.  .  .  . 
I  rode  back  with  Tracy  only  a  very  short  distance,  when  we  met 
you  hurrying  to  the  front.  I  found  you  had  already  been  informed 
of  what  had  been  discovered  and  that  you  had  already  sent  orders 
to  everybody  to  hurry  to  the  front.  I  remember,  too,  that  a  little 
later  Major  Mosely,  I  think,  though  it  may  have  been  some  other 
member  of  your  staff,  suggested  that  you  ought  to  have' the  advance 
division  charge  and  drive  them  out  of  the  way;  that  it  could  not  be 
possible  that  there  was  much  force  ahead  of  us,  and  that  if  we 
waited  for  the  others  to  come  up  we  should  lose  a  whole  day,  and 
if  it  should  turn  out  that  there  was  nothing  to  justify  such  caution, 
it  would  look  bad  for  the  left  wing,  to  which  you  replied  in  an 
earnest  manner,  'I  can  afford  to  be  charged  with  being  dilatory  or 
over  cautious,  but  I  cannot  afford  the  responsibility  of  another 
Ball's  Bluff  affair.'  Do  you  remember  it?  I  presume  not,  but  I 
was  then  quite  young,  and  ruch  remarks  made  a  lasting  impression. 
It  excited  my  confidence  and  admiration,  and  was  the  first  moment 
that  I  began  to  feel  that  there  was  really  serious  work  before  us. 
.  .  .  You  handed  me  a  written  message  to  take  to  General  Sher- 
man. The  last  words  you  spoke  to  me  as  I  started  were,  *Ride  well 
to  the  right,  so  as  to  keep  clear  of  the  enemy's  left  flank,  and  don't 
spare  horseflesh.'  I  reached  General  Sherman  just  about  sundown. 
He  was  on  the  left  side  of  the  road  on  a  sloping  hillside,  where,  as 
I  understood,  he  had  halted  only  a  few  minutes  before  for  the  night. 
His  staff  were  about  him.  I  think  General  Howard  was  there, — 
but  I  do  not  now  remember  seeing  him, — but  on  the  hiUside  twenty 
yards  further  up  Logan  was  lying  on  a  blanket.  Sherman  saw  me 
approaching  and  walked  briskly  towards  me,  took  your  message, 
tore  it  open,  read  it,  and  called  out,  'John  I^ogan !    Where  is  Logan?' 


64  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Just  then  Logan  jumped  up  and  started  towards  us.  He,  too, 
walked  briskly,  but  before  he  reached  us  Sherman  had  informed  him 
of  the  situation  and  ordered  him  to  turn  Hazen  back  and  have  him 
report  to  you.  It  was  not  yet  dark  when  I  rode  away,  carrying  an 
answer  to  your  message.  It  was  after  midnight  when  I  got  back, 
the  ride  back  being  so  much  longer  in  point  of  time  because  the 
road  was  full  of  troops,  it  was  dark  and  my  'horseflesh'  was  used  up  !'* 

At  a  reunion  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  held  in  Music 
Hall,  Cincinnati,  in  September,  1889,  at  which  time  I  was 
Governor  and  a  candidate  for  re-election.  General  Sherman, 
in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  turning  to  me,  said: 

I  weU  remember  you  as  you  rode  into  my  quarters  when  Joe  Johnston 
struck  my  left  in  North  Carolina.  You  burst  upon  us  in  a  grove  of 
pines,  with  a  message  from  Slocum,  saying  that  he  needed  to  be 
reinforced.  I  recall  your  figure,  sir,  splashed  with  mud,  your  spurs 
that  were  red,  your  splendid  horse,  hard-ridden  and  panting,  and  how 
you  sat  erect;  and  I  shall  not  forget  the  soldier  that  you  looked  and 
were.  A  knight  errant  with  steel  cuirass,  his  lance  in  hand,  was  a 
beautiful  thing,  and  you  are  his  legitimate  successor.  I  marked  you 
well  then,  and  thought  of  the  honors  that  were  your  due.  You  have 
gloriously  attained  them,  and  I  believe  and  approve  that  higher,  the 
highest  honors,  await  you. 

I  had  not  the  slightest  intimation  beforehand  of  what 
General  Sherman  was  to  say.  I  was,  therefore,  greatly  sur- 
prised, as  well  as  much  gratified.  His  speech  naturally 
attracted  a  great  deal  of  attention.  It  was  reproduced  and 
commented  on  in  the  newspapers  far  and  wide,  not  only  in 
prose,  but  also  in  verse.  I  take  the  liberty  of  preserving, 
by  incorporating  it  here,  the  following,  published  soon  there- 
after in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette^  written,  I 
imagine,  from  the  place  where  it  is  dated,  by  Dr.  H.  S. 
Fullerton : 

To  Ben  Fobaker. 

(Upon  reading  General  Sherman's  speech  at  the  reunion  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  September  25,  1889). 

Down  in  the  gloom  of  Southern  pines 
Reel  and  stagger  Slocum*s  lines. 
For,  in  the  darkness  of  battle  smoke. 
Treason  is  dealing  its  dying  stroke. 
And  the  heroes  of  many  a  bloody  field 
Crushed  by  numbers  will  not  yield. 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  65 

Far  through  the  swamps  a  horseman  rides; 
Lathered  with  foam  are  his  horse's  sides; 
Spattered  with  mud  the  rider's  dress. 
None  a  knight  is  he  the  less. 

No  white  plume  floats  above  his  crest. 
No  brave  trappings  adorn  his  breast; 
A  fatigue  cap  pulled  over  his  brows, 
His  knightly  apparel  an  old  blue  blouse. 

Not  for  ribbon  or  rose,  or  glove. 

Not  for  guerdon  of  lady's  love. 

Rides  the  knight  through  swamps  and  pines. 

He  rides  for  help  for  Slocum's  lines. 

Grim  old  Sherman,  miles  away. 
Had  heard  the  thunder  of  battle  that  day. 
Up  to  his  tent  with  morn's  first  light 
Galloped  this  muddy,  boyish  knight. 

"General  Slocum  needs  help,"  he  said. 
Back  to  Slocum  the  help  he  led. 
The  rebel  hosts  were  beaten  away. 
And  our  battles  ended  on  that  day. 

Honor  to  him  to  whom  honor  is  due. 
Honor  the  knightly  boy  in  blue. 
Knightly  in  peace  as  knightly  in  war. 
No  mud  sticks  on  our  Governor  I 

Hillsboro,  Ohio,  September  27. 


The  next  two  days,  the  20th  and  21st,  were  spent  in 
bringing  up  the  available  divisions  of  the  right  wing,  invest- 
ing the  lines  of  the  enemy  and  pressing  him  sufficiently  to 
develop  exactly  his  position  and  strength. 

The  22nd  would  no  doubt  have  witnessed  an  assault  by 
the  Union  force  had  the  enemy  waited  to  receive  it,  but 
during  the  night  of  the  21st  he  withdrew  from  his  intrench- 
ments  and  retreated  toward  Smithfield  and  Raleigh.  When 
morning  came  he  was  so  far  on  his  way  as  to  show  clearly 
that  his  opposition  was  ended,  and  that  we  could  resume  our 
march  to  Goldsboro  without  fear  of  further  armed  inter- 
ference. 

While  the  troops  were  being  put  into  the  marching  column 
a  notable  group  of  distinguished  Generals  gathered  at  Gen- 


66  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

eral  Slocum's  headquarters,  which  happened  to  be  by  the 
side  of  the  road  on  which  most  of  the  troops  must  pass,  as 
they  came  from  their  respective  places  in  our  lines  of  battle, 
to  reach  their  appointed  places. 

General  Sherman,  General  Slocum,  General  Davis  of  the 
Fourteenth  Corps,  General  John  A.  Logan  of  the  Fifteenth 
Corps,  General  Frank  P.  Blair  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  and 
General  A.  S.  Williams  of  the  Twentieth  Corps,  were  all 
present.  Probably  General  Howard  and  some  of  the  division 
Commanders  were  also  there,  but  I  have  a  distinct  recollection 
only. as  to  those  I  have  mentioned. 

With  those  present  were  their  respective  staffs,  so  there 
were  enough  of  them,  all  told,  to  make  up  a  pretty  large 
company.  They  were  a  happy  lot  of  men.  All  realized 
that  our  campaign  was  closing  even  more  gloriously  than 
had  ended  the  march  through  Georgia,  and  that  the  two 
campaigns  taken  together  would  be  considered  one  of  the 
most  efficient  as  well  as  spectacular  strokes  of  the  entire 
war,  which  we  all  felt  was  then  practically  at  an  end. 

All  congratulated  General  Sherman  in  the  heartiest 
manner  and  spoke  in  the  most  glowing  terms  x>f  the  high 
place  he  would  hold  in  history.  His  answers  to  such  com- 
pliments were  plain,  blunt  remarks,  which  showed  that,  while 
he,  too,  was  happy  and  appreciated  what  they  said,  he 
had  no  undue  elation  or  improper  vanity.  He  took  occasion 
to  give  generous  credit  for  what  had  been  accomplished  to 
his  subordinate  Generals  and  the  splendid  army  he  com- 
manded, for  which  he  had  only  the  most  enthusiastic  words 
of  praise. 

Finally  some  one,  I  think  either  General  Logan  or  Gen- 
eral Blair,  said  to  him  that  his  two  campaigns  would  make 
him  so  exceedingly  popular  that  the  people  would  make 
him  the  next  President  of  the  United  States.  To  this  he 
quickly  and  curtly  and  in  almost  the  exact  words  following, 
answered  that  he  had  no  ambition  to  ever  hold  any  political 
office,  and  that  he  would  never  be  a  candidate  for  President, 
or  anything  else ;  and  that,  so  far  as  popularity  with  the 
American  people  was  concerned,  that  was  an  uncertain  factor 


1 


GENERAL    WM.     T.     SHERMAN. 

1865. 


:^^>^ 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  67 

anyhow,  for  they  were  as  mercurial  in  political  temperament 
as  the  French;  that  they  would  exalt  today  and  tear  down 
tomorrow,  and  do  it  with  a  wicked  viciousness  that  indicated 
that  they  enjoyed  it. 

He  then  went  on  to  say  that  he  made  these  comments  not 
only  from  observation,  but  from  actual  and  painful  expe- 
rience,  for  he  could  never  forget  how  Grant  was  almost 
destroyed  after  the  battle  of  Shiloh  by  the  charge  that  he 
was  a  drunkard;  or  when  he  himself  was  almost  ruined  by 
the  charge  that  he  was  crazy  because  he  told  the  Secretary 
of  War  in  the  fall  of  1861  that  he  should  have  an  army  of 
at  least  60,000  men  for  the  defense  of  Kentucky,  and  that 
200,000  men  would  be  needed  for  a  successful  prosecution 
of  the  war  in  that  department. 

He  said  Grant  stood  by  him  and  he  stood  by  Grant,  each 
knowing  that  the  charges  against  the  other  were  the  wicked 
creations  of  envy  and  jealousy;  but  that  it  was  by  the 
narrowest  margin  that  each  escaped  being  driven  out  of  the 
army  in  disgrace;  that  it  followed  from  all  this  that  he 
might  'be  popular  then,  and  not  popular  when  the  time  came 
to  choose  another  Chief  Magistrate. 

I  recalled  these  words  with  keen  appreciation  of  their 
truthfulness  and  prophetic-like  character  when  only  three 
or  four  weeks  later  he  fell,  in  a  moment,  as  it  were,  into 
nation-wide  disfavor  on  account  of  the  armistice  he  granted 
General  Joe  Johnston,  and  because  of  the  terms  of  the  con- 
vention he  entered  into  with  Johnston  for  the  surrender  of 
all  the  Confederate  armies. 

This  convention,  although  expressing  the  views  of  Sherman, 
yet  was  only  a  tentative  draft  submitted  by  him  through 
proper  channels  for  the  approval  of  the  President.  It  was  a 
paper  that  should  not  have  been  published  at  the  time,  yet 
the  Secretary  of  War,  with  apparent  purpose  to  injure  Gen- 
eral Sherman,  gave  it  to  the  press,  coupled  with  an  official 
statement,  in  which  he  practically  characterized  it  as  a  trea- 
sonable surrender  of  the  results  of  the  war,  and  calculated 
to  make  it  possible  for  Jefferson  Davis  to  flee  from  the 
country  and   thus  escape  punishment.      The  Secretary  also 


68  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

announced  in  this  statement  that  when  Davis  fled  from 
Richmond  he  carried  with  him  from  six  to  thirteen  millions 
of  dollars  in  gold,  and  by  innuendo  charged  that  such  part 
of  this  sum  as  might  be  necessary  was  to  be  used  to  corrupt 
the  army  and  make  his  flight  successful. 

The  New  York  papers  that  had  been  praising  Sherman 
in  the  most  extravagant  language  turned  upon  him  at  once 
columns  of  bitter  criticism  and  denunciation. 

One  issue  of  the  New  York  Herald  that  reached  us  at 
Raleigh  was  so  off^ensive  that  General  Slocum  ordered  it 
gathered  up  and  destroyed. 

The  protocol  agreed  upon  by  Sherman  with  Johnston  was 
almost  universally  disapproved;  but  there  never  was  at  any 
time  the  slightest  ground  for  any  of  the  charges  or  insinu- 
ations made  by  the  Secretary. 

I  am  not  mentioning  this  matter  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
cussing either  the  merits  of  the  agreement  or  the  charges 
of  the  Secretary,  but  only  to  point  out  that  General  Sher- 
man's own  words,  spoken  on  his  last  battlefield  to  his 
comrades  in  arms  in  a  private  conversation  had  so  quickly 
and  so  thoroughly  received  confirmation  in  his  own  personal 
experience.  Sherman  has  explained  and  defended  his  action 
in  this  matter  in  his  "Memoirs"  and  in  other  writings. 

His  contention  was  that  what  he  did  was  consistent  with 
what  he  understood  Mr.  Lincoln  to  indicate  would  be  his 
wish  in  such  a  contingency  in  a  conference  he  had  with  him 
and  General  Grant  at  City  Point,  where  he  went  to  meet 
them  immediately  after  reaching  Goldsboro. 

He  naturally  felt  indignant  that,  notwithstanding  his 
illustrious  services,  Mr.  Stanton  should  make  charges  against 
him  that  reflected  upon  both  his  loyalty  and  his  integrity. 

Sherman  says  in  his  "Memoirs"  that  the  Secretary  in  what 
he  said  ".  .  .  assumed  that  I  was  a  common  traitor  and 
a  public  enemy." 

The  remainder  of  our  journey  to  Goldsboro  was  uneventful 
except  that  at  Cox's  Bridge,  where  we  crossed  the  Neuse 
river,  we  met  General  Alfred  Terry,  with  two  divisions  of 
the  Tenth  Corps,  and  at  Goldsboro,  where  we  arrived  and  went 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  69 

into  camp  on  the  a4th,  we  found  General  Schofield  with  the 
Twenty-third  Corps. 

These  troops  gave  us  a  cordial  welcome  and  swelled  the 
total  of  our  army  to  something  like  ninety  thousand  men. 

The  four  corps  that  had  come  through  the  Carolinas  were 
in  sore  need  of  all  kinds  of  supplies,  especially  shoes,  blankets 
and  clothing.  Many  men  were  practically  barefooted,  and 
hundreds  had  lost  their  trousers  from  their  knees  down, 
leaving  a  handsome  but  unprotected  display   of  bare  legs. 

The  program  was  to  remain  at  Goldsboro  only  long  enough 
to  replenish  and  then  start  on  another  campaign  northward 
toward  Richmond,  with  Lee's  army  and  the  remnants  of 
Johnston's  forces  as  our  objective  point. 

Requisitions  were  at  once  made  for  all  needed  supplies 
upon  Quartermasters  at  Fortress  Monroe  and  Norfolk.  Not 
getting  satisfactory  answers  and  fearing  the  supplies  asked 
for  would  not  reach  us  in  time  unless  specially  looked  after 
by  some  one,  General  Slocum  directed  me,  on  Saturday, 
April  1st,  to  proceed  at  once  via  Newberne  to  Fortress 
Monroe  to  hasten  as  much  as  possible  the  filling  of  our 
orders.  I  went  that  night  to  Newberne  by  rail.  We  had 
only  freight  cars  to  travel  in  and  the  road  was  in  such  bad 
repair  that  our  train  was  derailed  three  times  before  we  got 
there.  In  this  way  I  was  so  much  delayed  that  I  arrived 
there  too  late  to  catch  a  desirable  boat  on  which  to  travel, 
or  any  boat  at  all,  until  Monday,  the  3rd,  when  I  took 
passage  on  the  El  Cid,  a  small  tub  of  a  craft,  on  which  we 
had  such  inferior  accommodations  that  the  trip,  my  first 
ocean  voyage,  was  a  very  disagreeable  one;  but,  notwith- 
standing all  the  discomforts  to  which  we  were  subjected,  we 
reached  safely  Fortress  Monroe  on  the  sixth  of  April.  As 
I  stepped  on  shore  I  heard  the  newspaper  boys  crying,  "All 
about  the  loss  of  the  General  Lyon,"  one  of  the  boats  on 
which  I  had  hoped  I  might  get  passage.  I  got  a  paper  and 
read  how  that  ship  had  been  accidentally  destroyed  by  fire 
off  Cape  Hatteras,  and  how  almost  her  entire  crew  and 
something  like  four  hundred  passengers  had  perished  in  the 
flames  or  by  drowning.  I  thought  of  Alfred  Skeen,  the 
ever-patient,    never-complaining    blind   man,    whom    I   have 


70  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

mentioned  as  one  of  the  valued  friends  and  acquaintances  of 
my  boyhood,  and  never  afterwards  complained  of  the  El  Cid. 
It  had  at  least  landed  us  safely  at  our  destination,  and  that 
was  infinitely  better  than  to  have  been  a  passenger  on  a 
better  but  ill-fated  boat. 

I  found  that  everything  had  been  done,  and  was  being 
done,  to  honor  our  requisitions  that  was  possible,  and,  there- 
fore, returned  to  Newbeme  at  once,  going  by  the  canal  route, 
or  inside  route,  as  it  was  then  called,  rather  than  wait  even 
a  day  for  a  suitable  boat  that  would  carry  me  back  over  the 
outside  passage,  for  I  knew  the  army  was  under  orders  to 
move  on  the  10th  and  that  if  I  wanted  to  go  with  it  there 
was  no  time,  not  even  an  hour,  to  be  lost. 

When  I  reached  Golds'boro  on  the  11th  I  found  that  the 
army  had  started  on  its  march  toward  Smithfield  and 
Raleigh  the  day  before.  I  pressed  into  the  service  a  horse 
some  "bummer"  had  abandoned  and  started  all  alone  in 
pursuit. 

I  overtook  the  rear  guard  that  night  and  the  next  day 
rejoined  General  Slocum  and  his  staff.  Before  we  reached 
Raleigh  we  heard  that  Lee  had  surrendered.  We  regarded 
that  as  the  end,  except  only  for  the  negotiations  and  for- 
malities that  must  precede  and  attend  the  surrender  of 
General  Johnston's  forces. 

We  were  in  a  most  happy  frame  of  mind,  therefore,  when 
we  reached  Raleigh,  where  we  remained  until  the  end  of  the 
month,  and  where  we  would  have  greatly  enjoyed  our  stay 
had  it  not  been  for  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln, 
of  which  we  heard  while  there,  and  the  assaults  on  General 
Sherman  because  of  the  nature  of  his  peace  agreement  with 
General  Johnston,  of  which  mention  has  already  been  made. 

The  attack  on  General  Sherman  excited  indignation 
throughout  the  army  and  the  assassination  of  President 
Lincoln  filled  our  hearts  and  minds  with  distress  and  fore- 
bodings that  can  be  better  imagined  than  described. 

While  here  I  received  official  notice  that  I  had  been 
appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  a  Brevet 
Captain  of  United  States  volunteers,  to  rank  as  such  from 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  71 

the  19th  day  of  March,  the  first  day  of  the  battle  of  Benton- 
ville,  and  the  day  on  which  I  carried  General  Slocum's 
message  to  General  Sherman.  Shortly  afterward  I  was 
relieved  from  duty  as  an  acting  Signal  Officer  and  assigned 
to  duty  on  General  Slocum's  staff  as  an  Aide-de-camp. 

The  notice  read  that  I  had  been  thus  promoted  "for 
efficient  services  during  the  recent  campaigns  in  Georgia 
and  the  Carolinas."  I  was  greatly  surprised  because  until 
I  was  thus  officially  informed  I  was  not  aware  that  I  had 
been  even  thought  of  for  promotion.  General  Slocum  had 
recommended  me  immediately  after  we  reached  Goldsboro. 

May  1st  we  started  for  Washington  via  Richmond.  It 
was  a  gala  day  march  all  the  way, — at  times  triumphal. 
I  quote  from  my  diary  of  Thursday,  May  11th,  as  follows: 

"Army  of  Georgia  (14th  and  20th  Corps)  with  General 
Sherman  and  General  Slocum  riding  at  the  head  of  the 
column,  marched  through  Richmond  at  a  right  shoulder 
shift.  .  .  .  Headquarters  tonight  at  Hanover  Court 
House,  where  Patrick  Henry  made  his  first  speech.  It  was 
a  proud  day." 

We  had  reached  Manchester  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
James  river  from  Richmond  Sunday  evening.  May  7th. 
This  gave  us  a  few  days  to  look  up  points  and  places  of 
special  interest.  I  took  time  to  visit  Libby  Prison,  where 
the  officers  of  my  regiment  captured  at  Chickamauga  had 
been  confined.  It  was  a  filthy  old  bastile,  of  which  a  truthful 
description  would  excite  incredulity.  Suffice  it  to  say  a 
personal  inspection  confirmed  all  the  bad  things  that  had 
ever  then  been  said  about  it  or  that  have  ever  since  been 
said  about  it. 

The  treatment  of  our  prisoners  there  and  at  Salisbury  and 
at  Andersonville  is  the  one  black,  unforgivable  chapter  in 
the  history  of  the  rebellion. 

We  continued  our  march  to  Washington  by  stages  easy 
enough  to  enable  us  to  take  a  look  at  the  most  important  of 
the  battlefields  near  which  we  passed. 

General  Slocum's  early  service  had  been  with  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac.     He  and  a  number  of  his  staff  participated  in 


T«  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

nearly  all  the  great  battles  fought  by  McClellan.  As  he 
took  occasion  to  ride  over  these  ditferent  fields  it  was 
intensely  interesting  to  listen  to  the  explanations  and  com- 
ments that  were  made.  Everywhere  the  evidences  remained 
of  the  fierce  and  bloody  struggles  through  which  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  had  passed. 

In  due  time  we  reached  Alexandria,  Virginia.  At  last  we 
saw  with  our  own  eyes  the  historic  Potomac.  Just  before 
we  entered  the  city,  at  a  point  where  another  road  inter- 
sected ours,  we  found  a  halted  column  of  cavalry.  It  was 
the  division  of  General  George  A.  Custer,  the  famous 
cavalry  leader  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  with  him  in 
command.  He  was  splendidly  mounted,  strikingly  dressed, 
and,  with  long,  almost  yellow  hair  hanging  about  his  neck, 
he  was  indeed  a  gallant  and  picturesque  figure.  He  was 
accompanied  by  his  wife,  who  was  also  well  mounted  and 
becomingly  attired  in  an  attractive  riding  habit  of  semi- 
military  style.  She  looked  very  young,  pretty  and  happy. 
We  were  all  young  and  happy  then,  and,  although  we  had 
never  personally  known  each  other,  yet  all  knew  the  two 
distinguished  Generals  and  their  splendid  records  well  enough 
by  reputation  at  least  to  make  them  and  all  the  members 
of  their  respective  staffs  warmly  fraternize  without  waiting 
for  introductions  or  any  other  formality. 

A  few  days  later  the  Armies  of  the  Potomac  and  Sherman's 
army  were  reviewed  by  the  President  and  his  Cabinet.  All 
the  distinguished  Generals  of  the  war,  from  General  Grant 
down,  who  happened  to  be  then  in  Washington,  were  present 
on  the  reviewing  stand  in  front  of  the  White  House,  where 
the  President  and  his  Cabinet  stood. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  passed  in  review  on  the  23rd 
day  of  May ;  our  army  the  day  following. 

This  was  fittingly  called  "The  Grand  Review."  It  was  a 
spectacular,  happy  and  triumphant  last  appearance  and  dis- 
appearance of  the  two  mightiest  armies  our  government  has 
ever  marshaled.  With  stately  tread  they  carried  their  victory- 
crowned  banners  before  the  President,  and  then  passed  on  to 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  73 

their  respective  homes,  there  to  be  silently  swallowed  up  in 
the  ranks  of  our  common  citizenship, 

**.    .    .    like  the  snowflake  on  the  river, 
A  moment  white,  then  gone  forever!" 

General  Sherman  took  occasion,  when  he  took  his  place 
on  the  reviewing  stand,  to  publicly  resent  the  indignities  he 
had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Secretary  Stanton  by  refusing 
to  shake  hands  with  him,  or  to  notice  him  in  any  manner 
whatever.  There  was  some  criticism  of  his  action,  but  the 
almost  universal  comment  was  commendatory,  for  already 
the  pendulum  of  public  sentiment  was  swinging  back  to  his 
side,  where  it  has  ever  since  remained. 

This  was  my  first  visit  to  Washington.  I  rode  with  Gen- 
eral Slocum's  staff.  Pennsylvania  avenue  was  lined  by  tens 
of  thousands  of  men,  women  and  children,  all  shouting 
welcome  and  throwing  bouquets  at  the  officers  and  men  as 
they  passed. 

Every  officer  and  man  of  both  armies  seemed  to  realize 
the  greatness  and  dignity  of  the  occasion.  There  was  natu- 
rally some  good  natured  rivalry  between  the  two  armies  that 
did  no  harm,  but  worked  for  good,  for  it  made  each  strive 
to  excel. 

I  witnessed  the  review  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  on 
the  first  day  as  a  spectator.  The  men  marched  splendidly 
and  made  a  magnificent  appearance,  but  I  felt  confident  we 
would  equal,  if  not  do  better,  on  the  following  day. 

I  find  I  wrote  in  my  diary  that  we  "beat  them  all  to 
pieces."  This  expression  was,  of  course,  too  strong,  but  1 
had  in  mind  when  I  wrote  it,  not  only  the  marching  and  the 
general  appearance,  but  also  the  fact  that  our  columns  pre- 
sented some  special  features,  having  relation  to  our  recent 
campaigns,  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  could  not  give; 
but  instead  of  using  my  own  language  to  describe  this 
greatest  military  pageant  ever  witnessed  on  this  continent, 
I  quote  what  General  Sherman  says  in  his  "Memoirs."  It  is 
more  appropriate  anyhow  that  this  last  event  in  our  history 
should  be  portrayed  by  our  great  Commander. 


74  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

After  making  due  allowance  for  the  partiality  he  must 
have  felt  every  word  I  quote  was  fully  justified  by  the 
facts.     He  said: 

By  invitation  I  was  on  the  reviewing  stand,  and  witnessed  the 
review  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  (on  the  28d)  commanded  by 
General  Meade  in  person.  The  day  was  beautiful  and  the  pageant  was 
superb.  Washington  was  full  of  strangers,  who  filled  the  streets  in 
holiday  dress,  and  every  house  was  decorated  with  flags.  The  army 
marched  by  divisions  in  close  column  around  the  Capitol,  down  Penn- 
sylvania avenue,  past  the  President  and  Cabinet,  who  occupied  a  large 
stand  prepared  for  the  occasion,  directly  in  front  of  the  White  House. 

I  had  telegraphed  to  Lancaster  for  Mrs.  Sherman,  who  arrived 
that  day,  accompanied  by  her  father,  the  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  and 
my  son  Tom,  then  eight  years  old. 

During  the  afternoon  and  night  of  the  23d  the  Fifteenth,  Seven- 
teenth and  Twentieth  Corps  crossed  Long  Bridge,  bivouacked  in  the 
streets  about  the  Capitol,  and  the  Fourteenth  Corps  closed  up  to  the 
Bridge.  The  morning  of  the  24th  was  extremely  beautiful  and  the 
ground  was  in  splendid  order  for  our  review.  The  streets  were  filled 
with  people  to  see  the  pageant,  armed  with  bouquets  of  flowers  for  their 
favorite  regiments  or  heroes,  and  everything  was  propitious.  Punc- 
tually at  9  A.  M.  the  signal  gun  was  fired,  when  in  person,  attended 
by  General  Howard  and  all  my  staflF,  I  rode  slowly  down  Pennsylvania 
avenue,  the  crowds  of  men,  women  and  children  densely  lining  the 
sidewalks  and  almost  obstructing  the  way.  We  were  followed  close 
by  General  Logan  and  the  head  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps.  When  I 
reached  the  Treasury  Building  and  looked  back,  the  sight  was  simply 
magnificent.  The  column  was  compact,  and  the  glittering  muskets 
looked  like  a  solid  mass  of  steel,  moving  with  the  regularity  of  a 
pendulum.  We  passed  the  Treasury  Building,  in  front  of  which  and 
of  the  White  House  was  an  immense  throng  of  people,  for  whom 
extensive  stands  had  been  prepared  on  both  sides  of  the  avenue.  As 
I  neared  the  brick  house  opposite  the  lower  corner  of  Lafayette  Square 
some  one  asked  me  to  notice  Mr.  Seward,  who,  still  feeble  and  ban- 
daged, for  his  wounds,  had  been  removed  there  that  he  might  behold 
the  troops.  I  moved  in  that  direction  and  took  off  my  hat  to 
Mr.  Seward,  who  sat  at  an  upper  window.  He  recognized  the  salute, 
returned  it,  and  then  we  rode  on  steadily  past  the  President,  saluting 
with  our  swords.  All  on  his  stand  arose  and  acknowledged  the  salute. 
Then,  turning  into  the  gate  of  the  Presidential  grounds,  we  left  our 
horses  with  orderlies,  and  went  upon  the  stand,  where  I  found  Mrs. 
Sherman,  with  her  father  and  son.  Passing  them,  I  shook  hands  with 
the  President,  General  Grant  and  each  member  of  the  Cabinet.  As  I 
approached  Mr.  Stanton  he  offered  me  his  hand,  but  I  declined  it 
publicly,  and  the  fact*  was  universally  noticed.  I  then  took  my  post 
on  the  left  of  the  President,  and  for  six  hours  and  a  half  stood  while 
the  army  passed  in  the  order  of  the  Fifteenth,  Seventeenth,  Twentieth 
and  Fourteenth  Corps.     It  was  in  my  judgment  the  most  magnificent 


THROUGH    THE    CAROLINAS  75 

army  in  existence, — sixty-five  thousand  men,  in  splendid  physique, 
who  had  just  completed  a  march  of  nearly  two  thousand  miles  in  a 
hostile  country,  in  good  drill,  and  who  realized  that  they  were  being 
closely  scrutinized  by  thousands  of  their  fellow  countrymen  and  by 
foreigners.  Division  after  division  passed,  each  commander  of  the 
army  corps  or  division  coming  on  the  stand  during  the  passage  of  his 
command,  to  be  presented  to  the  President,  Cabinet  and  spectators. 
The  steadiness  and  firmness  of  the  tread,  the  careful  dress  on  the 
guides,  the  uniform  intervals  between  the  companies,  all  eyes  directly 
to  the  front,  and  tattered  and  bullet-riven  flags,  festooned  with  flowers, 
all  attracted  universal  notice.  Many  good  people,  up  to  that  time, 
had  looked  upon  our  Western  army  as  a  sort  of  mob;  but  the  world 
then  saw  and  recognized  the  fact  that  it  was  an  army  in  the  proper 
sense,  well  organized,  well  commanded  and  disciplined;  and  there  was 
no  wonder  that  it  had  swept  through  the  South  like  a  tornado.  For 
six  hours  and  a  half  that  strong  tread  of  the  Army  of  the  West 
resounded  along  Pennsylvania  avenue;  not  a  soul  of  that  vast  crowd  of 
spectators  left  his  place;  and  when  the  rear  of  the  column  had  passed 
by,  thousands  of  the  spectators  lingered  to  express  their  sense  of  con- 
fidence in  the  strength  of  a  Government  which  could  claim  such  an  army. 
Some  little  scenes  enlivened  the  day  and  called  for  the  laughter  and 
cheers  of  the  crowd.  Each  division  was  followed  by  six  ambulances, 
as  representative  of  its  baggage  train.  Some  of  the  division  command- 
ers had  added,  by  way  of  variety,  goats,  milch  cows  and  pack  mules, 
whose  loads  consisted  of  game  cocks,  poultry,  hams,  etc.,  and  some  of 
them  had  the  families  of  freed  slaves  along,  with  the  women  leading 
their  children.  Each  division  was  preceded  by  its  corps  of  black 
pioneers,  armed  with  picks  and  spades.  These  marched  abreast  in 
double  ranks,  keeping  perfect  dress  and  step,  and  added  much  to  the 
interest  of  the  occasion.  On  the  whole,  the  "grand  review"  was  a 
splendid  success,  and  was  a  fitting  conclusion  to  "the  campaign  «ind 
the  war." 

A  few  days  after  the  review  General  Slocum  and  his  staff 
were  photographed.  All  are  shown  in  the  group  except 
Major  William  G.  Tracy.  He  had  been  ill  and  was  yet 
frail  and  weak,  but  was  present  at  the  gallery  and  took  his 
place  in  line  with  the  rest  of  us.  He  was  standing  at  my 
right,  but  while  the  photographer  was  adjusting  his  instru- 
ment, he  suddenly  fainted  and  fell  to  the  floor.  He  was 
unable  to  rejoin  us,  and  so  the  picture  was  taken  without  him. 

I  reproduce  it  here.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  spaces  on 
my  right  and  left  between  me  and  the  next  officers  are  wider 
than  they  should  be.     Tracy's  dropping  out  was  the  cause. 

One  of  the  last  things  I  did  before  leaving  was  to  call 
upon  General  Sherman  at  his  headquarters,      I  found  him 


76  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

in  his  tent  busily  writing.  I  told  him  I  had  come  to  say 
good-by,  and  that  I  had  brought  one  of  his  pictures,  a 
photograph  which  I  had  secured  in  Washington,  and  that 
I  would  like  for  him  to  do  me  the  favor  of  putting  his 
autograph  on  it.  He  was  extremely  cordial,  autographed 
my  photograph,  and  as  we  said  good-by  wished  me  every 
kind  of  success  and  prosperity. 

The  photograph  had  been  taken  only  a  few  days  before 
and  was  a  perfect  picture  of  the  old  hero  as  he  then 
appeared. 

A  day  or  two  later  I  was  on  my  way  to  Camp  Dennison, 
where  I  was  mustered  out  on  the  14th  day  of  June,  exactly 
thirty-five  months  to  a  day  after  I  enlisted,  and  when  I  still 
lacked  a  few  days,  until  July  5th,  of  being  nineteen  years  of 
age.  My  regiment  had  been  mustered  out  on  the  7th  of  June 
at  Washington,  and  then  sent  to  Camp  Dennison  to  be  paid 
off  and  to  receive  their  discharges,  but  on  account  of  being 
on  detached  service  I  was  not  mustered  out  until  I  reached 
Camp  Dennison.  In  this  way  it  came  about,  as  the  record 
shows,  that  I  was  not  only  the  first  man  to  enlist  in  the 
89th  Regiment,  but  that  I  was  also  the  last  man  to  be 
mustered  out. 

The  following  day  I  went  to  Hillsboro,  from  there  to  my 
father's  residence,  still  on  the  old  farm  place  at  Reece's  Mills, 
where  I  found  everybody  well  and  rejoicing  that  the  war  was 
over,  our  cause  victorious  and  the  "boys"  both  home  alive. 
It  was  indeed  a  time  for  thanksgiving  and  praise  for  the 
devout  parents  of  that  old-fashioned  Methodist  family.  They 
celebrated  the  occasion  by  ascribing  all  to  the  goodness  and 
mercy  of  God  and  pledging  themselves  anew  to  His  service. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

BACK   TO   BOOKS. 

MY  army  experience  made  me  appreciate  more  keenly 
than  I  otherwise  would  the  importance  of  education. 
I  had  observed  that  officers  who  had  the  benefits  of  a  colle- 
giate training  showed  a  confidence  in  themselves  m  meeting, 
conversing  and  corresponding  with  others  that  I  could  not 
have,  and  that  consequently  they  were  not  only  more  efficient 
but  also  correspondingly  more  respected. 

I  felt  my  deficiencies  keenly,  and  was  determined  to  over- 
come them  to  the  full  extent  I  might  be  able  to  do  so. 

The  problem  was  how  to  defray  the  necessary  expense. 
I  had  been  careful  to  save  all  I  could  from  my  pay,  but  this 
saving,  all  told,  amounted  to  only  about  seven  hundred 
dollars.  With  promised  assistance  from  my  brother,  and 
hoping  I  might  be  able  to  make  something  during  the  vaca- 
tions, I  determined  to  make  the  effort,  and  was  successful, 
although  I  became  involved  in  debt  before  I  got  to  the  place 
where  I  could  be  admitted  to  the  bar,  to  such  an  extent  that 
I  was  greatly  embarrassed  for  several  years. 

To  go  back  to  books  again  was  such  a  radical  change 
from  the  experiences  I  had  been  having,  that  I  found  it 
necessary  to  practice  a  good  deal  of  self-denial  to  make  it 
a  success.  I  got  along  better,  however,  than  might  have 
been  expected. 

I  became  a  student  in  the  academy  at  South  Salem,  Ohio, 
in  September,  1865 ;  the  Rev.  James  A.  I.  Lowes,  Principal, 
and  his  good  wife,  Cynthia,  first  assistant.  I  there  took  up 
the  studies  of  Latin,  Greek  and  higher  mathematics,  prepar- 
atory to  a  course  in  some  college  or  university;  which  one 
not  yet  determined. 

7? 


78  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  following  report  shows  how  faithfully  I  reined  myself 
down  to  real  work: 

SALEM    ACADEMY. 

Report  op  Standing. 

Graded  on  the  Scale  of  100. 

Joseph  B.  Foraker. 

English   Studies 99% 

Natural  and  Moral  Science 

Higher  Mathematics    991^ 

Latin  and  Greek  Languages 99 

Composition    and    Elocution 99 

Bible  Class  Exercises 99 

General  Conduct 100 

Average,  .9914. 

J.  A.  I.  Lowes,  Principal. 
South  Salem,  Ohio,  December  22,  1866. 

This  certificate  fails,  however,  to  tell  the  whole  story. 
My  service  in  the  army  had  not  only  delayed  my  studies, 
but  it  had  also  interfered  with  general  reading.  All  my 
spare  time  during  the  year  was  spent  "catching  up."  I  read 
in  that  way  during  the  year  Rollins'  Ancient  History,  Plu- 
tarch's Lives,  Dr.  Dick's  works,  and  made  a  good  start  on 
Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

After  one  year  at  the  academy  I  entered  in  the  fall  of 
1866  the  Freshman  class  of  the  Ohio  Wesley  an  University 
at  Delaware,  Ohio. 

Some  Delaware  Friends. 

I  met  there  some  of  the  staunchest  friends  it  has  been  my 
fortune  to  have.  Some  of  them  had,  like  myself,  been  in  the 
army.  Among  them  Capt.  Peter  F.  Swing,  for  many  years 
a  distinguished  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court,  and  now  (1914) 
of  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  Hamilton  County,  Ohio,  and 
"Major"  William  J.  White,  as  he  was  then  called.  He  had 
held  the  rank  of  Major  at  the  close  of  the  war  and  had 
served  on  the  staff  of  Major-General  M.  D.  Leggett.  He 
served  during  the  Spanish- American  War  as  Colonel  of  the 
Third  Ohio  Infantry,  and  is  now  (1914)  Governor  of  the 


BACK   TO   BOOKS  79 

National  Military  Home  at  Dayton,  Ohio.  He  is  a  splendid 
man,  who  has  lived  a  life  of  great  usefulness  and  honor. 

Other  ex-soldiers  whom  I  met  there  and  had  the  honor 
and  good  fortune  to  have  the  friendship  and  good  will  of 
in  after  years  were  Capt.  John  P.  Rea,  Capt.  J.  S.  Clark, 
Rev.  Samuel  A.  Keen,  Charles  Ewan  Merritt,  C.  W.  Everett 
and  C.  M.  Vandenbark,  all  distinguished  in  their  respective 
vocations  and  as  citizens  of  high  position  and  influence  in 
their  respective  communities. 

There  were  also  lifelong  friends  born  of  that  association 
who  had  not  been  soldiers.  Among  them  Charles  W.  Cole, 
my  first  law  partner;  M.  L.  Buchwalter  and  John  A.  Rea, 
of  whom  I  shall  speak  presently  in  another  connection ; 
Judge  Charles  W.  Dustin,  now  living  in  retirement  after  a 
long  and  highly  creditable  service  on  the  bench ;  Hon.  John 
M.  Pattison,  who,  after  a  most  successful  business  career, 
was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  but  died  at  the  beginning  of 
his  official  term,  beloved  and  mourned  by  all  the  people  of 
the  State;  Bishop  E.  E.  Hoss  of  the  M.  E.  Church,  South, 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  men  I  have  ever  known;  Hon. 
David  K.  Watson,  who  became  the  Attorney  General  of 
Ohio,  and  was  the  representative  in  Congress  for  a  number 
of  terms  of  the  Columbus  (O.)  district.  He  is  also  the  author 
of  "Watson  on  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,"  a  work 
of  real  merit,  worthy  of  a  place  in  every  American  library; 
W.  W.  Gurley,  a  leading  lawyer  of  the  Chicago  bar ;  James 
M.  DeCamp,  distinguished  in  insurance  circles;  Hon.  John 
F.  Locke,  of  London,  Ohio,  who  served  with  distinction  in 
the  Ohio  Legislature,  and  who  has  held  other  official  posi- 
tions and  places  of  trust  and  usefulness;  Hon.  John  W. 
Barger,  a  farmer  and  business  man  of  rare  good  sense  and  a 
true  spirit  of  Americanism;  Hon.  W.  H.  Todhunter,  all  his 
busy  life  a  leading  citizen  of  Middletown,  Ohio;  Isaac  V. 
Sutphin,  long  a  prominent  business  man  of  Cincinnati,  and 
many  others  whose  names  and  friendships  have  been  prized 
as  among  the  most  valued  of  my  possessions,  and  of  each  of 
whom  in  testimony  thereof  it  would  be  a  pleasure  to  write 
at  length  if  I  could  do  so  consistently  with  the  character  of 


^  .*) 


80  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

these  notes.  Neither  can  I  more  than  mention  the  names  of 
Professors  McCabe,  Williams,  Whitlock,  Seamans,  Perkins, 
Hoyt  and  Newton,  to  all  of  whom  I  became  warmly  attached 
and  to  all  of  whom  I  am  under  deep  and  lasting  obligations, 
not  only  for  the  work  they  did  so  patiently  then,  but  also 
for  many  evidences  of  friendship  in  after  years. 

But  among  all  the  pleasing  memories  that  attach  to  Dela- 
ware one  remains  to  be  mentioned  that  outranks  all  others, 
considered  either  separately  or  collectively.  It  was  there  I 
met,  courted  and  became  engaged  to  Miss  Julia  Bundy, 
daughter  of  Hon.  H.  S.  Bundy,  of  Jackson  County,  Ohio, 
at  that  time,  and  for  a  number  of  terms,  the  Representative 
o^f  his  district  in  Congress.  She  was  a  student  at  the  Ohio 
Wesleyan  Female  College  and  was  graduated  from  that 
institution  in  the  class  of  1868.  Our  marriage  followed 
Octoiber  4,  1870,  and  through  all  the  years  that  have  since 
followed  she  has  been  my  faithful,  efficient  helpmeet,  sharing 
alike  my  joys  and  my  sorrows,  my  triumphs  and  my  defeats. 
No  man  was  ever  blessed  with  a  better  wife.  When  that 
is  said  all  is  said,  for  it  includes  and  is  intended  to  include 
all  that  is  embraced  in  the  entire  range  of  the  rights,  privi- 
leges, responsibilities  and  duties  of  wife,  mother  and  com- 
panion in  an  American  family. 

Having  concluded  to  adopt  the  law  as  a  profession  I 
registered  with  General  John  S.  Jones,  a  prominent  lawyer 
of  Delaware,  as  a  student  and  commenced  reading  law  at 
odd  times,  thus  substituting  Blackstone,  Chitty,  Kent,  Story 
and  other  legal  lore  for  miscellaneous  literature. 

CoENELL  University. 

I  continued  at  Delaware  thus  studying  in  the  university 
and  reading  law  with  my  preceptor,  until  the  end  of  the 
fall  term  of  1868,  at  which  time,  finding  myself  far  enough 
along  with  my  studies  to  think  I  could  enter  the  senior  class 
of  Cornell  University,  I  changed  to  that  institution,  success- 
fully passed  the  examinations  and  was  graduated  in  the 
classical  course  July  1,  1869.  This  was  the  first  class 
graduated  from  that  institution.  Two  other  Delaware  stu- 
dents became  members  of  that  same  first  class, — John  A. 
Rea  and  Morris  L.   Buchwalter,  both  good  students,   both 


BACK    TO    BOOKS  81 

successful  in  after  life  and  both  good  friends  then  and  ever 
since.  Rea  made  his  home  in  the  far  West,  where  he  has 
been  successful  in  business  and  has  been  called  upon  to  serve 
the  public  in  various  places  of  trust  and  confidence.  Buch- 
walter  became  a  prominent  member  of  the  Cincinnati  bar, 
and  has  served  a  number  of  terms  as  Judge  of  the  Common 
Pleas  Court  of  Hamilton  County.  It  is  interesting  to  recall 
that  of  that  first  class  graduated  from  that  great  institution 
of  New  York,  situated  at  Ithaca,  in  the  mid-interior  of  the 
State,  four  of  the  eight  members  were  contributed  by  Ohio 
institutions ;  for,  in  addition  to  the  three  from  the  Ohio 
Wesleyan  University,  Marietta  College  had  a  brilliant  repre- 
sentative in  the  person  of  the  afterward  distinguished 
divine,  the  Rev.  Dudley  Ward  Rhodes.  It  is  also  interest- 
ing to  note  that  all  four  of  these  Ohio  contributions  are 
(1914)  still  living  and  actively  engaged  in  the  affairs  of 
life.  So  far  as  I  am  informed,  only  two  of  the  eight 
have  died. 

I  FiEST  Hear  of  the  Philippines. 

Recalling  that  class  reminds  me  that  in  November,  1896, 
after  McKinley  had  been  elected  President,  I  received  a  letter 
from  O.  F.  Williams,  one  of  the  eight  members,  telling  me 
he  had  been  engaged  in  educational  work  almost  continu- 
ously since  he  left  Cornell  in  1869 ;  that  he  had  been  suc- 
cessful and  was  then  connected,  I  think,  as  superintendent, 
with  the  schools  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  but  that  he  wanted  to 
change  employment  and  was  anxious  to  secure  a  good  place 
in  the  consular  service,  Montreal,  Canada,  preferred,  and 
hoped  I  might  remember  him  well  enough  and  agreeably 
enough  to  recommend  him.  I  did  so  and  the  President  said 
he  would  bear  him  in  mind  and  find  a  place  for  him  if  he 
could,  but  that  he  could  not  say  more  until  after  he  was 
inaugurated  and  better  acquainted  with  the  situation ;  that 
if  Professor  Williams  would  then  come  to  Washington  he 
would  see  and  let  him  know  what,  if  anything,  he  could  do 
for  him.  Accordingly,  soon  after  the  McKinley  adminis- 
tration was  under  way  Professor  Williams  called  on  me  in 
Washington,  reminded  me  of  the  arrangement,  and  asked 
me  to  secure  a  conference  with  the  President,  whom  we  found 


8«  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

in  good  hximor  and  with  a  clear  recollection  of  what  he  had 
promised,  but  apprehensive  he  would  not  be  able  to  give  the 
Professor  a  desirable  place.  He  told  us  to  call  the  next  day, 
when  he  would  know  better  how  to  talk  to  us.  We  did  so, 
and  were  told  by  the  President  that  there  was  only  one  place 
available,  and  that  he  hesitated  to  mention  it,  for  he  under- 
stood it  was  not  of  desirable  character  on  account  of  climate, 
people  and  remoteness  from  the  United  States  and  the 
important  countries  of  the  world,  and  then  told  us  the  place 
was  Manila,  "somewhere  away  around  on  the  other  side  of 
the  world,  he  did  not  know  exactly  where,  for  he  had  not 
had  time  to  look  it  up."  That  was  the  first  time  I  ever 
heard  of  the  Philippine  Islands  in  such  a  way  as  to  remem- 
ber them. 

The  Professor  had  the  advantage  of  both  of  us.  He  had 
a  very  good  general  knowledge  of  the  Philippines,  and  said 
at  once  that  he  would  really  like  very  much  to  go  there. 
The  President  appointed  him  a  few  days  later,  and  in  due 
time  Williams  was  at  his  post  of  duty. 

A  year  passed,  and  Williams  was  instructed  to  report  to 
Commodore  Dewey,  commanding  the  Pacific  squadron  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  then  at  Hongkong,  and  give  him  all 
available  information,  etc. 

He  did  so,  and  had  the  proud  privilege  of  returning  to 
Manila  Bay  on  the  flagship  Olympia,  and  of  remaining  on 
that  ship  during  the  battle  of  May  1,  1898. 

He  rightly  accounted  himself  most  fortunate  in  the  assign- 
ment given  him.  As  he  expressed  it,  he  had  something  to 
tell  that  it  would  always  be  interesting  for  others  to  hear. 
But  he  did  not  live  long  to  tell  of  the  great  historic  event 
of  which  it  was  his  fortune  to  be  not  only  a  witness,  but 
also  a  participant.  Three  or  four  years  later  he  died  from 
some  disease  contracted  either  there  or  at  some  other  place 
in  the  Orient  to  which  he  had  been  transferred. 

Only  one  other  member  of  that  class  of  1869,  the  Rev. 
George  F.  Behringer,  has  died  until  this  time,  October,  1914, 
more  than  forty-five  years. 

I  made  the  acquaintance  at  Cornell  of  Andrew  D.  White, 
the  first  President,  Goldwin  Smith,  then  lecturing  there,  and 


BACK    TO   BOOKS  8S 

many  others  connected  with  the  organization  and  beginning 
of  that  institution,  whom  it  was  an  honor  and  a  help  to  know. 

Locate  in  Cincinnati. 

After  finishing  there  I  permanently  located,  August  16, 
1869,  in  Cincinnati,  as  a  student  of  the  law,  with  Messrs. 
Sloane  and  Donham,  at  that  time  prominent  attorneys,  with 
offices  in  Pike's  Building,  situated  on  the  south  side  of 
Fourth  street,  where  the  Sinton  Hotel  now  stands. 

My  reading  with  General  Jones,  who  gave  me  the  proper 
certificate,  enabled  me  to  take  and  pass  the  necessary  exam- 
inations and  to  be  admitted  to  the  practice  of  the  law 
October  14,  1869,  by  the  District  Court  of  Hamilton  County, 
Judge  Joseph  Cox  presiding;  Judges  Manning  F.  Force 
and  Charles  C.  Murdock,  associates. 

At  that  time  we  had  in  Hamilton  County  in  the  State 
Courts  only  six  trial  Judges — three  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  and  three  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati.  The 
intermediate  courts  were  the  District  Court  and  the  Superior 
Court  in  General  Term,  composed  respectively  of  the  trial 
Judges  sitting  as  District  Judges  and  in  General  Term. 

The  Judges  of  the  Superior  Court  at  that  time  were  Bel- 
lamy Storer,  Alphonso  Taft  and  Marcellus  B.  Hagans.  It 
is  the  highest  praise  to  say  they  were  worthily  upholding 
the  high  rank  that  court  had  held  from  its  organization, 
when  its  Judges  were  Storer,  Spencer  and  Gholson,  three 
names  still  justly  renowned  in  the  history  of  the  judiciary 
of  Ohio. 

Humphrey  H.  Leavitt,  appointed  by  President  Jackson, 
was  the  United  States  District  Judge  for  the  Southern 
District  of  Ohio.  He  was  in  appearance  the  most  venerable 
official  I  have  ever  known.  He  was  a  veritable  link  con- 
necting not  only  different  generations,  but  what  seemed  in 
that  day,  just  after  the  Civil  war,  when  a  new  order  of 
things  had  been  freshly  inaugurated,  like  different  civiliza- 
tions as  well. 

Warner  M.  Bateman  was  U.  S.  District  Attorney  and 
Charles  H.  Blackburn  was  the  Prosecuting  Attorney  of 
Hamilton  County,  both  able  and  efficient  officials. 


84  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Flamen  Ball,  the  law  partner  at  one  time  of  Salmon  P. 
Chase  and  Edward  P.  Cranch,  were  Registers  in  Bankruptcy. 

Stanley  Matthews  and  his  brother,  C.  Bentley  Matthews, 
George  Hoadly,  George  E.  Pugh,  William  M.  Ramsey, 
Vachel  Worthington,  Aaron  F.  Perry,  Rufus  King,  John  F. 
Follett,  David  M.  Hyman,  T.  D.  Lincoln,  Alexander  Long, 
Isaac  M.  Jordan,  Edward  Colston,  Patrick  Mallon,  John  Cof- 
fey, E.  A.  Ferguson,  C.  W.  Moulton,  C.  D.  Coffin,  Channing 
Richards,  E.  W.  Kittredge,  William  B.  Caldwell,  Benjamin 
Butterworth,  John  B.  Stallo,  John  C.  Healy,  Henry  C.  Whit- 
man, Edgar  M.  Johnson,  George  R.  Sage,  Thornton  M.  Hin- 
kle,  William  L.  Avery,  Thomas  B.  Paxton,  Hiram  D.  Peck, 
J.  R.  Sayler,  Myron  H.  Tilden,  Isaac  C.  Collins,  John  W. 
Herron,  Timothy  A.  O'Connor,  Alfred  Yaple,  W.  T.  Forest, 
I.  J.  Miller,  Chris  Von  Seggem  and  Moses  F.  Wilson,  were 
among  tlie  leaders  of  the  bar  in  active  practice. 

William  S.  Groesbeck,  then  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  repu- 
tation of  having  made  the  best  legal  argument  in  defense 
of  President  Johnson  at  his  impeachment  trial ;  Henry  Stan- 
berry,  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  under  the 
administration  of  President  Johnson;  George  H.  Pendleton, 
a  candidate  for  the  nomination  for  President  the  year  before 
and  for  Governor  of  Ohio  at  that  time,  and  later  a  Senator 
of  the  United  States,  and  later  still  Minister  of  the  United 
States  to  Germany;  and  Edward  F.  Noyes,  afterward  Gov- 
ernor of  Ohio  and  United  States  Minister  to  France,  were 
honored  members  of  the  legal  profession,  who  had  retired 
from  active  practice. 

Judson  Harmon,  John  W.  Warrington,  Lawrence  Max- 
well, Jr.,  William  Worthington,  Morris  L.  Buchwalter^ 
Thomas  McDougall,  Clinton  W.  Gerard,  C.  D.  Robertson  and 
a  number  of  others,  who  afterwards  became  distinguished 
members  of  the  Cincinnati  bar,  and  some  of  whom  became 
judges  for  one  or  more  terms,  were  admitted  to  the  practice 
at  or  about  the  same  time  I  was. 

The  mere  mention  of  these  names  is  sufficient  to  indicate 
the  high  character  of  the  judiciary  and  the  high  standard 
of  the  legal  profession  of  that  day. 

The  leading  newspapers  were  the  Cincinnati  Enqtdrer, 
owned  and  conducted  by  Washington  McLean;  the  Cincin- 


BACK    TO   BOOKS  85 

nati  Gazette,  edited  by  Richard  Smith;  the  Cincinnati 
Commercial,  edited  by  Murat  Halstead;  and  the  Cincinnati 
Times,  edited  by  Joseph  H.  Barrett,  all  able,  capable  men. 

Reuben  R.  Springer,  David  Sinton,  Joseph  Longworth, 
Charles  Fleischmann,  Samuel  N.  Pike,  John  Shillito,  Robert 
Mitchell,  Briggs  Swift,  William  Henry  Davis,  A.  D.  Bul- 
lock, Henry  Lewis,  Miles  Greenwood,  Theodore  Cooke, 
Thomas  G.  Smith,  Andrew  Hickenlooper,  L.  M.  Dayton,  W.  S. 
Scarborough,  L.  B.  Harrison,  Chas.  W.  West,  Benjamin 
Eggleston  and  David  Gibson,  are  only  a  few  of  the  leading 
citizens  and  business  men  of  Cincinnati  at  that  time.  They 
were  all  men  of  decided  ability  who  had  not  only  been  suc- 
cessful in  business,  but  useful  to  the  city  and  the  state  in  all 
kinds  of  public-spirited  service.  Each  had  done  his  full 
share  of  the  great  work  of  laying  the  foundations  of  our 
municipality. 

Doctors  Comegys,  Murphy,  Carson,  Dawson,  Mendenhall 
and  Conner,  as  members  of  the  medical  profession,  had 
reputations  that  extended  far  beyond  the  city  and  the  state. 

At  that  time  the  population  of  Cincinnati  barely,  if  at 
all,  exceeded  200,000.  There  was  only  one  bridge,  the 
Suspension,  across  the  Ohio  river;  the  telephone,  passenger 
elevators,  electric  motive  power  for  the  operation  of  street 
railways  and  other  purposes  were  still  unknown. 

Stenography,  although  familiar  to  the  ancients,  was  not 
then  in  use.  It  was  some  years  later  that  the  typewriter 
and  the  stenographer  became  a  necessary  part  of  every  busy 
law  office.  The  first  employment  I  had  was  as  a  notary 
public.  I  had  to  write  out  all  the  questions  and  answers  in 
long  hand.  We  were  a  week  taking  depositions  that  would 
be  taken  today  in  any  well-regulated  and  properly  equipped 
law  office  in  a  few  hours. 

I  continued  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  my  practice  con- 
stantly increasing  and  growing  more  and  more  remunera- 
tive, until  I  was  elected  to  the  bench  of  the  Superior  Court 
of  Cincinnati  for  the  term  commencing  May  1,  1879.  After 
serving  as  Judge  of  that  court,  with  Manning  F.  Force  and 
Judson  Harmon  as  colleagues,  for  a  period  of  three  years, 
I  resigned  on  account  of  a  temporary  illness  that  gave  my 
friends  as  well  as  myself  serious  concern. 


86  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  alwuys  recall  with  great  satisfaction  my  judicial  expe- 
rience. I  not  only  enjoyed  the  work,  but  my  immediate 
colleagues,  Judges  Force  and  Harmon,  were  able  lawyers 
and  agreeable  associates.  They  were  helpful  and  compan- 
ionable. It  was  with  great  regret  I  reached  the  conclusion 
that  it  was  my  duty  to  terminate  such  relations. 

When  the  newspapers  announced  that  I  had  tendered  my 
resignation,  a  large  number  of  the  members  of  the  bar 
joined  in  an  appeal  to  the  Governor  not  to  accept  it.  The 
grounds  of  their  protests  were  in  the  nature  of  comments 
on  my  work  that  were  of  the  most  flattering  character. 

The  following  are  a  few  of  the  expressions  of  the  press, 
April  12,  1882: 

The  Gazette  said: 

Judge  Foraker  has  earned  the  admiration  of  the  best  practitioners 
at  the  bar  by  his  promptness  and  ability. 

The  Commercial  said: 

One  of  the  ablest  and  most  popular  men  on  the  state  bench.  His 
retirement  is  a  public  loss. 

The  Enquirer  said: 

Able,  fair  and  universally  respected.  His  loss  will  be  deeply  felt 
and  deplored. 

The  Cincinnati  Post: 

An  able,  conscientious,  upright  Judge. 

Law  Bulletin: 

Industrious,  painstaking,  conscientious  .  .  .  working  out  with  care 
and  good  discernment  all  the  questions  submitted  to  his  judgment. 

The  Times-Star: 

Very  sincerely  and  generally  regretted. 

Volksfreund: 

Regretted  by  Judges,  lawyers  and  the  whole  people. 

After  some  months  of  rest  and  recreation  I  found  myself 
sufficiently  recovered  to  resume  the  practice.  I  was  prompt^ 
favored  with  a  good  class  of  business  and  plenty  of  it.  My 
prospects  for  success  at  the  bar  were  of  a  flattering  char- 
acter, but  doomed  to  early  interruption. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DABBLING  ALONG  THE  EDGES. 

PRIOR  to  my  judicial  service  I  was  so  busily  occupied 
with  my  studies  and  with  what  work  I  was  fortunate 
enough  to  have  entrusted  to  me  that  I  could  not  take  much 
part  in  politics ;  but  it  was  a  time  when  important  questions 
were  being  considered  and  settled.  They  affected  directly 
the  results  of  the  war.  They  related  to  reconstruction, 
emancipation,  enfranchisement  and  a  general  rehabilitation 
of  the  affairs  of  the  nation  and  the  industries  of  the  coun- 
try. I  could  not  have  been  without  interest  had  I  desired 
to  be,  but  I  had  no  such  desire. 

I  felt,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  a  period  when  every 
one  should  do  his  part  to  see  that  there  should  be  no  frit- 
tering away  of  the  results  of  the  struggle  for  the  Union. 

This  was  particularly  true  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1868,  when  General  Grant  was  first  elected,  because  of  the 
hostile  declarations  of  the  Democratic  platform  as  to  all 
that  had  been  done  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  States,  and 
in  favor  of  the  payment  of  the  bonded  obligations  of  the 
Government  in  greenbacks. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Seymour  on  such  a  platform  at  that 
time  would  have  been  a  disaster  no  language  can  exaggerate. 

I  felt  especially  interested  because  General  Frank  P. 
Blair,  who  had  commanded  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps  in 
the  march  through  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas,  was  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  Vice  President,  and  distinguished 
himself  by  his  radical  utterances  in  support  of  the  plat- 
form on  which  he  stood. 

It  was  in  this  campaign,  while  yet  in  school  at  Delaware, 
that  I  made  my  first  political  speech.  It  was  followed  by 
more  invitations  to  speak  elsewhere  in  that  county  than  I 

87' 


88  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

was  able  to  accept.  The  overwhelming  election  of  General 
Grant  gave  a  feeling  of  assurance  that  after  all  the  results 
of  the  war  would  be  preserved. 

There  was  no  such  thing,  however,  as  clear  sailing  ahead 
for  the  Republican  Party.  On  the  contrary,  although  the 
nomination  of  General  Grant  was  in  response  to  an  over- 
whelming demand  from  the  people,  yet  there  were  many 
who  affected  to  doubt  the  wisdom  of  putting  in  the  White 
House  a  soldier  who  had  no  claim  for  recognition  except 
his  military  achievements,  and  were  ready,  therefore,  to 
listen  to  the  Democratic  charges  freely  and  everywhere 
made  that  his  election  meant  a  military  despotism. 

There  were  others  who  had  before  the  war  been  Demo- 
crats, but  on  account  of  the  Union  had  been  affiliated  with 
the  Republican  Party  since  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion. 
Many  of  these  were  not  in  sj^mpathy  with  the  protective 
tariff  that  the  Republican  Party  had  inaugurated  when 
it  came  into  power  at  the  beginning  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  admin- 
istration. They  had  acquiesced  and  supported  the  party, 
notwithstanding  their  dislike  of  this  policy  because  the 
exigencies  and  demands  of  the  war  seemed  to  make  it 
necessary.  They  were  beginning  to  feel,  however,  that  they 
would  like  to  see  the  party  modify  its  policy  in  this  respect. 

There  was  another  class  of  Republicans,  and  a  very  numer- 
ous one,  who  from  mere  selfish  considerations  did  not  like 
the  idea  of  giving  political  preferment  to  military  chieftains. 
The  list  of  distinguished  soldiers  was  a  very  long  one,  and 
if  Grant  and  other  soldiers  preferred  for  high  political 
honors  should  be  successful  in  the  administration  of  civil 
offices,  there  was  no  telling  when  a  mere  political  leader, 
who  had  not  been  in  the  army,  would  again  have  an  oppor- 
tunity for  political  preferment. 

These  several  classes  taken  altogether  constituted  a  very 
formidable  nucleus  of  opposition  within  the  Republican 
Party  to  the  administration  of  General  Grant  from  its  very 
first  day.  They  had  a  fair  representation  in  the  press  of 
the  country.  The  Democrats  were,  of  course,  hostile.  They 
predicted  only  evil  and  were  not  slow  to  charge  mistakes 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  89 

and  make  criticisms.    Almost  everything  that  was  done  called 
forth  their  censure. 

The  dissatisfied  classes  among  Republicans  were  at  first 
only  quiescent.  Later  they  began  to  show  sympathy  with 
these  charges,  and  then  later  to  join  in  making  them.  Each 
day  the  papers  teemed  with  talk  about  nepotism,  militarism, 
ftbsenteeism,  despotism  and  other  alleged  offenses,  for  not 
one  of  which  there  was  any  just  foundation. 

Liberal  Republican  Movement. 

Of  course,  there  was  able  defense,  but  notwithstanding 
when  1872  came  the  dissatisfied  elements  were  read}'^  for 
open  revolt.  As  a  result  what  was  called  the  Liberal  Repub- 
lican Convention  was  called  to  meet  in  Cincinnati,  early  in 
the  year,  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  a  platform  and 
nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

Among  the  leaders  of  this  movement  were  Stanley 
Matthews,  who  was  made  temporary  chairman  of  the  Con- 
vention, George  Hoadly,  Judson  Harmon,  Murat  Halstead 
and  many  other  Cincinnatians  theretofore  prominent  and 
active  Republicans. 

The  rest  of  the  country  was  well  represented.  Among 
those  who  came  from  other  States  were  Reuben  E.  Fenton 
and  William  Dorsheimer  of  New  York,  A.  K.  McClure  of 
Pennsylv&,nia,  George  W.  Julian  of  Indiana,  John  Went- 
worth  of  Illinois,  Carl  Schurz,  with  whom  I  had  a  short 
association  on  Slocum's  staff,  and  who  was  made  permanent 
chairman  of  the  Convention;  Joseph  Pulitzer,  then  of 
Missouri,  but  afterward  the  distinguished  editor  of  the 
New  York  World;  Cassius  M.  Clay  of  Kentucky,  Edward 
Atkinson  of  Massachusetts,  David  A.  Wells  of  Connecticut, 
all  well  known  in  the  politics  of  the  time. 

Most  of  those  whom  I  have  mentioned  had  been  affiliated 
with  the  Democratic  Party  before  the  war,  and  believed 
there  should  be  a  substantial  modification  of  the  tariff 
laws.  They  expected  to  put  such  a  declaration  in  their 
platform  and  to  nominate  candidates  who  would  be  in  har- 
mony therewith.  Many  of  them  were  also  dissatisfied  with 
the  reconstruction  measures  that  had  been  adopted  by  the 


90  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Republican  Party.  Few  of  them  imagined  that  the  party 
they  were  seeking  to  organize  would  be  strong  enough  of 
itself  to  defeat  the  re-election  of  General  Grant,  but  prac- 
tically all  of  them  expected  and  believed  that  they  would 
be  able  to  make  a  platform  and  nominate  candidates  of 
such  character  that  they  would  be  able  to  make  a  coalition 
with  the  Democratic  Party  and  thus  be  strong  enough  to 
carry  the  election.  The  results  of  the  Convention  in  these 
respects  were  most  unexpected,  and  to  many  of  those  who 
were  participating  most  unsatisfactory. 

Instead  of  a  declaration  in  favor  of  a  downward  revision 
of  the  tariff,  the  best  the  differing  minds  of  those  assembled 
could  agree  upon  was  a  remission  of  the  whole  tariff  subject 
to  the  Congressional  districts  for  such  settlement  as  they 
might  make,  which  was  such  a  manifest  evasion  that  it  was 
worse  and  more  disappointing  and  exasperating  to  those 
who  expected  something  positive  than  an  out-and-out 
declaration  would  have  been  for  either  a  tariff  for  revenue 
only  or  a  tariff  for  protection. 

Remembering  the  disasters  that  overtook  the  Democratic 
Party  in  1868,  they  declared  against  financial  repudiation 
and  pledged  themselves  to  uphold  all  the  war  amendments 
in  the  Constitution,  and  then,  looking  ahead  for  Democratic 
support^  especially  from  the  South,  declared  in  favor  of  the 
removal  of  all  disabilities  on  account  of  the  rebellion  and 
assailed  with  a  vigorous  tirade  of  abuse  General  Grant  and 
his  administration. 

Those  who  had  joined  the  movement  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  a  change  in  the  tariff  policy  were  not  only  dis- 
appointed with  the  platform,  but  doubly  disappointed  when 
Horace  Greeley,  the  ablest  and  most  distinguished  advocate 
of  a  protective  tariff  then  living,  was  nominated  as  the 
candidate  for  President.  Many  promptly  returned  to  the 
Republican  Party,  among  them  Stanley  Matthews,  the 
temporary  chairman.  Many  others  returned  later,  but  most 
of  them  adhered  to  the  movement,  although  some  of  them 
voted  for  Grant  as  a  protest  against  Greeley,  until  it  was 
swallowed  up  by  the  Democratic  Party,  of  which  they 
then  became  active  members. 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  91 

Among  these  was  Judge,  afterward  Governor  Hoadly. 
He  did  not  become  a  citizen  of  Cincinnati  until  after  he 
had  been  admitted  to  the  bar.  Until  then  he  had  been  a 
Democrat.  When  he  located  in  Cincinnati  he  became  asso- 
ciated with  the  law  firm  of  Chase  &  Ball  (Salmon  P. 
Chase).  Mr.  Chase  had  been  for  years  actively  connected 
with  the  anti-slavery  movement.  When  the  Republican 
Party  was  organized  he  became  from  the  first  one  of  its 
active  leaders.  In  1855  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio. 
He  was  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury. It  was  perhaps  due  to  his  influence  that  Governor 
Hoadly,  coming  to  his  office  as  a  Democrat,  became  in  time 
a  Republican,  although  the  indefensible  pro-slavery,  seces- 
sion, disunion  sentiments  which  the  Democratic  Party 
espoused  would  probably  have  made  him  a  Republican 
anyhow.  However  that  might  be,  his  connection  with  the 
Liberal  Republican  movement  was  but  a  first  step  back  into 
the  Democratic  Party,  where  he  was  promptly  accorded 
full  membership. 

It  is  familiar  history  that  when  the  Democratic  Conven- 
tion of  187^  met  it  adopted  the  platform  and  the  candidates 
of  the  Liberal  Republicans,  for  which  Greeley  had  prepared 
the  way,  especially  with  the  Southern  leaders,  perhaps  uncon- 
sciously, by  signing  the  bail  bond  of  Jefferson  Davis,  and 
advocating  in  his  paper,  in  his  powerful  way,  universal 
amnesty  for  all  Confederates.  By  this  platform  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  turned  its  back  on  all  its  record  of  opposition 
to  the  adoption  of  the  Thirteenth,  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth 
amendments,  and  also  turned  its  back  upon  the  unsavory 
financial  plank  of  1868.  How  well  it  kept  the  faith  thus 
professed,  or  rather  did  not  keep  it,  need  not  be  here 
mentioned. 

I  speak  to  the  extent  I  do  of  this  Convention,  its  plat- 
form, its  candidates,  and  the  movement  generally,  because 
it  was  the  first  national  political  Convention  of  any  kind  I 
had  ever  attended,  and  because  the  character  of  the  move- 
ment was  such,  in  view  of  the  different  classes  of  Republi- 
cans embraced  within  it,  and  their  one  common  purpose  of 
dividing,     overthrowing     and     destroying     the     Republican 


9«  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Party  that  I  deemed  it  more  than  ever  the  duty  of  every 
man  interested  in  the  cause  of  Republicanism  and  the 
preservation  of  the  fruits  of  the  war  for  the  Union,  to  do 
whatever  it  might  be  in  his  power  to  do  to  help  bring  about 
the  triumphant  and  successful  re-election  of  General  Grant, 
which  followed  in  November.  As  a  result,  I  took  in  an 
humble  way  an  active  part  in  the  canvass  of  that  year. 

First  Paeticipation  in  Politics. 

When  I  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law  the  most  positive 
and  about  the  only  well-considered  resolution  I  had  adopted 
was  not  to  allow  anything  to  interrupt  my  professional 
work.  I  knew  the  law  was  a  jealous  mistress,  and  proposed 
to  govern  myself  accordingly.  It  was,  therefore,  with  much 
dissatisfaction  with  myself  that  in  due  time  I  realized  that 
each  year  I  was  being  drawn  more  and  more  into  the  dis- 
cussion of  political  questions. 

I  excused  myself,  however,  on  the  ground  of  public  duty, 
and  the  thought  that  as  soon  as  the  acute  stages  of  the 
events  of  the  time  had  passed  I  should  discard  politics 
altogether. 

But  the  acute  stages  continued.  One  thing  led  to  another 
and  it  seemed  as  though  no  stopping  place  could  be  reached. 
At  any  rate  each  election  seemed  more  important  than  the 
last,  and  there  was  always  more  or  less  of  campaign  work 
for  somebody  to  do. 

A  good  illustration  was  the  case  of  my  old  comrade.  Gen- 
eral Edward  F.  Noyes,  who  lost  a  leg  in  the  Atlanta 
campaign  and  who  had  been  elected  Governor  in  1871,  but 
defeated  by  "Rise  Up  William  Allen"  in  1873.  Noyes  was 
such  a  gallant  soldier,  so  loyal,  so  patriotic,  and  with  such 
a  good  record  not  only  at  the  front,  on  the  firing  line,  but 
at  Columbus,  in  the  executive  office,  that  it  seemed  to  me, 
without  meaning  to  disparage  Governor  Allen  in  the  slight- 
est, that  it  was  little  short,  if  at  all,  of  •  a  disgrace  to  the 
State  that  it  should  deny  the  crippled  hero  the  vindication 
of  a  second  term,  by  giving  preference  to  a  man  who  had 
done  nothing  worthy  of  special  note  to  promote  or  defend 
the   Union    cause,   and   who   was   so   radically    unsound   on 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  93 

financial  questions,  that  he  should  denounce  specie  payments 
in  a  public  speech  as  "A  d — d  barren  ideality." 

It  was  with  this  sort  of  feeling  that  I  attended  my  first 
Republican  State  Convention  held  at  Columbus  in  1875. 
I  went  there  supporting  in  common  with  the  Hamilton 
County  delegation  the  candidacy  of  Alphonso  Taft  for 
the  nomination  for  Governor.  On  account  of  a  dissenting 
opinion  he  had  given  in  the  "Bible  in  the  schools  case,"  as 
it  was  popularly  termed,  the  majority  of  the  Convention 
could  not  be  brought  to  his  support.  The  man  they  wanted 
was  not  a  candidate,  but  they  would  have  him  notwithstand- 
ing. Rutherford  B.  Hayes  had  been  elected  Governor  over 
Allen  G.  Thurman  in  1867,  and  re-elected  over  George  H. 
Pendleton  in  1869.  He  was  not  then  considered  a  great 
man,  but  he  had  a  good  record,  was  a  good  speaker  and 
had  been  successful.  That  made  him  popular,  and  that 
was  enough. 

The  Convention  made  him  the  standard  bearer,  thus  giving 
him  a  chance  for  a  third  term,  to  which  he  was  elected,  and 
also  at  the  same  time  paving  the  way  for  his  nomination  to 
the  Presidency  by  the  National  Convention  that  met  in 
Cincinnati  the  following  year. 

Nomination  op  Hayes. 

It  was  my  fortune  to  be  present  at  this  Convention  as  a 
spectator.  It  was  the  first  National  Republican  Convention 
I  had  ever  attended. 

It  proved  to  be  the  most  interesting  National  Convention 
the  Republicans  had  ever  held  since  the  first  at  which 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated.  It  was  the  first  since  that 
convention  at  which  there  was  a  real  contest  over  the  nom- 
ination of  candidates.  Lincoln's  second  term  came  to  him  as 
a  matter  of  course.  The  two  nominations  of  General  Grant 
were  settled  beforehand  by  public  sentiment,  but  In  1876 
there  were  a  number  of  great  Republican  leaders,  any  one 
of  whom  would  have  made  an  acceptable  and  probably  suc- 
cessful candidate,  but  there  was  no  overwhelming  sentiment 
developed  prior  to  the  Convention  for  any  one  of  them. 

James  G.  Blaine  of  Maine,  Roscoe  Conkling  of  New 
York,  Oliver  P.  Morton  of  Indiana,  John  F.  Hartranft  of 


94j  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Pennsylvania,  Marshall  Jewell  of  Connecticut,  Benjamin  H. 
Bristow  of  Kentucky  and  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  of  Ohio, 
were  all  mentioned  as  candidates,  and  more  or  less  discussed 
by  the  newspapers  of  the  country  prior  to  the  Convention. 

Blaine  and  Morton  had  shown  more  strength  than  any  of 
the  others,  and  it  was  thought  before  the  Convention  assem- 
bled that  one  or  the  other  would  get  the  nomination,  or, 
both  failing,  that  it  would  probably  go  to  Bristow,  who 
as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  struck  a  popular 
chord  with  some  people  in  connection  with  the  prosecution 
of  the  whisky  frauds. 

The  certainty  of  a  strenuous  contest  between  such  great 
leaders  of  the  country  had  much  to  do,  no  doubt,  with  the 
fact  that  the  Convention  was  attended  in  large  numbers 
by  the  most  distinguished  Republicans  of  the  country  as 
delegates  and  spectators. 

I  was  already  familiar  with  the  names  of  the  leaders  of 
the  party  in  the  various  States,  but  I  had  never  seen  any 
of  them,  except  only  those  of  Ohio. 

It  was  exceedingly  interesting,  therefore,  to  see  and  hear 
such  men  as  Hale  and  Frye  of  Maine,  Hoar  of  Massachu- 
setts, Aldrich  of  Rhode  Island,  Thomas  C.  Piatt  of  New 
York,  Hawley  of  Connecticut,  Henry  M.  Teller  of  Colorado, 
and  John  P.  Jones  of  Nevada,  with  all  of  whom  I  afterwards 
served  in  the  Senate;  John  M.  Harlan  of  Kentucky,  after- 
wards distinguished  for  his  long  and  able  service  as  an 
associate  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States; 
Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  who  carried  off  the  oratorical  honors 
of  the  occasion  by  his  speech  nominating  Mr.  Blaine; 
Richard  W.  Thompson  of  Indiana,  who  placed  the  name 
of  Oliver  P.  Morton  before  the  Convention,  and  when  it 
became  evident  that  he  could  not  be  nominated,  withdrew 
it  from  further  consideration;  George  William  Curtis,  the 
distinguished  editor  and  accomplished  orator;  Garrett  A. 
Hobart,  afterwards  Vice  President;  Charles  Emory  Smith, 
Postmaster  General  under  McKinley;  Governor  William  A. 
Howard  of  Michigan;  Nathan  Goff,  long  a  distinguished 
Judge,  now  Senator  from  West  Virginia,  and  others  of  like 
prominence  from  the  different  States. 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  95 

Later  I  became  personally  acquainted  with  nearly  all 
these  men,  and  have  of  each  of  them  the  most  agreeable  rec- 
ollection. 

The  excitement  of  the  Convention  commenced  before  the 
body   assembled   at   the   Convention   Hall. 

Great  crowds  witnessed  the  arrival  of  the  New  York 
delegation.  They  were  a  splendid,  fine  looking  body  of  men. 
They  carried  a  beautiful  banner  with  an  oil  portrait  of 
their  candidate — Senator  Conkling — ^but  they  did  not  make 
any  better  appearance  than  the  Pennsylvania  delegation, 
who  also  carried  a  banner  with  the  portrait  of  their  candi- 
date. Governor  Hartranft.  The  Maine  delegation  was  not 
very  large,  but  Blaine  delegates,  Blaine  men  and  Blaine 
banners  were  to  be  seen  on  every  hand.  Indiana  Repub- 
licans were  present  in  great  numbers,  advocating  the  cause 
of  their  candidate  in  the  corridors  of  the  hotels  and  wher- 
ever crowds  were  gathered.  The  Bristow  men  were  not  so 
demonstrative,  but  they  were  both  seen  and  felt.  Hayes 
never  did  excite  much  enthusiasm,  but  he  also  had  staunch 
friends  who  modestly,  sincerely  and  faithfully  upheld  and 
advanced  his  cause.  Bands,  banners  and  flags  of  all  kinds 
were  everywhere. 

While  these  demonstrations  were  taking  place  conferences 
were  being  held  and  plans  were  being  laid  in  behalf  of  the 
different  candidates  by  the  respective  leaders  of  the  delega- 
tions. All  kinds  of  rumors  and  reports  were  in  circulation 
as  to  the  results,  the  conclusions  reached  and  the  combina- 
tions made. 

It  was  practically  a  new  experience  for  us.  Except  the 
Liberal  Convention  of  1872  Cincinnati  had  not  had  the  honor 
of  entertaining  a  National  Convention  of  either  party  since 
1856,  when  the  Democrats  nominated  James  Buchanan,  in 
Smith  and  Nixon's  Hall  on  Fourth  street.  The  situation 
was  unusual  and  there  was  much  excitement  throughout  the 
city;  business  was  practically  suspended;  little  else  was 
thought  of  or  talked  about,  except  only  the  prominent  dele- 
gates and  the  possible  nominations.  There  was  no  trouble 
anticipated  for  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.     There  was 


96  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

at  that  time  common  agreement  as  to  Republican  principles 
and  in  a  general  way  as  to  what  should  be  embodied  in 
the  platform. 

I  have  already  mentioned  John  P.  Jones  as  a  delegate 
from  Nevada  and  afterwards  one  of  my  colleagues  in  the 
Senate.  As  I  dictate  these  notes  a  rather  pleasing  incident 
in  connection  with  him  comes  back  to  mind.  Some  weeks 
before  the  date  fixed  for  the  Convention  a  widow  who  was 
a  client  of  an  attorney  in  our  office  called  to  inform  him 
that  a  real  estate  agent  had  called  upon  her,  saying  he 
represented  Senator  John  P.  Jones,  who  was  to  be  a  delegate 
to  the'  Convention  from  Nevada;  that  he  wanted  to  rent 
for  use  by  him  and  his  delegation  during  the  Convention 
some  suitable  house,  where  they  could  have  better  accommo- 
dations than  they  had  been  able  to  secure  in  our  limited 
and  over-crowded  hotels,  and  that  he  thought  hers  would 
answer,  and  that  he  would  rent  it  if  he  could  agree  with  her 
upon  terms ;  that  the  Senator  wanted  the  house  unfurnished ; 
that  he  would  put  his  own  furniture  in  it ;  take  good  care  of 
it,  do  as  little  damage  as  possible,  and  pay  her  any  reason- 
a'ble  rent  she  might  name.  A  very  handsome  rental  was 
asked.  I  do  not  remember  now  the  amount,  except  that 
it  was  two  or  three  thousand  dollars — maybe  more.  It  was 
agreed  to  so  promptly  that  it  was  thought  she  might  have 
had  much  more  if  she  had  asked  for  it.  Everything  belong- 
ing to  the  owner  was  removed  from  the  house  and  it  was 
furnished  throughout  by  the  Senator  with  beds,  tables, 
chairs,  cooking  utensils  and  everything  else  needed  to  make 
the   delegation   and  their  friends   comfortable. 

The  rental  was  paid  in  advance,  and  when  the  Convention 
was  over  Senator  Jones  made  the  good  woman  very  happy  by 
making  her  a  present  of  all  the  furniture  and  everything 
else  he  had  put  in  her  home.  That  was  the  first  time  my 
attention  was  directed  to  Senator  Jones.  The  incident 
proved  a  happy  prelude  to  a  most  agreeable  association  with 
him  when  afterwards  we  were  colleagues  in  the  Senate. 

Finally  the  day  of  the  Convention  arrived.  Its  proceed- 
ings are  familiar  to  all.     The  intellectual  feature  was  the 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  9T 

famous    speech    of    Robert    G.    IngersoU    nominating    Mr. 
Blaine.     From  the  first  sentence  until  the  last  he  had  the 
rapt  attention  of  the  Convention  and  all  the  great  audience 
that  filled  the  galleries.      I  have  many  times   seen  popular 
orators    arouse    great    enthusiasm,    but    I    have   never    seen, 
before  or  since,  anything  equal  to  the  effect  of  his  eloquent 
and  telling   sentences.      Some   one  preceding  him   had   said 
to  make  sure  of  the  election  we  must  nominate  a  man  accept- 
able to  Massachusetts.     This  nettled  IngersoU.     He  rebuked 
it  in  his  first  sentences,  saying  if  any  man  who  had  been  men- 
tioned at  that   Convention   as   a  possible   candidate,   should 
be  nominated,  and  could  not  carry  that  State  by  seventy-five 
thousand  majority  Massachusetts  should  tear  down  Bunker 
Hill  monument  and  sell  Faneuil  Hall  for  Democratic  head- 
quarters.     Referring   to   the   charges   that   had   been   made 
against  Mr.  Blaine's  integrity  on  account  of  the  Mulligan 
letters,  he  said  While  the  candidate  should  have  all  proper 
virtues,  it  was  not  necessary  that  he  should  have  a  certifi- 
cate of  moral  character  from  a  Confederate  Congress.     His 
speech  throughout  fairly  bristled  with  sharp,  jagged  points, 
and   smashing,    bludgeon-like   blows   that   thrilled    his   audi- 
ence,   aroused   their   enthusiasm,    and   brought    forth   round 
after  round  of  applause,  but  the  climax  was  reached  when 
he  likened  Blaine  to  a   plumed  knight  with  shining  lance, 
smiting  traitors  in  Congress  full  in  the  face. 

When  he  finally  concluded  it  seemed  as  though  Mr. 
Blaine  was  already  nominated.  Other  nomination  speeches 
were  listened  to  impatiently,  no  matter  how  good  they  may 
have  been  in  and  of  themselves,  since  all  seemed  tame  by 
comparison  and  a  useless  formality  and  waste  of  time  any- 
how. Hayes  was  nominated  by  Governor  Noyes,  in  a 
splendid  speech,  but  it  suffered  on  this  account. 

I  remember  distinctly  only  one  other  speech  and  I 
remember  that  because  of  the  painful  impression  it  made. 
It  was  the  speech  of  Richard  W.  Thompson  withdrawing 
the  name  of  Oliver  P.  Morton  from  further  consideration 
by   the   Convention. 

It  was  a  beautiful  speech,  but  a  sad  one  in  a  way,  for 
aU  who  heard  it  recognized  that  it  marked  the  end  of  a 
great  career  of  a  great  man  who  had  a  warm  place  in  the 


98  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

grateful  recollections  of  loyal  Republicans  everywhere.  It 
was  like  the  folding  of  a  battle  flag  preparatory  to  putting 
it  away   out   of  sight  forever. 

Mr.  Blaine  received  on  the  first  ballot  285  votes,  Mr. 
Hayes  only  61.  On  the  seventh  ballot  Mr.  Blaine  received 
351  votes,  and  Mr.  Hayes  received  384  votes,  and  was  then 
on  motion   made  the  unanimous   choice   of  the   Convention. 

Later  the  Democratic  convention  nominated  Samuel  J. 
Tilden  as  his  opponent  on  a  platform  that  over  and  over 
agam  rang  the  changes  for  reform  and  in  one  of  the 
6ev^rest  political  arraignments  ever  made  indicted  the  Re- 
publican party  as  guilty  of  almost  every  sort  of  offense 
known  to  the  calendar  of  crimes. 

Campaign  of  1876. 

The  campaign  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats  gave  em- 
phasis to  the  reform  idea  and  exploited  Mr.  Tilden  as  the 
great  reform  Governor  of  New  York,  and  the  best  fitted 
man  in  the  country  to  bring  about  reforms  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  No  reforms  were  needed  but 
a  fact  like  that  never  interfered  with  a  reform  campaign. 
It  went  on  all  the  more  vigorously  on  that  account.  Every 
sort  of  virtue  was  claimed  for  him  and  every  sort  of  polit- 
ical vice  was  charged  against  the  Republicans. 

The  campaign  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans  was  a 
regular  Hayes  campaign — hard  work,  steady  pulling,  con- 
stant progress,  but  nothing  brilliant,  no  great  enthusiasm, 
but  victory  in  the  end  by  a  small  and  doubtful  margin. 

Both  sides  claimed  the  electoral  votes  of  South  Carolina, 
Florida  and  Louisiana.  In  addition  the  Republicans  claimed 
aU  the  votes  of  Oregon,  while  the  Democrats  claimed  one 
of  them  on  the  technicality  that  one  of  the  Republican  elec- 
tors, J.  W.  Watts,  was  holding  a  post-office  at  the  time 
of  his  election,  and  for  that  reason  was  disqualified  to  act, 
although  he  had  a  majority  over  E.  A.  Cronin,  the  next 
highest  Democratic  candidate  for  elector,  of  more  than 
a  thousand  votes. 

Allowing  the  Republicans  all  the  votes  claimed  they  had 
a  majority  of  only  one  in  the  electoral  college — one  hundred 
and  eighty-five  for  Hayes,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty-four 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  99 

for  Tilden.  This  narrow  margin  was  of  itself  very  Hayes- 
like. He  had  defeated  Thurman  in  1867  by  only  2,983 
votes,  and  Pendleton  in  1869  by  only  7,500  votes,  and  had 
carried  Ohio  for  the  Presidency  by  but  7,516  votes,  and 
had  a  majority  of  the  votes  in  a  number  of  other  States 
by    exceedingly    slight    margins. 

Thus  suddenly  the  American  people  were  confronted  with 
the  perils  of  a  disputed  Presidency.  Intense  excitement 
took  possession  of  everybody.  The  loud  claims  in  behalf 
of  Mr.  Tilden's  personal  virtues  had  been  carefully  exam- 
ined during  the  campaign,  with  the  result  that  almost 
universally  the  Republican  leaders  of  the  country  became 
distrustful,  and  seriously  apprehensive  that  should  circum- 
stances arise  apparently  calling  for  the  same  he  would  not 
hesitate  to  act  unscrupulously  in  his  own  or  his  party's 
behalf. 

During  the  campaign  there  had  been  a  resort  to  violence 
in  many  of  the  Southern  States,  particularly  in  South 
Carolina,  with  a  view  to  terrorizing,  controlling,  prevent- 
ing, or  suppressing  the  colored  vote,  which  was  unanimously 
Republican,  and  constituted  a  majority  of  the  voters  in  the 
State.  It  was  charged  that  the  Democrats  in  other  States, 
particularly  in  those  in  dispute,  had  committed  great  frauds 
upon  the  ballot  with  the  same  object  in  view. 

These  charges  were  met  by  counter  charges  of  like  char- 
acter. Crimination  and  recrimination,  excitement  and  bit- 
terness, v/ere  the  order  of  the  day.  As  a  result  both  parties 
sent  representatives  to  the  disputed  States  ostensibly  to 
investigate  the  facts,  and  secure,  if  possible,  an  honest 
count   and   honest   returns. 

In  the  meanwhile  all  kinds  of  incendiary  speeches  were 
made,  and  articles  published  and  propositions  advanced,  even 
to  the  suggestion  of  open  violence. 

The  Electoral  Commission. 

Congress  finally  passed  a  special  act  for  the  settlement 
of  the  dispute  by  providing  for  an  Electoral  Commission 
consisting  of  fifteen  members  to  be  composed  of  five  Sen- 
ators, five  Members  of  the  House,  and  five  Associate  Justices 
of  the   Supreme   Court. 


100  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  Justices  assigned  to  four  specifically  named  Cir- 
cuits were  to  serve  and  select  a  fifth  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  It  was  arranged  by  tacit  understanding  and 
agreement  that  of  the  Senators  two  should  be  Democrats 
and  three  Republicans,  and  that  of  the  five  Members  of  the 
House  three  should  be  Democrats   and  two  Republicans. 

The  Justices  of  the  four  Circuits  designated  were  Clifford 
and  Field,  Democrats,  and  Miller  and  Strong,  Republicans. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  political  complexion  of 
the  Commission  would  be  determined  by  the  fifteenth  man 
who  was  to  be  the  fifth  Justice. 

Before  this  Commission  all  questions  in  dispute  were 
to  be  presented,  argued  and  then  finally  settled  by  a 
majority  vote  of  the  Commission,  subject  only  to  rejec- 
tion by  a  concurrent  vote  of  both  Houses. 

The  work  of  devising  and  framing  the  bill  was  shared 
alike  by  both  parties,  but  the  Democratic  support  of  it 
was  much  s1:ronger  than  that  given  by  the  Republicans, 
who  reached  the  point  in  the  consideration  of  the  measure 
where  they  seemed  to  "fear  the  Greeks  even  gifts  bearing." 

They  recognized  that  it  offered  a  solution  of  the  trouble, 
and  that  they  could  not  afford  to  oppose  it  without  offer- 
ing a  substitute  that  would  be  more  acceptable;  and  that, 
they  were  unable  to  do.  The  trouble  was  a  disquieting 
feeling,  gradually  becoming  more  and  more  pronounced, 
that  the  measure  was  a  part  of  a  scheme  of  the  "Reformer 
of  Gramercy  Park,"  and  that  sooner  or  later  they  would  find 
themselves  caught  in  a  trap  he  was  setting,  but  w'hich  they 
would  not  be  able  to  locate  until  too  late.  The  bill  was 
supported  in  the  Senate  by  Thurman,  Bayard,  and  the 
ablest  Democrats  in  that  body,  and  Henry  B.  Payne,  Abram 
S.  Hewitt,  and  the  leading  Democrats  of  the  House. 
It  was  opposed  in  the  Senate  by  such  Republicans  as  John 
Sherman,  James  G.  Blaine  and  Oliver  P.  Morton,  while 
in  the  House  the  opposition  was  led  by  James  A.  Garfield, 
William  P.  Frye,  and  men  of  that  character. 

When  finally  passed  the  vote  stood  in  the  House  for 
the     Commission,     160    Democrats     and     31     Republicans; 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  101 

against,  17  Democrats,  and  69  Republicans ;  In  the  Sen- 
ate the  vote  stood  for  the  Commission  26  Democrats  and 
21  Republicans;  against  the  Commission,  1  Democrat  and 
16   Republicans. 

It  was  afterward  claimed  in  explanation  of  this  strong 
opposition  among  Republicans,  and,  perhaps,  with  good 
ground  therefor,  that  the  Democrats  had  in  some  way 
been  assured  that  the  fifth  Justice  who  was  to  be  the 
fifteenth  member  of  the  Commission,  would  be  Justice  David 
Davis,  who  had  been  in  early  life  a  Republican,  and  who 
was  at  the  time  regarded  as  a  Democrat.  Whatever  the 
fact  may  be,  his  selection  was  made  impossible  by  an  elec- 
tion, unexpected  by  him,  and  everybody  else,  as  a  Democrat 
to  the  office  of  United  States  Senator  from  the  State  of 
Illinois  on  the  day  preceding  that  which  had  been  fixed  as 
the  date  for  putting  the  bill  on  its  passage  in  the  House, 
where  the  Democrats  were  in  the  majority,  and  most  of 
them  were  so  committed  to  the  support  of  the  measure  that 
it  was  impossible  for  them  to  find  in  that  fact  an  excuse  for 
withholding  that  support ;  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
in  the  nature  of  things,  no  such  excuse  could  be  offered 
without    scandalizing    the    whole    proceeding. 

This  election  to  the  Senate  made  Davis  ineligible  under 
the  terms  of  the  Statute  creating  the  Commission,  and 
made  it  necessary  to  choose  some  other  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  his  stead.  This  led  to  the  selection  of 
Associate  Justice  Joseph  P.  Bradley,  who  had  been  appoin- 
ted from  the  State  of  New  Jersey  and  who  was  a  Republican. 

In  this  way  it  came  about  that  eight  members  of  the 
Commission  were  Republicans,  and  only  seven  were  Dem- 
ocrats. There  was  a  great  array  of  counsel  on  each  side. 
Judge  Hoadly  was  one  of  them  on  the  Democratic  side. 
The  different  questions  were  parceled  out  among  them. 
To  Judge  Hoadly  was  assigned  the  Oregon  case.  I  chanced 
to  meet  him  in  the  Cincinnati  Law  Library,  where  he  had 
been  examining  some  authorities  he  wanted  to  use  m  his 
argument,  just  as  he  was  leaving  preparatory  to  taking 
the  train  for  Washington,  and  had  a  brief  conversation 
with  him,  in  the  course  of  which  he  expressed  great  satis- 


102  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

faction  with  his  assignment,  stating  in  that  connection 
that  he  had  entire  confidence  that  the  question  he  was  to 
present  was  free  from  doubt,  and  that  he  would  be  able 
to  secure  for  Mr.  Tilden  the  one  vote  necessary  to  make 
him    President. 

He   further  stated  in  this   conversation   that  he  was   en- 
tirely satisfied  with  the  selection  of  Justice  Bradley  as  the 
fifteenth    member    of    the    Commission,    remarking    that    he 
regarded   him  as   especially   able   on  questions   of  statutory 
construction.     The   cases  were  all  fully  presented,  both  as 
to   the.  facts   and   the   law.      Florida,    South    Carolina,    and 
Louisiana  were  all  one  after  another  decided  in  favor  of  the 
i    Hayes    electors    by    a    divided,    partisan    vote    of    eight    to 
seven ;  but  when  the  Commission  came  to  decide  the  Oregon 
,   dispute,    which   had   been    elaborately    presented   by    Judge 
I   Hoadly,  the   vote   was   unanimously   against   his   main   con- 
j   tention,   the   only  vote  of  the  kind   given  by   the   Commis- 
sion on  any  disputed  point  of  the  entire  controversy.  Hayes 
was   duly   inaugurated. 

But  Democratic  dissatisfaction  seemed  to  be  only  in- 
creased. They  were  even  more  responsible  for  the  Com- 
mission than  the  Republicans,  but  there  were  no  words  of 
bitterness  too  strong  and  ugly  for  them  to  use  in  denun- 
ciation of  what  had  been  done. 

Finally  not  knowing  what  else  to  do,  and  thinking  they 
must  do  something,  they  passed  a  joint  resolution  author- 
izing an  investigation  by  a  joint  committee  of  the  two 
Houses  of  the  whole  subject.  This,  also  most  unexpectedly 
and  disastrously  for  them,   came  to  naught. 

The  Cipher  Telegrams. 

^  In  some  way  several  hundred  cipher  telegrams  came  into 
the  possession  of  the  New  York  Tribune  that  had  passed 
between  the  different  Democratic  representatives  who  had 
gone  South  and  to  Oregon  to  look  after  the  count  in  the 
several  disputed  States,  and  William  T.  Pelton,  nephew 
of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  who  was  the  private,  unofficial,  inner 
sanctimi  manager  of  his  campaign,  and  of  the  work  and 
investigation  being  carried  on  by  these  special  partisan 
representatives. 


DABBLING    ALONG    THE    EDGES  103 

Some  one  discovered  the  key  to  the  telegrams  and 
translated  them.  The  paper  published  them.  Consterna- 
tion  followed. 

While  leaders  of  the  Republican  Party  were  not  par- 
ticularly surprised  in  view  of  the  estimate  they  had  come 
to  have  of  the  methods  employed  in  the  campaign  for  Mr. 
Tilden,  by  what  had  been  thus  disclosed  everybody  else  was 
shocked,  and  all  were  made  to  feel  that  they  had  been 
duped  and  outraged  by  the  pretensions,  purposes,  and 
methods  that  had  been  made  and  employed  in  behalf  of 
the  alleged  Reformer,  for  the  telegrams  disclosed  that  from 
the  moment  his  representatives  arrived  at  their  respective 
assignments  they  had  commenced,  not  an  honest  investiga- 
tion, but  a  deliberately  planned  campaign  of  bribery 
and  corruption,  in  the  prosecution  of  which  they  had 
attempted  by  the  use  of  large  sums  of  money  to  secure 
additional  electoral  votes.  They  had  in  cipher  telegraphed 
freely  and  fully  to  "Nephew  Pelton,"  naming  the  amounts 
to  be  paid,  and  the  necessity  for  such  payments  in  order 
to  "secure  results."  These  amounts  ranged  all  the  way 
from  five  thousand  dollars  to  two  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars. But  whatever  encouragement  the  would-be  corruptors 
may  have  had  to  think  they  could  thus  secure  votes  to 
which  they  were  not  entitled  they  utterly  failed.  Finally 
when  convinced  of  failure,  and  the  utter  hopelessness  of 
their  scheme  in  that  respect,  one  of  them  sent  a  telegram 
announcing  failure  and  advising  Tilden  to  "saddle  Black- 
stone,"  an  expression  that  at  once  became  familiar  all  over 
the  country,  and  which  was  no  doubt  the  suggestion  in 
which  the  Electoral  Commission  had  its  inception.  These 
disclosures  put  an  end  to  the  dispute  about  the  Presidency. 

Hayes  had  been  honestly  nominated;  his  campaign  had 
been  honestly  conducted;  he  had  honestly  received  the  neces- 
sary one  hundred  and  eighty-five  votes;  and  these  votes 
had  been  given  to  him  not  only  by  the  returns,  but  in  so 
far  as  they  were  disputed  they  had  been  confirmed  to  him 
by  the  Electoral  Commission.  His  title  was  clear,  and  his 
skirts  were   clean. 


104  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

On  the  other  hand  the  high  moral  pretensions  of  his 
opponent  had  been  singularly,  but  most  completely  refuted 
and  destroyed,  and  the  sympathy  that  had  been  aroused  in 
his  behalf  by  false  assumptions  of  virtues  he  did  not  possess 
and  by  charges  that  were  unfounded,  had  been  turned  by 
these  exposures  of  attempted  fraud,  bribery,  and  corrup- 
tion, to  indignation  and  condemnation  of  the  severest  char- 
acter. 

I  have  mentioned  these  salient  points  of  this  historic 
incident  because  it  had  much  to  do  with  my  continued 
interest  in  politics  and  because  repeated  references  were 
made  to  these  events  by  Governor  Hoadly  and  myself  when 
opposed  to  each  other  as  candidates  for  Governor  in  1883. 


CHAPTER  X. 

A  PLUNGE  INTO  POLITICS. 

THE  year  following  my  resignation  as  Judge  I  was  nom- 
inated by  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  for  the  office  of 
Governor.  This  caused  a  digression  into  the  field  of  politics 
that  was  agreeable  but  not  anticipated,  or  in  any  way  planned 
or  sought;  I  might  also  say,  not  even  desired.  At  least  not 
at  that  particular  time. 

My  availability  was  in  large  measure  due  to  the  favor- 
able mention  I  had  received  in  connection  with  my  resigna- 
tion of  the  judicial  office,  and  to  the  fact  that  the  regu- 
lation of  the  liquor  traffic,  until  shortly  before  that  time 
practically  free  from  any  kind  of  special  tax,  and  free 
also  from  satisfactory  restraints  and  regulations,  had  be- 
come an  acute  and  paramount  question  in  Ohio  politics, 
and  the  City  of  Cincinnati,  with  its  large  German  popula- 
tion, naturally  Republican,  had  become  a  hot-bed  of  oppo- 
sition to  the  Republican  Party.  It  had  declared  for  tax- 
ing the  traffic  and  more  efficiently  regulating  it,  and  under 
the  leadership  of  Charles  Foster,  then  Governor  of  Ohio, 
had  enacted  in  that  behalf  what  was  known  as  the  Scott 
law.  It  had  intensified  the  dissatisfaction  aroused  by  this 
legislation  by  also  submitting  a  proposal  to  amend  the 
Constitution  so  as  to  prohibit  the  traffic  altogether. 

In  view  of  these  conditions  the  party  naturally  looked 
to  Cincinnati  for  a  candidate,  and  that  directed  attention 
to  me.  I  was  pleased  to  be  thought  of  for  such 
an  office,  and  as  worthy  to  lead  under  such  circumstances, 
but  considering  my  age,  and  the  need  I  had  to  better 
my  financial  condition  while  I  was  in  an  easy  way  to  do 
so,  and  to  thoroughly  recover  my  health,  I  doubted  the 
wisdom   of  responding  to  such  a   call,   especially   when  the 

105 


VM 


106  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

outcome  of  the  campaign  was  necessarily  in  serious  doubt. 
But  the  call  was  there,  and  day  by  day  was  becoming 
stronger  and  more  pronounced.  It  offered  an  inviting 
opportunity  for  honorable  distinction  and  useful  service 
to  both  my  party  and  my  State.  I  could  embrace  it  or 
let  it  pass — perhaps  never  to  return.  I  finally  concluded 
with  much  misgiving  to  let  matters  take  their  course,  and 
accept  the  nomination  if  it  should  be  tendered,  as  it  was 
on  the  sixth  day  of  June,  1883,  by  one  of  the  largest  and 
most  enthusiastic  delegate  conventions  ever  assembled  in  the 
State. 

Senator  Sherman  was  Chairman  of  the  Convention.  Wil- 
liam McKinley  was  one  of  the  delegates.  The  most  prom- 
inent and  distinguished  Republicans  of  the  State,  including 
Governor  Foster,  General  J.  Warren  Keifer,  General  Charles 
'H.  Grosvenor,  Hon.  Isaac  F.  Mack  of  Sandusky,  Hon. 
J.  Kent  Hamilton  of  Toledo,  Hon.  William  D.  Bickham 
of  Dayton,  editor  of  the  Dayton  Journal,  and  many  others 
too  numerous  to  mention  were  among  the  delegates. 

The  sentiment  for  my  nomination  seemed  to  be  general 
and  without  opposition  until  a  week  or  ten  days  before 
the  Convention  assembled,  when  one  after  another,  a  number 
of  others  were  mentioned  as  suitable  candidates.  The  most 
formidable  of  these  possible  opponents  was  Senator  Sher- 
man himself.  He  was  at  that  time  justly  and  deservedly 
very  popular  with  his  party,  especially  with  the  German 
Republicans,  because  of  his  well-known  liberal  views  with 
respect  to  sumptuary  laws.  He  was,  however,  unqualifiedly 
in  favor  of  the  Republican  proposition  to  compel  the 
saloons  to  bear  a  just  portion  of  the  burdens  of  govern- 
ment, and  submit  to  proper  regulation. 

As  soon  as  he  learned  that  his  name  was  being  used  as 
a  possible  candidate  he  made  a  public  announcement  that 
he  was  not  a  candidate,  did  not  desire  the  nomination,  and 
that  he  would  not  accept  it  unless  it  should  be  tendered 
in  such  a  way  and  under  such  circumstances  as  might  make 
it  his  duty  to  do  so,  and  he  hoped  his  friends  would  not 
allow   any  such   situation  to   come  about. 


A   PLUNGE   INTO   POLITICS  107 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Senate,  and  was  pleased  with 
that  service  and  felt  that  it  was  his  duty  to  remain  there 
as   Ohio's  representative  in  that  body. 

Major  Benjamin  Butterworth,  a  most  brilliant  man,  a 
captivating  orator  and  experienced  campaigner,  then  a 
member  of  Congress,  had  many  friends  who  favored  his 
nomination.  Judge  William  Lawrence  of  Belief  ontaine, 
popular  with  the  agricultural  classes,  was  mentioned,  and 
there  were  many  disposed  to  give  him  their  support.  Still 
other  candidates  were  mentioned  and  discussed.  For  a 
time,  particularly  during  the  period  of  two  or  three  days 
immediately  preceding  the  assembling  of  the  Convention, 
it  seemed  as  though  there  might  be  a  spirited  contest  over 
the  nomination  and  that  there  was  no  certainty  as  to  who 
would  be  made  the  candidate. 

This  possible  contest  had  its  origin  in  opposition  to  my 
nomination.  There  were  many  who  thought  I  was  too 
young — I  was  then  not  yet  thirty-seven  years  old — that  I 
had  not  had  enough  political  experience — except  making  some 
speeches,  I  had  not  in  fact  had  any.  It  was  natural  that 
those  Who  did  not  know  me  personally  should  distrust  the 
wisdom  of  putting  at  the  head  of  the  party  in  such  a 
contest  as  that  which  was  clearly  impending  one  who  had 
not  been   thoroughly   tried   and   tested. 

There  were  others  who  thought  on  account  of  my  then 
recent  illness  I  might  suffer  a  physical  breakdown  before 
the  campaign  was  over  and  thus  embarrass  the  party. 

I  did  not  find  any  fault  then,  and  have  never  since 
found  any  fault  with  anyone  who  advanced  any  of  these 
objections,  for  I  recognized  then  and  recognize  now  that 
under  all  the  circumstances  they  were  just  subjects  of  con- 
sideration with  respect  to  which  thoughtful,  prudent  men 
might  well  have  different  opinions.  In  fact  I,  myself, 
entertained  the  same  apprehensions  they  expressed.  I  real- 
ized that  the  responsibilities  of  leadership  in  such  a  con- 
test were  serious.  The  acuite  questions  were  relatively  new. 
It  was  one  thing  to  discuss  reconstruction,  finances,  and  the 
tariff,   and   quite   another   to  deal   with   questions   that   in- 


108  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

volved  the  habits  and  tastes  of  men.  All  that  bitterness 
of  feeling  had  already  been  excited  which  is  always  aroused 
by  sumptuary  legislation.  From  considerations  of  this 
character  I  continued  to  the  last  determined  not  to  either 
run  away  from  or  after  the  nomination.  For  this  reason 
I  did  not  contemplate  attending  the  convention,  and  would 
not  have  been  present  had  it  not  been  that  on  the  day 
preceding  friends  in  Columbus  wired  me  that  I  would 
undoubtedly  be  chosen,  and  that  I  owed  it  to  the  party 
as  well  as  myself  to  be  present,  to  meet  the  representatives 
of  the  party  from  the  different  counties  of  the  State, 
become  acquainted  with  them,  and  address  them ;  that  accept- 
ing the  nomination  I  owed  it  to  the  party,  to  take  advantage 
in  a  proper  way  of  every  opportunity  that  might  be  offered 
to  present  and  strengthen  our  cause. 

I  thought  these  were  good  reasons,  and,  therefore, 
changed  my  mind  and  attended  the  Convention,  arriving 
in  Columbus  about  noon  of  June  5th.  I  took  rooms  at  the 
Neil  House,  and  quote  from  the  daily  press  as  to  what 
followed : 

For  several  hours  he  held  an  impromptu  reception.  He  was  tired 
with  his  railroad  journey,  hot  and  cramped  from  his  long  confinement 
in  the  overheated  cars,  but,  notwithstanding,  he  had  a  smile  and 
pleasant  word  for  all  comers,  and  there  was  scarcely  a  delegate  or 
political  visitor  who  did  not  embrace  the  opportunity  to  have  a  chat 
with  him.  .  .  .  On  everybody  he  made  a  most  favorable  impression, 
and  the  Foraker  boom  has  been  steadily  swelling  ever  since  his  arrival 
in  Columbus.    He  himself  is  confident  and  does  not  hesitate  to  say  so. 

Until  my  arrival  at  Columbus  that  afternoon  I  had  never 
met  either  Senator  Sherman  or  Major  McKinley.  I  was 
most  cordially  received  by  both  and  during  the  afternoon 
I  was  invited  by  Senator  Sherman  to  drive  with  him  about 
Columbus  that  we  might  get  some  relief  from  the  throngs 
that  crowded  my  rooms  and  have  an  opportunity  to  talk  the 
situation  over.  An  hour  was  most  agreeably  spent  in  this 
way.  Senator  Sherman  took  advantage  of  this  opportunity 
to  tell  me  he  was  not  a  candidate,  and  that  he  would  not 
allow  his  name  to  be  used  unless  some  unforeseen  situation 


A    PLUNGE   INTO   POLITICS  109 

should  arise  that  might  compel  him  to  change  his  mind; 
that  he  favored  my  nomination  and  hoped  I  would  be 
selected   without   any   opposition   on   the   following  day. 

When  the  Convention  assembled  and  Senator  Sherman 
assumed  the  chair,  in  one  of  his  characteristic  speeches  he 
lauded  the  achievements  of  the  Republican  Party,  dwelling 
particularly  on  the  beneficent  results  of  a  protective  tariff* 
He  then  spoke  as  follows  on  the  temperance  question: 

As  to  the  temperance  question,  we  all  acknowledge  the  great  and 
manifest  evils  that  flow  from  the  use  and  abuse  of  spirituous  liquors^ 
and  at  the  same  time  the  difficulty  in  dealing  with  the  subject  without 
interfering  with  the  essential  and  necessary  liberty  of  each  citizen  ta 
determine  for  himself  what  he  will  eat,  drink  and  wear.  Many  modes 
have  been  proposed  to  check  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  many  worthy 
citizens  believe  the  only  way  is  by  absolute  prohibition  of  the  manufac- 
ture and  sale  of  spirits.  Others  equally  sincere  believe  that  prohibition 
is  impracticable;  that  it  could  not  be  enforced,  especially  in  cities,  and 
therefore  want  to  leave  the  entire  control  of  the  subject  to  the  General 
Assembly,  so  that  legislation  might  be  adapted  to  meet  the  needs  of 
diflFerent  localities  and  changing  public  opinion.  These  two  propositions 
are  submitted  to  the  people.  Every  man  should  for  himself,  without 
regard  to  party,  study  these  propositions  and  vote  according  to  his 
convictions  of  what  is  right.  (Applause.)  In  the  meantime  this 
traffic  goes  on  in  open  day  and  by  night,  filling  our  poorhouses,  jails 
and  penitentiary,  increasing  the  expenses  of  our  courts  and  police. 
Now  the  question  is  this:  Ought  not  this  traffic  to  be  taxed  to  pay  a 
portion  of  these  expenses?  This  is  the  principle  of  the  Scott  bill. 
It  is  right.  Our  State  Constitution  prohibits  a  license,  but  this  is  not 
a  license;  it  is  a  tax.  At  all  events,  license,  or  no  license,  we  are  in 
favor  of  a  tax  (applause) ;  and,  if  necessary,  we  will  change  the  Con- 
stitution to  enable  the  General  Assembly  to  devise  and  enforce  a  just 
system  of  taxation  on  this  traffic.  ("Hear,  hear  I")  And  why  not?  It 
is  done  in  nearly  every  State,  country  and  city  in  Christendom,  and 
perhaps  in  Pagandom.  We  have  for  thirty  years  in  Ohio  neglected  this 
stream  of  revenue;  this  most  unobjectionable  form  of  restraining  the 
traffic.  We  have  followed  the  example  of  the  Pharisee  who  would  not 
relieve  the  poor  unfortunate  because  he  feared  to  be  contaminated. 
We  would  not  tax  the  liquor  seller  because,  we  are  told,  that  makes 
us  a  partner  in  the  crime.  This  is  good  logic  for  his  pocket.  We  are 
or  ought  to  be  practical  men,  and  I  risk  my  reputation  as  a  prophet 
by  saying  that  even  after  one  year's  enforcement  of  the  Scott  law 
our  Democratic  friends  will  acquiesce  and  not  propose  to  repeal  it. 
Let  us,  then,  my  fellow  Republicans,  go  on;  let  us  perform  our 
duties  according  to  what  we  think  is  right,  and,  appealing  to  the  judg- 
ment of  our  fellow  citizens,  let  us  raise  the  Republican  standard  with 
courage  and  hope  as  of  old  and  assured  success  will  light  up  its  folds. 
(Enthusiastic  applause.) 


110  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Major  McKinley  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions.  He  reported  a  platform  strongly  support- 
ing the  policy  of  a  protective  tariff,  declaring  in  favor  of 
the  restoration  of  the  wool  tariff  of  1867,  which  had  been 
reduced  in  1882  on  the  recommendation  of  a  tariff  com- 
mission, favored  the  taxation  and  regulation  of  the  liquor 
traffic,  and  approved  the  action  of  the  General  Assembly 
in  submitting  two  amendments  to  the  Constitution  with 
respect  thereto,  one  providing  for  its  prohibition,  and 
the  other  providing  for  remitting  the  whole  subject  to  the 
Legislature. 

Two  weeks  later  the  Democrats  held  their  Convention, 
nominated  Judge  George  Hoadly  as  their  candidate,  and 
adopted  a  platform  in  which  they  declared  in  favor  of  a 
tariff  for  revenue  only ;  made  fulsome  declarations  about 
personal  liberty,  denounced  prohibition,  and  favored  the 
regulation  of  the  liquor  traffic  by  a  license  system,  and 
specifically  resolved  in  favor  of  the  restoration  of  the  wool 
tariff  of  1867. 

It  will  be  noted  upon  an  examination  of  the  same  that  in 
addition  to  the  usual  questions  these  platforms  made  a  clean 
cut  issue  as  to  the  liquor  traffic,  and  that  both  parties  declared 
in  favor  of  a  restoration  of  the  wool  tariff  of  1867. 

I  call  attention  to  this  latter  fact  because  it  led  to  much 
discussion  during  the  campaign  of  the  wool  tariff,  and 
marks  the  only  instance  probably  when  our  Democratic 
friends  have  professed  to  be  in  accord  with  us  as  to  the 
propriety  of  protecting  the  wool  industry.  Governor  Hoadly 
during  the  campaign  repeatedly  declared  that  he  favored 
a  protective  tariff  on  wool,  although  he  was  opposed  to  a 
tariff  except  for  revenue  on  every  other  importation. 

Recurring  now  to  our  Convention,  nominations  for  Gov- 
ernor being  called  for,  I  was  placed  in  nomination  by  the 
Honorable  Benjamin  Eggleston,  Chairman  of  the  Hamil- 
ton  County   delegation. 

The  nomination  so  made  was  then  seconded  by  my  old 
school  friend  and  classmate,  Hon.  D.  Kemper  Watson,  in  the 
following  eloquent   sentences: 


A    PLUNGE   INTO   POLITICS  111 

Oentlemen  of  the  Convention: — More  than  twenty  years  ago,  when 
Republicanism  was  the  only  power  that  was  guiding  this  nation,  in  the 
darkness  of  the  Civil  War,  a  boy,  sixteen  years  of  age,  entered  the  army 
as  a  private  soldier.  He  sought  neither  fame  nor  glory;  his  only  love 
was  love  for  his  country.  His  highest  and  holiest  ambition  was  to 
light  in  the  ranks  and  for  the  flag.  A  year  later,  for  special  bravery 
upon  the  battlefield,  he  was  made  a  Captain — the  youngest  Captain  in 
all  that  mighty  host  that  battled  for  the  stars.  He  was  with  that 
magnificent  army,  the  grandest  that  ever  stepped  to  martial  music; 
whose  achievements  thrilled  the  nation  with  joy  and  the  world  with 
wonder  as  it  marched  to  the  sea  and  restored  the  flag  to  eternal 
supremacy  in  the  land  of  its  banishment.  (Applause.)  I  commend 
him  to  this  convention  today  as  a  citizen  of  spotless  purity  of  char- 
acter, as  a  soldier  of  daring  and  dauntless  bravery,  as  a  man  with 
great  capacity  for  work,  possessing  great  reserve  power,  capable  of 
wonderful  future  development.  In  the  prime  and  strength  of  his  life 
he  has  a  record  that  is  grand  enough  to  win  the  admiration  of  the 
old  and  arouse  the  young  to  earnest  and  enthusiastic  devotion. 
(Applause.)  This  convention  must  not  forget  that  many  who  are 
today  putting  on  the  armor  of  political  warfare  were  too  young  to 
follow  the  camp,  but  nevertheless  they  learned  their  Republicanism 
from  the  roll  of  the  drum  and  the  sight  of  the  old  flag  on  its  way  to 
battle.  In  the  name  of  such  men  everywhere  in  Ohio,  I  second  the 
nomination  of  J.  B.  Foraker  for  Governor  of  Ohio.    (Loud  applause.) 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Watson's  speech  the  Honorable 
J.  M.  Dalzell,  a  delegate  from  Noble  County,  better  known 
as  "Private"  Dalzell,  an  ardent  admirer  and  enthusiastic 
supporter  of  Senator  Sherman,  undertook  to  place  the  Sen- 
ator's name  in  nomination;  but  the  Senator  in  some  well 
chosen  remarks  declined  to  allow  his  name  to  be  so  used. 

The  descriptive  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Con- 
vention published  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  of  the  fol- 
lowing day,  from  which  I  am  quoting,  proceeds  as  follows: 

No  sooner  had  Senator  Sherman  concluded  than  shouts  of  "Foraker! 
Foraker!"  were  heard.  At  first  there  were  but  one  or  two,  and  then 
the  cry  being  taken  up,  a  great  cry  for  Foraker  rang  through  the  hall. 
Mr.  John  C.  Covert,  managing  editor  of  the  Cleveland  Leader,  rose,  but 
for  some  moments  he  could  not  be  heard,  for  everything  was  drowned 
by  the  reiterated  shout  for  Foraker.  Several  times  he  essayed  to  speak, 
but  each  time  he  was  obliged  to  desist,  until  the  delegates  realized  that 
he  had  something  to  say  concerning  the  matter,  and  curbed  their  enthu- 
siasm long  enough  to  listen.  Mr.  Covert  moved  that  Judge  Foraker 
be  nominated  by  acclamation,  and  stated  that  he  made  the  motion  on 
behalf  of  the  entire  Cuyahoga  delegation.     (Ringing  cheers.) 


112  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  motion  was  put,  and  a  swelling  chorus  of  "yeas"  followed,  and 
when  Senator  Sherman  called  for  the  "nays,"  but  three  voices  could 
be  distinguished.  Then  followed  a  scene  of  wild  enthusiasm.  Delegates 
rose  in  their  places,  and,  jumping  on  their  chairs,  waved  their  hats 
and  handkerchiefs  frantically.  The  spirit  of  the  movement  animated 
all.  Shout  after  shout,  hurrah  after  hurrah  went  up,  and  the  noise 
was  beyond  description.  Even  the  sedate  assembly  of  gentlemen  on  the 
stage  forgot  their  dignity  and  reserve  and  joined  in  the  tumultuous 
applause.  The  great  sound  was  heard  in  the  street,  and  thus  the  fact 
of  Foraker's  nomination  was  first  known  to  the  outside  world.  Senator 
Sherman  waited  quietly  for  the  expression  of  approval  to  cease,  and 
there  is  no  telling  how  long  it  might  have  continued  had  not  the  band, 
which  was  in  the  gallery,  suddenly  struck  up  a  martial  and  trium- 
phant air. 

Ex-Speaker  Hodge,  of  Cleveland,  moved  that  a  committee  of  three 
be  appointed  to  wait  upon  Captain  Foraker  and  ask  his  appearance 
before  the  Convention. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  carried  and  Senator  Sherman  appointed 
Messrs.  Hodge,  Eggleston  and  McKinley. 

In  due  time  a  stir  arose  in  the  back  part  of  the  Opera  House,  and 
soon  cries  of  "Foraker!  Foraker!"  heralded  the  approach  of  the  gallant 
young  leader  of  the  State  ticket  of  this  campaign.  He  was  tendered 
an  ovation. 

Senator  Sherman  introduced  Judge  Foraker  as  the  next  Governor 
of  Ohio. 

There  had  been  much  questioning  on  the  part  of  the  delegates  as  to 
Judge  Foraker's  ability  as  a  public  speaker.  He  more  than  satisfied 
even  his  most  enthusiastic  friends.  The  correspondent  writing  this  has 
had  many  years  of  experience  in  reporting  public  speakers  in  legisla- 
tive bodies  and  in  conventions.  On  reference  to  his  stenographic  notes 
of  Judge  Foraker's  speech,  he  finds  it  exceptionally  free  from  gram- 
matical or  constructional  errors.  Very  few  of  even  the  veterans  can 
bear  absolutely  close  reporting.  Judge  Foraker  is  one  of  the  few  excep- 
tions. There  was  no  pretense  at  eloquence,  but  the  speech  was  a  ringing 
one,  in  well-chosen,  crisp  language,  reaching  the  aim  every  time.  The 
circumstances  of  Judge  Foraker's  nomination  were  such  as  would  natu- 
rally cause  embarrassment  to  an  old  hand  at  the  business,  but  he  said 
what  he  had  to  say  without  any  halting  or  hesitation,  and  with  grace 
and  finish. 

He  said  (I  quote  in  full  because  my  first  speech  in  State  politics) : 

"Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  Ohio  is  a  great  State.  She  is  great 
in  area,  great  in  business,  great  in  wealth,  great  in  population,  and 
particularly  and  especially  great  in  the  politics  of  this  country. 
(Applause.) 

"To  be  nominated  by  such  a  party  as  that  which  is  now  here  repre- 
sented, for  the  high  office  of  Governor  of  such  a  State,  is  an  honor, 
indeed,  for  which  any  man  might  well  feel  proud.     (Applause.) 


A    PLUNGE   INTO    POLITICS  113 

"It  is  a  compliment  to  which  I  would  not  appear  insensible  if  I  could. 

"I  am  here,  therefore,  not  only  to  accept  the  nomination  you  have 
so  cordially  tendered  me,  but  also  to  return  you  my  most  sincere  and 
heartfelt  thanks  therefor. 

"It  would  seem  that  this  is  a  fitting  time  and  place  for  me  to  say 
to  you,  also,  that  I  am  not  only  mindful  of  the  honor  that  is  conferred, 
but  that  I  have  likewise,  I  trust,  a  proper  appreciation  for  the  fact 
that  its  acceptance  necessitates  the  assumption  by  me  of  some  important 
responsibilities,  and  I  pledge  you  that  from  this  moment  forward  no 
legitimate  effort  of  which  I  am  capable  will  be  spared  to  the  end  that 
they  may  be  fully,  faithfully  and  successfully  discharged.  So  that  when 
the  election  day  comes,  it  may  be  to  bring  as  its  result  for  this  day's 
work  of  the  convention  a  triumphant  ratification  by  the  people. 
(Applause.)  Not  so,  however,  because  of  anything  that  may  be  involved 
personal  to  myself,  but  simply  and  solely  because  of  that  which  is  of 
common  concern  to  all. 

"The  campaign  upon  which  we  are  this  day  entering  is  to  be  of 
unusual  importance.  It  is  the  initial  fight  of  1884.  All  the  national 
political  questions  must,  therefore,  be  involved  in  the  issue.  And  for 
that  reason  alone — if  for  no  other — we  not  only  should,  but  will  suc- 
ceed (applause),  for  the  position  of  our  party  in  regard  to  all  these 
questions  has  been  not  only  defined,  but  triumphantly  endorsed  and 
approved  by  twenty-five  years  of  experience.     (Applause.) 

"These  twenty-five  years  of  Republican  rule  have  been  twenty-five 
years  of  triumph — triumph  in  war,  triumph  in  peace,  triumph  at  home 
and  triumph  abroad — until  the  whole  globe  has  come  to  be  circled 
with  a  living  current  of  respect  and  esteem  for  the  American  flag  and 
the  American  name  that  is  absolutely  without  a  parallel  in  the  case  of 
any  other  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth.     (Applause.) 

"Turning  to  purely  State  questions,  there  is  nothing  to  change  any 
man's  way  of  voting  from  what  it  otherwise  would  be.  Whether  the 
Pond  law  was  right  or  wrong  is  of  no  consequence  now.  The  question 
this  year  is  upon  the  Scott  law,  not  according  to  its  technical  letter  or 
form,  but  as  to  the  principles  of  regulation  and  taxation,  for  which  it 
declares.      (Applause.) 

"This  is  not  the  time  or  the  place  for  me  to  enter  upon  a  discussion 
of  the  merits  of  this  measure.  Nor  would  it  be  proper  for  me  to  take 
the  time  necessary  to  even  enumerate  the  manifold  benefits  that  must 
result  from  an  enforcement  of  its  provisions.  It  is,  however,  a  fitting 
time  and  place  for  the  general  statement  that  familiarity  and  expe- 
rience with  the  law  will  demonstrate  that,  considering  the  rights  and 
the  interests  involved,  and  the  objects  aimed  at,  it  is,  at  the  same  time 
the  wisest  and  the  most  just  and  equitable  solution  of  the  temperance 
question  that  has  ever  been  suggested. 

"It  has  continually  grown  in  favor  from  the  day  of  its  enactment, 
and,  if  permitted  to  stand,  it  will  continue  to  grow  in  favor  until  the 
day  of  the  election,  when  it  will  be  found  broad  enough  and  strong 
enough  to  hold  the  whole  Republican  Party,  as  we  sweep  in  triumph 
the  whole  State  of  Ohio,  from  the  river  to  the  lakes."     (Applause.) 


114  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The   complete  ticket   as  made  by  the   Convention  was  as 

follows : 

Governor, 

J.  B.  FORAKER,   of  Cincinnati. 

Lieutenant  Governor, 
WILLIAM  G.  ROSE,  of  Cleveland. 

Supreme  Judges, 

WM.  HANFORD  UPSON,  of  Akron 

(Term  ending  February  9,  1887). 

JOHN  H.  DOYLE,  of  Toledo 
(Unexpired  term  and  long  term). 

Clerk  of  Supreme  Court, 
DWIGHT  CROWELL,  of  Ashtabula  County. 

Attorney  General, 
M.  B.  EARNHART,  of  Miami  County. 

Auditor  of  State, 
JOHN  F.  OGLEVEE,  of  Clarke  County. 

State   Treasurer, 
J.  C.  BROWN,  of  Steubenville. 

Commissioner  of  Common  Schools, 
D.  F.  DeWOLFE,  of  Toledo. 

Member  of  Board  of  Public  Works, 
LEO  WELTZ,  of  Clinton  County. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

CAMPAIGN   OF   1883— DEFEATED   BUT   NOT 
DAMAGED. 

WHEN  I  saw  I  was  likely  to  be  nominated  I  consulted 
my  physician  to  get  his  opinion  as  to  whether  there 
was  any  danger  that  the  work  of  the  campaign  would  break 
me  down.  He  told  me  he  thought  not  if  I  limited  myself 
to  one  speech  a  week,  which  he  would  advise  not  only  on 
account  of  my  health,  but,  also,  as  he  expressed  it,  because 
we  were  having  too  many  speeches,  anyhow. 

Both  grounds  were  well  taken,  and  I  intended  to  observe 
his  restriction,  but  soon  found  it  impossible  to  do  so. 

I  was  a  new  man,  discussing  relatively  new  subjects  as 
well  as  old,  and  everybody  wanted  to  see  me  and  hear  what 
I  had  to  say.  Moreover,  from  the  day  of  his  nomination. 
Governor  Hoadly  talked  incessantly,  if  not  in  public  speech, 
in  newspaper  interviews.  He  was  an  able  and  resourceful 
man  who  said  something  new  every  day  that  called  for  an 
answer.  I  was  soon  subjected  to  a  perfect  flood  of  invita- 
tions, which  I  was  glad  to  accept  in  so  far  as  I  could,  so 
that  I  might  have  opportunity  to  answer  my  opponent  and 
at  the  same  time  say  something,  if  I  could,  that  he  might 
deem  it  necessary  for  him  to  answer. 

The  result  was  that,  instead  of  speaking  only  once  a 
week,  I  was  soon  speaking  every  day,  and  long  before  the 
end  of  the  campaign  I  was  speaking  regularly  at  least  twice 
a  day — not  infrequently  three  and  four  times  a  day. 

In  this  way  I  covered  the  whole  State,  speaking  at  least 
once  in  every  county.  Campaigning  was  different  then 
from  what  it  is  today.  Then  we  traveled  on  the  trains  and 
aimed  to  have  at  least  one  good  meeting  at  some  county-seat 
town,  usually  in  the  afternoon,  and  then  a  night  meeting 
in  some  city  or  important  place.  Meetings  of  less  impor- 
tance were  sandwiched  in  between  regular  dates  as  circum- 

115 


116  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

stances  might  allow.  In  this  way  we  had,  as  a  rule,  two 
good  meetings  each  day,  both  largely  attended.  The  day 
meeting  was  for  the  farmers  and  other  people  from  all  over 
the  county  who  might  be  able  to  "take  a  day  off"  for  such 
a  purpose,  and  the  night  meetings  were  intended  to  accom- 
modate business  men  and  laboring  classes  who  could  not  very 
well  attend  in  daytime. 

At  these  meetings  the  speakers  were  expected  to  discuss 
all  the  questions  involved  in  the  campaign,  speaking  as  long 
as  it  might  be  necessary  to  do  so,  whether  that  should  be 
an  hour,  hour  and  a  half  or  two  hours.  In  this  way  the 
discussions  were  full  and  satisfactory  to  both  speakers  and 
hearers.  The  effects  of  such  a  discussion  were  not  only 
more  pronounced  when  the  audience  was  large  enough  to 
impart  confidence  and  magnetism  to  one  another,  thereby 
arousing  enthusiasm  among  themselves,  but  these  good 
effects,  when  the  audience  dispersed,  were  carried  to  the 
absei  tees  over  the  county,  in  every  direction. 

With  the  introduction  of  the  automobile  into  campaign 
work,  the  habit  has  come  to  be  general  among  speakers  and 
candidates  of  seeing  the  voters  as  nearly  as  possible  at 
their  homes.  Consequently  now  every  small  town  or  cross 
roads  center  is  a  meeting  place  for  the  voters  of  their 
respective  communities.  The  candidates  and  the  speakers 
are  generally  able  to  canvass  a  whole  county  in  this  way 
in  a  day,  thus  having  ten  to  twenty  small  meetings  instead 
of  one  or  two  large  ones.  This  new  method  has  both  advan- 
tages and  disadvantages  as  compared  with  the  old. 

As  a  result,  a  campaign  has  come  to  be  more  a  question 
of  physical  endurance  without  lessening  the  intellectual 
strain.  More  people  are  directly  reached  and  addressed, 
but  the  audiences  are  not  so  large  nor  the  speeches  so 
extended;  and,  although  in  these  respects  there  is  less  tax 
of  strength,  yet  the  continued,  uninterrupted  tension  from 
early  morning  until  late  at  night  is  of  itself  serious. 

Speaking  at  so  many  places  and  in  only  a  fugitive  and 
fragmentary  way  adds  to,  rather  than  detracts  from,  the 
real  labor  of  such  work,  since  at  each  place,  knowing  his 
time  is  limited,  the  speaker  must  not  only  think  of  some- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1883  117 

thing  to  say,  but  he  must,  also,  determine  to  what  little,  of 
much  that  he  might  like  to  say,  he  shall  give  the  preference. 
On  this  account  he  has  an  extra  strain  that  is  more  wearing 
than  one  without  experience  would  probably  imagine. 

For  this  feature  of  his  work  there  is  no  adequate  com- 
pensation. 

Every  man  who  has  had  much  experience  in  addressing 
popular  audiences  knows  that  numbers  and  enthusiasm  give 
a  speaker  stimulus  and  inspiration,  and  that  in  return  he 
is  better  able  to  give  his  hearers  the  best  effort  of  which 
he  is  capable.  As  a  result,  his  audiences,  if  in  sympathy 
with  what  he  says,  are  more  receptive  and  more  likely  to 
become  enthusiastic  and  demonstrative.  This  action  and 
reaction  of  speaker  and  audience  upon  each  other  have  much 
to  do  with  the  success  of  public  addresses ;  especially  those 
of  a  political  campaign.  If,  therefore,  instead  of  having 
three  or  four  thousand  people  in  one  mass  meeting,  with 
time  and  opportunity  for  a  logical,  thorough-going  speech, 
a  speaker  have  fifteen  or  twenty  audiences  each  day,  com- 
posed of  from  only  fifty  to  two  or  three  hundred  persons 
each,  and  they  assembled  at  out-of-the-way  places,  to  be 
there  hurriedly  and  briefly  addressed,  the  result  may  be 
entirely  satisfactory  if  there  be  a  wave  of  sentiment  sweep- 
ing through  the  minds  of  the  people  in  sympathy  with 
what  the  speaker  says,  as  was  the  case  in  the  campaign  of 
the  Republicans  just  closed  (1914);  but,  if  on  the  other 
hand,  the  sentiment  in  the  minds  of  the  people  be  hostile 
to  the  speaker,  he  is  likely  to  have  a  frosty  time  of  it,  not 
only  at  his  October  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  meetings, 
but  throughout  the  whole  of  the  day. 

The  time  of  which  I  write,  however,  was  the  olden  time. 
The  campaign  of  1883  in  Ohio  was  a  campaign  in  which 
as  a  rule  we  had  only  regularly  advertised  meetings  for 
which  committees  made  careful  preparation.  Moreover,  it 
was  a  campaign  in  which  the  Republicans  were  on  the 
aggressive  defensive.  We  had  given  Garfield  in  1880  a 
plurality  of  34,000;  this  had  been  changed  to  a  Democratic 
plurality  of  20,000  in   1882,  with  the  disaffection  greatly 


118  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

aggravated  by  the  submission  of  a  prohibition  amendment. 
Our  defeat  in  1882  was  due  to  the  loss  of  only  a  part  of 
the  German  vote.  The  fear  was  that  we  would  lose  the 
whole  of  it  in  1883.  While,  therefore,  the  great  majority 
of  the  Republicans  were  spunky  and  full  of  fight,  yet  every 
audience  had  a  percentage  of  disaffected  voters,  of  whom 
the  best  that  could  be  said  was  that  they  were  willing  to 
be  convinced. 

With  such  a  situation  confronting  us,  few  had  hope  of 
success  when  the  campaign  opened,  and  nobody  was  sur- 
prised when  Hoadly  was  elected  by  a  plurality  of  12,52^. 
On  the  contrary,  most  people  thought  we  had,  under  the 
circumstances,  done  remarkably  well  to  reduce  to  such  a 
substantial  extent  the  plurality  against  us  of  the  year 
before — and  we  had.  I  could  not  have  secured  such  a  vote 
if  I  had  not  had  the  generous  help  of  a  brilliant  galaxy 
of  able  and  eloquent  Republicans. 

No  State  ever  had  an  abler  or  more  distinguished  corps 
of  Republican  advocates  and  defenders  than  Ohio  could 
boast  at  that  time. 

Sherman,  although  not  an  eloquent  man,  was  yet  a  cam- 
paign speaker  of  unusual  ability.  He  had  been  thirty 
years  in  public  life.  His  civil  services  had  been  as  distin- 
guished as  were  the  military  services  of  his  brother,  the 
General.  As  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  he  had  won  for 
himself  a  rank  that  placed  him  in  the  class  with  Hamilton 
and  Gallatin.  In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  he  had 
been  a  National  leader  from  the  day  he  took  membership 
in  that  body.  His  whole  public  record  showed  him  to  be 
a  man  of  broad,  sound  views  and  a  comprehensive  grasp 
of  public  questions.  His  patriotism  and  his  probity  of 
character  fully  met  the  requirements  of  the  very  highest 
standard.  For  years  he  had  been  sounding  the  keynotes 
of  Ohio  campaigns,  and  the  speeches  made  on  such  occasions 
were  republished  and  used  in  the  press  and  by  speakers 
throughout  the  whole  country.  Having  been  Chairman  of 
the  Convention  that  nominated  me  and  having  personally 
solicited  me  to  become  a  candidate,  he  felt  especial  respon- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1883  119 

sibility  for  the  outcome.  He  labored  accordingly.  He  was 
popular  with  all  classes,  and  particularly  with  the  Germans, 
who  had  been  offended,  and  his  speeches  probably  did  the 
Republican  cause  more  good  in  that  campaign  than  those 
of  any  other  speaker. 

William  McKinley  was  then  serving  his  third  or  fourth 
term  in  Congress.  Most  of  his  political  speeches  prior  to 
that  time  had  been  made  in  his  own  Congressional  District, 
and  in  the  northern  part  of  Ohio,  where  he  lived.  Until 
that  time  he  had  spoken  very  seldom,  if  at  all,  south  of 
Columbus;  he  had  never  spoken   in   Cincinnati. 

He,  too,  like  Sherman,  felt  a  personal  responsibility. 
He  had  written  the  platform.  He  was  correspondingly 
active.  It  was  my  pleasure  to  speak  with  him  a  number  of 
times  during  the  campaign.  He  was,  in  common-sense-man- 
ner, in  diction,  in  intellect,  and  in  effectiveness,  a  model. 
I  have  never  known  any  popular  orator  able  to  accomplish 
more  than  he  with  a  popular  audience.  He  thoroughly 
understood  the  masses,  their  desires  and  ambitions,  their 
methods  of  thought  and  how  to  put  himself  en  rapport 
with  them.  If  the  speeches  of  any  one  were  equal  in  effect- 
iveness to  those  of  Sherman,  they  were  the  speeches  of 
McKinley. 

In  addition  to  these  two  great  leaders  and  speakers  I 
had  the  help  in  an  efficient,  zealous  way  of  many  others 
of  scarcely  less  ability  and  distinction;  among  them  Gov- 
ernor Foster,  who,  although  at  the  time  unpopular  with 
the  German  voters,  because  of  the  temperance  legislation 
that  had  been  enacted  under  his  administration,  was,  never- 
theless, extremely  helpful  as  a  wise  counsellor  and  practical 
business-like  talker,  who  was  very  popular  with  all  other 
classes  of  Republicans  by  whom  he  was  justly  appreciated 
as  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  successful  Governors  the  State 
had  ever  had.  Ex-Governor  Noyes,  Benjamin  Butterworth, 
General  Grosvenor,  General  Keifer,  and  General  Gibson,  all 
men  of  distinguished  ability,  and  of  long  experience  in 
public  affairs,  took  the  field  early  and  labored  faithfully  to 
the  end.     In  addition,  there  were  many  younger  men,  just 


120  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

coming  into  prominence,  who  did  effective  work,  such  as 
Mr.  Watson,  who  had  seconded  my  nomination;  Hon.  R.  M. 
Nevin,  later  a  distinguished  member  of  Congress  from  the 
Dayton  District;  Hon.  Henry  L.  Morey,  for  several  terms 
a  member  of  Congress  from  the  Third  District;  Hon.  A.  C. 
Thompson,  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  Portsmouth  Dis- 
trict, and  afterwards  United  States  District  Judge;  Hon. 
John  Little,  at  one  time  Attorney  General  of  the  State,  and 
for  several  terms  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  Xenia 
District;  Hon.  L.  W.  King  of  Youngstown,  Hon.  E.  B. 
King  of  Sandusky,  and  many  others  who  were  equally 
helpful. 

The  State  was  thoroughly  canvassed.  I  mention  the 
names  of  the  speakers  who  assisted  me  not  only  to  give 
them  the  credit  to  which  they  are  entitled,  but  also  to  give 
the  assurance  w^hich  the  mere  mention  of  their  names  does 
give,  that  our  position  was  thoroughly  and  ably  presented 
and  defended. 

The  character  of  my  own  work  is  indicated  by  the  first 
formal  speech  I  made  in  the  campaign.  It  was  made  at 
Hamilton,  Ohio.  I  made  it  in  answer  to  a  speech  made  at 
the  same  place  a  few  days  before  by  my  antagonist.  Gov- 
ernor Ho«.dly.  It  was  printed  in  full  in  the  leading  Ohio 
papers,  and  largely  reprinted  in  the  leading  Republican 
newspapers  of  the  country.  It  attracted  nation-wide  atten- 
tion and  was  universally  commented  on  favorably  by  the 
Republican  press.  As  a  sample  I  quote  the  following  from 
the  New  York  Tribune: 

Judge  Foraker,  in  his  speech  on  Saturday  at  Hamilton,  gave  an 
example  of  his  powers  of  reasoning.     .     .     . 

His  exposition  of  the  reasons  for  maintaining,  unimpaired,  the  pro- 
tective system  is  so  clear  and  strong,  so  simple  and  convincing,  that 
it  marks  him  as  a  man  of  superior  power.  We  do  not  remember  to 
have  seen  for  years  a  more  convincing  statement  of  those  reasons. 
Nor  would  it  be  easy  to  surpass  his  treatment  of  the  dodging  Demo- 
cratic platform,  with  its  "sections  that  are  to  be  wheeled  to  the  front 
for  free  trade,  or  protection,  as  the  locality  may  require."  It  is  like 
the  Indiana  school  teacher  who  was  willing  to  teach  that  the  earth 
was  round  or  flat,  as  the  directors  might  prefer.  It  would  be  a  treat 
to  see  Judge  Hoadly,  with  his  evasions  and  subtleties,  his  fine  phrases 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1883  121 

and  intrinsic  weakness  of  position,  within  reach  of  his  opponent  on 
this  question. 

It  would  be  very  uncomfortable,  too,  for  Judge  Hoadly  to  discuss 
the  Star  Route  business  under  the  fire  of  an  opponent  who  proceeds 
to  show  that  the  second  trial  was  made  necessary  by  three  jurymen 
who  voted  to  acquit,  at  the  first,  and  that  the  leader  of  these.  Foreman 
Dickson,  was  for  Tilden  and  Reform  in  1876,  President  of  the  Tilden 
Club  at  Washington,  and  for  his  services  promised  the  marshalship  of 
the  district  by  Mr.  Tilden.  "He,"  says  Judge  Foraker,  "will  doubtless 
be  for  the  old  ticket  and  his  marshalship  in  1884."  But  at  the  trial,  "he 
was  for  acquittal  for  revenue  only — for  he  has  since  been  indicted  by 
the  grand  jury  of  the  district  for  having  been  bribed."  It  would 
be  interesting  to  hear  Judge  Hoadly  defend  this  "corrupt  Tilden  Reform 
Democrat." 

On  one  other  subject  it  would  be  pleasant  to  hear  the  two  candi- 
dates face  to  face.  Judge  Hoadly  had  said  much  of  the  "theft  of  the 
Presidency"  in  1876.  His  opponent  replies  with  crushing  truth:  "If  he 
could  but  know  and  appreciate  how  right-minded,  sensitively  honorable 
men,  without  regard  to  political  bias,  regard  the  part  taken  by  him  in 
the  Presidential  controversy  in  1876,  he  would  never  again  speak  in 
public  of  the  theft  of  the  Presidency.  Everybody  knows  there  was  no 
theft  of  the  Presidency  and  no  attempt  at  theft,  except  only  in  the 
Oregon  case,  and  that  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Tilden.  Judge  Hoadly 
had  charge  of  this  case."  And  then  he  goes  on  to  show  that,  while  the 
Democrats,  upon  every  other  question  that  came  before  the  Commission, 
voted  according  to  party,  when  they  came  to  my  friend  Hoadly's  case 
they  voted  unanimously  against  it.  Quite  clearly  the  Democratic  can- 
didate is  not  going  to  get  within  range  of  his  opponent's  fire  before 
any  audience  this  year. 

The  treatment  of  the  liquor  question  by  Judge  Foraker  is  manly, 
simple  and  strong.  It  will  commend  itself  and  him  to  all  good  citi- 
zens of  Ohio,  whether  they  are  or  are  not  temperance  men.  Even  the 
more  orderly  and  respectable  liquor  sellers,  who  wish  to  see  the  traffic 
kept  within  decent  bounds,  must  admit  that  his  position  is  just  and  his 
reasoning  unanswerable.  Even  his  opponents  must  concede  that  his 
speech  is  that  of  a  man  who  has  the  courage  to  be  honest,  and  that  is 
more  than  can  be  said  of  Judge  Hoadly's  two-faced  remarks  on  that 
subject.  The  great  confidence  which  the  Republican  candidate  shows 
ought  to  be  justified  by  his  triumphant  election.  He  has  proved,  at 
all  events,  that  he  has  in  him  the  stuff  of  which  Governors  ought  to  be 
made.  He  is  not  afraid  of  the  people;  appeals  like  a  man  to  their 
reason  and  conscience;  discusses  public  affairs  with  the  power  of  a 
master  in  reasoning  and  debate,  and  ably  represents  the  convictions 
and  aims  of  the  great  party  that  nominated  him. 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  the  very  beginning  the  debate 
between  Grovemor  Hoadly  and  myself  embraced  not  only 
the  general  questions  raised  by  the  issues  joined  in  our 
platforms,    but    also    the    Star    Route    frauds,    the    Hayes- 


122  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

Tilden  campaign  and  the  Electoral  Commission.  All  these 
subjects  were  introduced  by  him  for  the  purpose,  among 
others,  of  explaining  why  he  had  left  the  Republican  party 
and  become  a  Democrat. 

He  thus  not  only  gave  me  an  excuse,  but  at  the  same 
time  made  it  necessary  for  me,  in  properly  answering  him, 
to  recall  a  great  deal  of  political  history.  I  aimed  to  do 
this  in  such  a  way  as  to  vindicate  the  Republican  Party, 
and  at  the  same  time  bring  freshly  to  mind  their  great 
achievements,  my  purpose  being  not  only  to  answer  my 
antagonist,  but  to  do  so  in  such  manner  as  would  excite 
party  pride,  arouse  party  spirit  and  thus  get  the  disaffected 
Republicans  to  thinking  about  something  other  than  the 
cause  of  their  discontent. 

I  was  successful  beyond  expectations,  largely  because 
Governor  Hoadly  kept  up  his  attacks  from  day  to  day, 
each  time  making  himself  more  vulnerable  by  giving  me 
the  very  ammunition  I  could  use  to  the  best  advantage. 
This  led  to  variety  and  spice  on  both  sides  of  the  debate. 
As  a  result,  our  speeches,  stenographically  reported,  and 
many  of  them  published  in  full,  were  widely  read  and  our 
meetings  were  largely  attended.  As  time  passed  and  the 
debate  became  more  and  more  pungent,  interest  ripened  into 
excitement  and  enthusiasm.  Bands,  flags,  banners  with 
mottoes,  processions,  glee  clubs  and  all  other  usual  evi- 
dences of  interest  became  a  crowd-gathering  feature  of 
every  meeting.  The  old  mill  and  the  old  miller  friend  of  my 
boyhood,  a  picture  representing  me  as  a  private  soldier,  and 
even  a  dun-colored  Canadian  pony  I  rode  when  a  boy,  together 
with  many  other  minor  and  wholly  irrelevant  and  unimportant 
things  and  incidents  came  to  have  conspicuous  places  in  the 
parades  and  literature  of  the  campaign. 

The  following  verses  were  published  and  republished: 

BeK     FoaAKEB'S    BSEKCHEB. 

By  Private  Bill  Jones. 

Ben  needed  a  new  pair  of  pants  when  he  was  a  boy,  and  Mrs. 
Foraker  was  too  poor  to  buy  the  goods  for  them,  and  had  nothing  in 
the  world  to  make  them  out  of  but  an  old  coffee  sack.     Ben  looked  a 


PRIVATE   FORAKER, 

Co.   A.    89th  O.   V.    I. 
Campaign    Picture,    1883. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1883  123 

little  ashamed  when  he  first  put  them  on,  but  his  mother  said:  "Never 
mind,  my  boy,  if  you  grow  up  to  be  a  good  and  useful  man,  nobody 
will  ever  ask  what  kind  of  breeches  you  wore." — CommerciaV-Oazette's 
Migjiiand  County  Correspondence. 

Old  lady,  you're  just  a  leetle  off 

In  your  britches  pint  of  view — 
The  kind  of  britches  a  feller  wore 

Made  a  difference  in  Sixty-two! 

There  was  the  chaps  that  wore  them  gray. 

With  graybacks  in  every  hem. 
And  ragged  and  dirty — but  they  was  brave; 

We  shot,  but  respected  them. 

And  there  was  them  that  sneaked  at  home 

And  called  us  "Lincoln  dogs'* 
And  "hired  cut-throats"  and  all  sich  stuff — 

Them  fellers  wore  butternut  togs. 

I  guess,  old  lady,  about  this  time 

You've  stumbled  onto  my  cue, 
And  it's  scarcely  necessary  to  speak 

About  the  "boys  in  blue." 

Yes,  I  was  out  in  the  Eighty-ninth, 

And  fought  the  whole  war  through. 
With  your  boy  Ben,  and  I  can  swear 

Ben  Foraker's  britches  was  blue. 

For  I  saw  him  go  up  Mission  Ridge — 

Ahead  of  the  regiment,  too — 
And  jump  the  works  and  straddle  a  gun. 

So  I  had  an  excellent  view. 

And  we  marched  together  to  the  sea 

And  up  through  the  Carolinas, 
And  Ben  was  with  us  ev-e-ry  time 

Amongst  the  swamps  and  pines. 

Just  call  on  the  boys  of  the  Eighty-ninth 

And  ask  them  a  question  or  two, 
And  you  will  find  that  your  boy  Ben 

Was  britches  and  heart  true  blue! 

And  when  us  fellers  walks  up  to  the  polls 

To  vote  for  a  Governor, 
We're  agoing  to  ask  "when  he  was  out 

What  kind  of  britches  he  wore!" 

My   work   was    constantly   increasing.      The   demand    for 
speeches  was  far  beyond  my  ability  to  meet.     My  friends 


•  / 


124  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

were  uneasy  lest  I  break  down;  but,  although  feeling  the 
fatigue  and  a  sort  of  general  wear  and  tear,  I  realized  that 
my  health  was  all  the  while  improving.  Nevertheless  I  was 
careful  not  to  allow  myself  to  become  in  any  way  excited 
or  to  over-exert  myself  physically.  Doing  so  much  travel- 
ing and  making  so  many  speeches  probably  caused  every  one 
to  forget  the  illness  from  which  I  was  only  recently  recov- 
ered, for  all  the  papers  were  publishing  comments  substan- 
tially like  the  following  from  the  Cleveland  Leader: 

The  principal  reason  why  Judge  Foraker  has  been  enabled  to  do  so 
much  work  is  that  he  has  a  sound  mind  in  a  sound  body.  Another 
reason  is  tliat  he  takes  everything  coolly  and  allows  nothing  to  worry 
him.  When  he  speaks  he  never  saws  the  air  nor  wears  his  shoes  out  by 
stamping  the  platform.  He  stands  quietly  before  his  audience,  speaks 
in  a  clear,  distinct  tone,  impressing  his  hearers  by  his  dignified  demeanor, 
commanding  the  closest  attention,  and  making  everybody  hear  him. 
His  audiences  feel  that  they  are  in  the  presence  of  a  man  of  superior 
mental  ability;  that  they  are  listening  to  the  thoughts  of  a  clean-cut, 
original  mind,  that  holds  in  reserve  a  power  of  intellect  that  can  be 
drawn  upon  almost  without  limit.  The  easy,  unlabored  style  of  Judge 
Foraker's  oratory  is  its  principal  charm  and  the  great  secret  of  his 
power  of  endurance.    He  is  a  model  for  young  orators. 

Notwithstanding  the  character  of  our  speeches  and  the 
earnestness  and  enthusiasm  of  the  campaign,  there  was 
never  the  slightest  departure  from  polite,  respectful  parlia- 
mentary expression  upon  the  part  of  either  Governor 
Hoadly  or  myself,  in  our  references  to  each  other.  We 
had  known  each  other  ever  since  shortly  after  my  admission 
to  the  bar.  He  had  been  one  of  my  predecessors  on  the 
bench  of  the  Superior  Court.  He  had  tried  many  cases 
and  argued  many  questions  before  me  while  I  occupied  that 
position.  When  I  sent  my  resignation  to  the  Governor  he 
was  one  of  the  first  and  foremost  of  the  bar  to  sign  a 
petition  asking  the  Governor  not  to  accept  it.  We  were 
near  neighbors  on  Walnut  Hills,  and  voted  not  only  in  the 
same  ward  but  in  the  same  precinct.  Our  personal  relations 
were  cordial  and  each  had  a  respect  for  the  other  that  could 
not  be  affected  by  the  clash  of  battle,  no  matter  how  fast 
and   furious   the   contest   might   become.      While,   therefore, 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1883  125 

there  was  unsparing  arraignment  by  each  of  the  party  of 
the  other,  there  was  not,  so  far  as  the  two  candidates  had 
occasion  to  speak  of  each  other  personally,  any  unkind 
expression.  Neither  called  the  other  a  thief,  a  crook,  a 
liar,  a  boss,  a  blackguard,  or  anything  else  offensive;  nor 
did  either  indicate  from  the  first  to  the  last  that  the  other 
was  an  unfit  man  to  be  chosen  to  fill  the  office  of  Governor. 
The  great  moral  uplift  that  made  men  so  good  and  vitu- 
perative epithets  so  fashionable  came  later. 

I  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  serious  criticism  for 
my  defeat.  On  the  contrary,  I  was  by  nearly  all  Repub- 
lican papers,  and  by  many  Democratic  papers,  given  great 
credit  for  the  campaign  I  had  made. 

The  Cleveland  Plain  Dealer  said: 

The  fact  must  be  conceded  that  Foraker  made  a  good  campaign. 
He  acquitted  himself  well.  He  made  a  strong,  earnest  fight.  He 
comes  out  with  a  clear  record. 

The  Commercial  Gazette  said: 

Judge  Foraker  has  so  carried  himself  in  the  campaign  just  closed 
that  defeat  cannot  harm  him.  If  he  did  not  win  success  he  at  least 
deserved  it,  and  there  is  no  man  in  Ohio  today  with  a  brighter  future 
before  him. 

General  Samuel  F.  Cary,  a  leading  Democrat,  and  one 
of  the  most  effective  Democratic  orators  of  his  time,  said: 

The  Republican  defeat  cannot  be  attributed  to  their  selection  of  a 
standard-bearer.  Judge  Foraker  is  a  man  of  ability  and  of  unsullied 
character. 

The  Cleveland  Herald  said: 

Foraker  seems  to  have  gained  rather  than  lost  prestige  by  his  defeat. 
At  any  rate  there  is  talk  in  the  East  of  making  him  the  Presidential 
candidate  in  '8i.  Even  Democrats  have  been  compelled  to  admit  that 
he  made  a  most  manly  and  strong  contest  for  the  Governorship  of  the 
State,  and  his  failure  to  secure  it  was  not  on  account  of  any  weakness 
of  his  own. 

The  Bucyrus  Journal  said: 

However  extensive  our  defeat,  J.  B.  Foraker*s  part  in  the  canvass 
is  to  him  a  victory.     .     .    . 


126  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

From  his  very  first  speech  to  the  last  he  has  done  nothing  that  did 
not  advance  him  in  popularity  and  public  confidence,  and  emphatically 
at  the  close  of  the  canvass  ,  ,  ,  he  stands  the  most  popular  young 
man  in  Ohio. 

As  Lincoln's  famous  contest  against  Douglass  introduced  him  to  the 
nation  and  aroused  the  most  favorable  expectations  for  the  future,  so 
the  canvass  of  Ohio  by  J.  B.  Foraker  has  introduced  to  the  nation  a 
statesman  of  whose  future  no  anticipation  is  too  improbable.  Such  a 
series  of  statesmanlike  speeches,  such  an  acceptable  bearing,  such  frank 
carriage,  such  a  popular  candidate,  and  in  one  so  young,  is  a  revelation 
to  the  people  of  this  State  of  one  who,  in  the  future,  will  vindicate  the 
glory  and  renown  that  has  attached  to  Ohio  as  the  mother  of  eminent 
men. 

The  Ravenna  Republican  said: 

The  Democrats  of  Ohio  never  defeated  a  better  man  than  Judge 
Foraker,  nor  did  the  Republicans  ever  elect  a  more  deserving  man. 
He  made  a  gallant  run  and  gained  hosts  of  friends  who  will  remember 
him  with  pleasure  and  pride.  Very  frequently  wnen  a  party  is  defeated 
the  disaster  is  attributed  and  attributable  to  the  candidate,  but  in  this 
case  no  blame  attaches  to  him.  Foraker  made  a  wonderful  canvass, 
generally  speaking  twice,  and  in  several  instances  three  times  a  day; 
always  fresh,  calm,  dignified  and  scholarly.  He  attracted  attention  by 
his  modesty  and  manliness,  rather  than  by  ostentatious  display,  as  is 
often  the  case.  .  .  .  Judge  Foraker's  candidacy  gave  the  people  an 
opportunity  to  know  him  and  become  acquainted  with  him;  and  in  the 
future,  when  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  have  any  honors  to  bestow,  he 
will  not  be  forgotten.  .  .  .  The  politics  of  this  State  and  nation  need 
just  such  men  to  purify  and  strengthen  them. 

Hundreds  of  other  such  quotations  might  be  made.  In 
addition  to  what  the  newspapers  said  I  received  hundreds 
of  letters  containing  expressions  of  the  same  general  char- 
acter as  those  published  by  the  press.  I  content  myself 
with  inserting  here   only  the  following: 

Caxton,  O.,  October  12,  1888. 
Dear  Judge: — Nobody  in  the  State  regrets  your  defeat  more  than  I 
do.  You  deserved  a  different  result  and  could  have  it  if  the  fight  could 
be  had  over  again.  We  are  all  proud  of  you  anyhow.  No  candidate 
for  Governor  ever  made  a  more  brilliant  canvass,  and  the  friends  you 
made  will  stick  to  you  through  life.  I  hope  the  great  tax  upon  you 
physically  will  not  prove  to  have  been  too  much  for  you.  I  shall  want 
to  continue  our  friendship  and  hope  to  see  and  hear  from  you  often. 
With  great  respect  and  sincere  regard. 

Your  friend, 

Wm.  McKinlet,  Jb. 
HoK.  J.  B.  FoKAKEB,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

HISTORY  REPEATS   ITSELF. 

HISTORY  repeats  itself.  It  has  done  so  pretty  fully 
with  respect  to  the  temperance  question  in  Ohio. 
Under  our  first  Constitution  we  had  the  license  system. 
Under  the  Constitution  of  1851  that  system  was  prohibited. 
Under  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  adopted  in  1912 
it  was  again  authorized.  The  objection  to  the  license 
system  as  conducted  prior  to  1851  was  chiefly  that  it  made 
the  State  a  sort  of  co-partner  with  the  business;  moreover 
there  was  something  inconsistent  to  a  great  many  minds  in 
the  requirements  that  as  a  first  preliminary  step  in  the 
procedure  to  secure  a  license  to  keep  a  saloon  a  man  must 
establish  in  court  that  he  had  a  good  moral  character. 

The  objection  to  the  no-license  system  that  followed 
under  the  Constitution  of  1851  was  that  the  traffic  escaped 
rigid  regulation,  and,  also,  its  just  share  of  the  burdens 
of  taxation  because  of  conflicting  views  as  to  the  powers 
of  the  Legislature  to  provide  satisfactory  legislation,  and, 
because  of  the  sentiment  still  continuing  that  the  State 
should  not  accept  revenue  from  such  a  source. 

Finally  the  Republican  Party  determined  to  deal  with 
the  subject,  and  thus  put  to  the  test  and  have  the  Supreme 
Court  define  the  constitutional  powers  of  the  Legislature. 
In  pursuance  of  this  purpose  they  enacted  first  (April  5, 
1882)  the  Pond  law.  This  law  was  held  by  the  Supreme 
Court  (38  O.  S.  199)  to  be  void  because  in  violation  of 
the  constitutional  inhibition  of  a  license  system.  There- 
upon (April  17,  1883)  the  Scott  law  was  enacted.  It 
provided  for  taxation,  regulation  and  municipal  local  op- 
tion. Suit  had  been  brought  (April  17,  1883)  to  test 
its   constitutionality   and   was   pending   undecided   when   the 

127 


128  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

State  Convention  that  nominated  me  (June  6,  1883)  was 
held. 

Later,  the  Supreme  Court  upheld  the  law.  (39  O.  S. 
399.) 

At  the  time  of  this  decision  four  members  of  the  court 
were  Republicans.  The  other  member,  Judge  Okey,  was 
a  Democrat,  and  announced  a  dissenting  opinion. 

Later  still,  the  personnel  of  the  court  having  changed 
by  reason  of  the  election  in  1883  of  two  Democrats,  a 
number  of  other  suits  were  brought  attacking  the  law 
on  some  technical  points  newly  raised.  In  one  of  these 
cases  (42  O.  S.  345)  the  Court,  the  two  Republican  judges 
dissenting,  held  the  law  to  be  unconstitutional,  thus  leav- 
ing us  where  we  were  before  the  Pond  law  was  enacted. 
We  remained  without  any  further  legislation  until  I  became 
Governor,  when  in  my  inaugural  address,  January  11, 
1886,  I  spoke  of  the  general  situation  as  follows: 

During  the  recent  canvass  one  of  the  questions  that  largely  engaged 
the  attention  of  the  people  was  what  should  be  done  with  respect  to 
the  liquor  traflBc.  This  question  is  of  the  greatest  importance,  but  it 
is  so  related  to  personal  habits  and  private  morals  as  to  render  it 
impossible  to  make  it  a  political  question  in  the  ordinary  sense,  and 
experience  has  taught  in  our  State  and  others  that  it  should  not  be 
a  party  question  in  any  sense.  The  evils  of  this  business  are  of  such 
character  that  good  men  of  all  parties  should  stand  together  for  their 
suppression,  and  it  is  thought  the  time  has  at  last  come  when  they 
may  do  so.  For  if  anything  has  been  accomplished  by  the  discussions 
we  have  had,  it  is  that  there  shall  be  no  longer  free  trade  for  this 
traffic  in  Ohio,  either  by  the  absence  of  all  legislation  or  by  what  is 
equally  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  State  and  the  morals  of  the 
people,  only  such  legislation  as  there  is  no  public  sentiment  to  support. 
Such  was  the  platform  of  the  party  that  prevailed  at  our  last  election. 
It  was  clearly  announced  and  emphatically  endorsed.  There  should  be, 
therefore,  an  immediate  enactment  of  efficient  measures  to  prevent 
and  suppress  the  evils  of  intemperance,  including  the  imposition  of  a 
tax  upon  the  business  wherever  carried  on.  The  so-called  Scott  law 
was  a  wise  provision  of  this  character.  The  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  declaring  it  unconstitutional  was  founded  only  on  one  feature 
of  the  statute.  The  constitutional  right  to  impose  the  tax  was  not 
and  cannot  be  successfully  questioned.  The  difficulty  is  removed  by 
simply  omitting  the  objectionable  feature.  Such  a  measure  has  the 
merit  of  being  practical;  no  constitutional  amendment  is  necessary; 
it  is  immediate  in  its  benefits;  public  sentiment  will  uphold  and  enforce 


HISTORY   REPEATS    ITSELF  129 

it;  it  will  greatly  diminish  the  number  of  places  where  this  business  is 
carried  on,  and,  if  wisely  administered,  it  will,  in  a  large  degree,  sup- 
press the  evils  of  all,  and  at  the  same  time  yield  a  much-needed  revenue 
and  leave  the  people  free  to  deal  with  it  further  as  they  may  ultimately 
see  fit. 


In  accordance  with  this  recommendation  the  Legisla- 
ture on  the  14th  day  of  May,  1886,  enacted  the  Dow  law. 
In  this  legislation  the  points  fatal  to  the  Pond  law  and 
the  Scott  law  were  successfully  avoided.  Suits  were  brought 
attacking  it  as  unconstitutional ;  but  the  Supreme  Court 
overruled  the  objections  and  sustained  the  statute,  which, 
subject  only  to  such  changes  as  have  been  heretofore  men- 
tioned, continued  to  be  the  law  of  this  subject  until  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1912  again  authorized  the 
license    system. 

At  the  same  time  the  Scott  law  was  enacted  the  Legis- 
lature submitted  two  propositions  to  amend  the  Constitu- 
tion to  be  voted  on  at  the  gubernatorial  election  in  1883. 
The  first  remitted  the  whole  subject  to  the  Legislature,  and 
was  popularly  termed  the  "wet"  amendment.  The  second 
provided  for  prohibition  and  was  termed  the  "dry"  amend- 
ment. 

Under  the  first  amendment  if  adopted  the  Legislature 
would  have  undisputed  power  to  tax,  regulate,  authorize 
local  option  and  also  establish  a  license  system. 

The  Republicans  claimed  that  the  Legislature  already 
had  power  to  tax,  regulate,  and  provide  for  local  option, 
and  that  in  consequence  the  adoption  of  the  first  amendment 
would  confer  on  the  Legislature  no  power  in  addition  to 
the  powers  it  already  possessed,  and  had  exercised  in  enact- 
ing the  Scott  law,  which  the  Republican  partj^  had  ap- 
proved, except  only  the  power  to  re-establish  the  license 
system,   which   we   did   not   favor,  but   the   Democrats    did. 

The  platform  of  the  Republican  Party  approved  the 
action  of  the  General  Assembly  in  submitting  these  amend- 
ments, but  did  not  endorse  either. 

The  Democratic  platform  in  effect  opposed  prohibition 
by   declaring   against    sumptuary    legislation,    and   in   legal 


180  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

effect  supported  the  "wet"  amendment  (for  legislative  con- 
trol) by  declaring  in  favor  of  a  "judicious  and  properly 
graded  license  system." 

In  discussing  these  amendments  Governor  Hoadly  on  all 
occasions  opposed  prohibition  and  taxation  and  advocated 
the  license  system.  In  addition  to  what  has  beeen  quoted 
from  my  remarks  at  Hamilton  I  said  in  the  course  of  a 
speech  at  Ludlow  Falls: 

The  Republican  Party,  in  its  platform,  upon  which  I  stand,  declared 
in  favor  of  the  regulation  and  taxation  of  the  liquor  traffic,  and  it  has, 
by  another  resolution,  approved  of  the  action  of  the  Legislature  in 
giving  the  people,  under  the  circumstances,  the  right  to  vote  with 
respect  to  these  constitutional  amendments.  And  there  the  Republican 
Party  stops.  It  goes  no  further  than  that.  You  can  vote  for  either, 
or  you  can  vote  against  both;  you  can  vote  for  one  and  against  the 
other;  you  can  vote  with  respect  to  them  just  as  you  please.  They  are 
for  the  people  to  consider  and  dispose  of  without  regard  to  political 
prejudice  or  political  bias.  Republicans  and  Democrats  are  standing 
shoulder  to  shoulder  in  support  of  them  and  in  opposition  to  them. 
Both  the  friends  and  enemies  of  these  propositions  want  to  keep  the 
question  of  their  adoption  or  rejection  out  of  politics.  They  do  not 
belong  in  politics.  And  it  is  not  my  business,  standing  on  the  Repub- 
lican platform  as  I  do,  in  the  first  place,  to  go  any  further  than  that 
platform,  and  in  the  second  place,  in  view  of  the  sentiments  I  have 
referred  to,  it  is  not  right  that  I  should  seek  to  drag  these  non-political 
questions  that  don't  belong  to  politics  into  political  discussion.  And, 
therefore,  with  respect  to  these  amendments,  both  of  them,  as  a  can- 
didate of  the  Republican  Party  standing  on  its  platform,  it  is  my  duty 
as  well  as  my  pleasure  to  leave  them  alone,  both  in  the  campaign  and 
in  the  election.  For  that  reason,  I  shall  neither  discuss  them  nor  vote 
for  them.  And  that  is  the  answer  I  give  to  my  friend.  Judge  Hoadly, 
when  he  asks  the  question,  as  he  did  the  other  day,  whether  or  not  I 
intend  to  vote  for  the  second  amendment. 

We  leave  the  second  amendment  for  the  people  to  determine  as  they 
see  fit,  just  as  we  leave  the  first  amendment.  It  is  not  for  me  to 
champion  the  one  and  oppose  the  other,  or  to  champion  the  other  and 
oppose  the  one.  The  Republican  Party  says  to  both  Democrats  and 
Republicans,  and  to  every  man,  "Settle  these  amendments  as  you  see 
fit."  We  have  given  you  the  right  to  do  it,  and  that  we  did  because 
we  believe  the  people  ought  to  have  the  right  to  express  their  opinions 
when  they  ask  for  it. 

The  allusion  to  history  repeating  itself  is  made  because, 
first,  in  the  campaign  of  this  year  (1914)  there  were  again 
two   amendments    under   consideration;,  one   "wet"    and   the 


HISTORY   REPEATS   ITSELF  181 

other  "dry ;"  one  known  this  year  as  the  Home  Rule  amend- 
ment and  the  other  as  the  Prohibition  amendment. 

In  effect  the  prohibition  amendment  was  the  same  as  that 
submitted  in  1883.  The  difference  between  the  Legislative 
Control  amendment  of  1883  and  the  Home  Rule  amendment 
of  1914  was  that  the  territorial  or  governmental  unit  that 
might  exercise  the  right  of  local  option  is  in  the  latter  fixed 
by  the  Constitution  instead  of  by  the  Legislature. 

In  1883  the  Constitution  as  it  then  stood  required  that 
to  adopt  an  amendment  it  must  be  supported  by  a  majority 
of  the  entire  vote  cast  at  the  election,  instead  as  now  of  a 
majority  of  the  votes  cast  for  and  against  on  the  partic- 
ular question.  Therefore,  although  the  Prohibition  amend- 
ment of  1883  received  more  votes  than  were  cast  against 
it,  yet,  failing  to  receive  a  majority  of  the  total  vote  cast 
at  the  election,  which  was  721,310,  it  failed  of  adoption. 

In  1914  Prohibition  was  defeated  and  Home  Rule  adopted. 

The  votes  on  these  propositions  were  as  follows: 

In  1883: 

For  Prohibition   j^. 823,129 

Against  Prohibition    226,595 

Although  of  the  votes  cast  for  and  against.  Prohibition 
had  a  majority  of  96,534,  it  nevertheless  failed  of  adoption 
because  it  lacked  37,527  votes  of  having  a  majority  of  all 
the  votes  cast  at  the  election. 

In  1883: 

For  Legislative  Control.. 99,288 

Against  Legislative  Control 288,605 

or  a  majority  of  189,367  of  the  votes  cast  for  and  against. 

In  1914: 

For  Prohibition 608,292 

Against  Prohibition 586,668 

Majority   against   Prohibition 88,871 

For  Home  Rule 654,248 

Against  Home  Rule 546,248 

Majority  for  Home  Rule 8300 


132  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

In  the  second  place  a  comparison  of  the  platforms  of 
1883  and  1914  will  show  that  there  was  a  practical  repeti- 
tion this  year  of  what  was  done  in  1883  with  respect  to 
the  attitude  of  the  two  parties  toward  the  proposed  amend- 
ments. 

In  the  third  place  there  was  a  further,  at  least,  partial 
repetition  of  history  in  the  attitude  of  the  candidates  for 
Governor. 

I  felt  it  my  duty  in  1883  to  keep  the  subject  entirely 
in  the  background  so  far  as  I  was  personally  concerned, 
and,  therefore,  refused  to  take  any  position  in  the  cam- 
paign for  or  against  either  amendment,  claiming  that  the 
principles  of  the  Scott  law,  if  upheld  by  the  courts,  as  they 
were,  afforded  sufficient  legislative  authority  for  every- 
thing except  state-wide  prohibition  and  a  license  system, 
as  to  both  of  which  the  people  had  an  opportunity  to  decide 
by   adopting    or   rejecting   the   amendments    then    pending. 

Governor  Hoadly  opposed  both  state-wide  prohibition  and 
local  option  prohibition,  and  also  opposed  taxation,  except 
under  a  license  system. 

Governor  Willis  in  the  recent  campaign  agreed  with 
his  platform,  as  I  did  in  1883,  that  the  questions  raised 
by  the  two  amendments  were  not  political  and  that  the 
people  should  be  free,  without  regard  to  their  political 
beliefs  and  affiliations,  to  vote  upon  them  as  they  might 
see  fit;  for  that  reason  he  did  not  champion  or  oppose 
either,  but  stated  that,  notwithstanding,  he  believed  in  state- 
wide prohibition  and  would,  therefore,  vote  for  state-wide 
prohibition  and  against  home  rule. 

Governor  Cox,  without  making  any  specific  declaration 
for  or  against  either  amendment,  yet  indicated  by  his 
speeches  favor  for  home  rule  and  opposition  to  prohibi- 
tion. 

While  there  was  similarity  of  questions  and  in  the  atti- 
tudes of  parties  and  candidates  to  the  extent  indicated, 
there  was  a  very  important  difference  in  the  election  results. 

Willis  was  elected,  and  I  was  defeated.  No  one,  however, 
familiar  with  all  the  facts  would,  I  think,  ascribe  my  defeat 


HISTORY   REPEATS   ITSELF  133 

to  the  position  I  took  with  respect  to  these  amendments, 
whatever  may  be  the  fact  as  to  Mr.  Willis'  election  being 
due  to  the  position  he  took  with  respect  to  prohibition. 

Many  charged  that  he  was  driven  to  take  the  position 
he  assumed  to  prevent  Republican  Prohibitionists  from 
voting  for  Mr.  Garfield,  who  was  the  Progressive  candidate 
for  Governor  on  a  platform  that  openly  declared  for  pro- 
hibition, both  state-wide  and  nation-wide. 

Whether  there  was  any  foundation  for  such  a  claim  is 
immaterial.  The  fact  remains  that  he  so  declared,  and 
thereby  retained  and  probably  gained  many  votes,  for 
even  those  not  in  sympathy  with  him,  or  his  views,  regarded 
his  action  as  frank  and  manly.  On  the  other  hand  he 
undoubtedly  lost  many  votes  on  that  account.  Opinions 
may  well  differ  as  to  the  net  result. 

His  campaign  ended  with  a  triumphant  victory,  not 
only  for  him,  but  also  for  the  Republican  ticket.  How 
it  might  have  ended  if  he  had  done  otherwise  can  never 
be  known,  and  it  is  useless  to  indulge  in  speculation  on  the 
subject.      "All's  well  that  ends  well." 

I  doubtless  lost  some  votes  in  1883 — ^I  don't  think  I  lost 
many — on  account  of  the  attitude  I  took  with  respect  to  the 
amendments  then  under  consideration,  but  I  have  always 
felt  that  if  I  had  declared  for  or  against  either  of  them 
my  defeat  would  have  been  by  a  much  larger  plurality  than 
Governor  Hoadly   received. 

Aside,  however,  from  that  question,  the  position  of  the 
Republican  Party,  which  approved,  upheld  and  advocated 
regulation  and  taxation,  accompanied  by  local  option  pro- 
hibition, was,  I  thought  then,  and  still  think,  the  best 
policy  which  the  State  could  adopt  with  respect  to  the 
liquor  traffic,  even  as  a  temperance  measure. 

It  was  practicable,  simple,  and  easily  enforced,  in  the 
largest  cities   as  well   as  in  the  smallest  hamlets. 

However  all  that  may  be,  the  defeat  of  the  amendments 
proposed  in  1883  continued  in  force  the  Constitution  of 
1851,  prohibiting  a  license  system,  thus  leaving  the  subject 
of  regulation  in  the  hands   of  the  Legislature  with  power 


134  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

to  tax,  regulate  and  give  local  option  prohibition,  according 
to  the  principles   of   the   Scott   law. 

Thirty  years  of  experience  followed.  During  this  period 
a  number  of  changes  were  made — the  tax  was  largely  in- 
creased, and  the  territorial  unit  for  local  option  was  enlarged 
from  municipalities  and  townships,  to  counties,  and  addi- 
tional restrictions  and  regulations  were  from  time  to  time 
provided — all  with  a  view  to  minimizing  as  far  as  possible 
the  evils  resulting  from  the  business. 

Generally  speaking  the  results  were  good  enough  to  jus- 
tify a  continuance  of  the  policy  in  preference  to  a  return 
to  the  license  system  denied  by  the  voters  of  1883. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  the  late  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, subject  to  some  restrictions,  again  provided  for  the 
license  system,  and  the  people,  or  a  majority  of  about  thirty 
per  cent  of  them,  that  being  all  who  voted,  forgetting  all 
former  experience,  and  forgetting  or  overlooking  the  objec- 
tions they  once  had  made  to  apparent  governmental  part- 
nership with  the  business,  adopted  the  amendment. 

The  license  system  thus  re-authorized,  was  scarcely  put 
into  operation  until  it  was  again  assailed,  but  the  attack 
has  now  been  repulsed  by  the  defeat  of  the  prohibition 
amendment.  Having  withstood  this  first  assault  it  may 
continue  for  years  to  come,  but  whether  it  does  or  not  the 
policy  of  taxation,  regulation,  and  local  option  adopted 
and  championed  by  the  Republican  Party  in  1883  was 
abundantly  vindicated  by  experience  during  the  long  period 
it  was  in  force  as  the  wisest  policy  in  many  respects,  espe- 
cially as  a  temperance  measure,  ever  put  into  operation 
prior  to  that  time. 

Although  "chronologically  ahead  of  my  story"  it  seems 
in  order  to  tell  here  my  experience  on  the  subject  of  tem- 
perance legislation  in  connection  with  the  recent  primary 
election,  at  which  I  was  a  candidate  for  the  Republican 
nomination  for  United  States  Senator.  As  such  candidate 
I  received  a  number  of  letters  interrogating  me  as  to  my 
views  with  respect  to  the  pending  amendments,  and  also 
with  respect  to  nation-wide  prohibition.  Deeming  it  the 
duty  of  a  candidate  for  public  office  to  be  perfectly  frank 


HISTORY   REPEATS   ITSELF  135 

with  the  people  as  to  his  views  with  respect  to  questions 
about  which  they  are  concerned  I  answered  all  these  letters 
in  accordance  with  my  answer  to  the  first,  which  was  from 
an  old  political,  as  well  as  personal  friend  of  former  years, 
Mr.  F.  L.  Dustman,  the  editor  of  the  American  Issue,  the 
official  organ  of  the  Anti-Saloon  League.  I  take  the  liberty 
of  incorporating  both  his  letter  and  my  answer. 
His  letter  is  as  follows: 

Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker,  Columbus,  Ohio,  April  14,  1914. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Dear  Senator: — A  number  of  my  friends  who  know  of  my  years  of 
personal  and  political  friendship  for  you  have  asked  me  how  I  can 
support  you  for  United  States  Senator  when  you  will  oppose  a  reso- 
lution such  as  the  one  enclosed,  and  which  is  now  pending  in  the 
Senate,  submitting  a  national  prohibition  amendment  to  the  several  , 
States.  My  answer  is  that  they  are  presuming  you  will  oppose  such  a 
resolution  should  you  be  elected,  and  should  the  question  come  before 
the  Senate,  but  that  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  you  would  refuse  to 
vote  to  submit  the  question  to  the  States.  Am  I  right?  I  ask  this 
for  my  personal  satisfaction. 

With  best  wishes  and  kindest  regards,  I  am 

Very  truly  yours, 

F.    L.    DUSTMAK. 

Perhaps  it  would  have  been  better  for  me  politically  to 
have  taken  the  advice  of  John  Randolph  and  gone  to  see 
my  friend  and  talked  it  out  with  him,  but  I  thought  he 
was  entitled  to  an  answer,  and  sent  him  the  following: 

CiNcixNATi,  Ohio,  April  18,  1914. 

Dear  Mr.  Dustman: — I  am  always  glad  to  hear  from  you,  whether 
you  are  communicating  in  a  social  way  or  otherwise,  for  you  are 
always  interesting  and  always  personally  friendly. 

The  question  you  ask  me  is  quite  proper,  and,  although  I  cannot 
answer  in  a  way  that  will  be  entirely  satisfactory  to  you,  judging  by 
what  you  indicate  in  that  respect,  yet  I  can  answer  without  any  embar- 
rassment to  myself  whatever. 

I  have  always  thought,  and  have  said  so  in  hundreds  of  speeches, 
that  the  temperance  question  is  economical  as  well  as  moral ;  and  that    i , 
for  that  reason,  while  it  is  a  question  of  great  dual  importance  and    \  \ 
easily  understood,  yet  it  is  also  a  question  so  related  to  personal  habits 
and  customs,  as  well  as  to  business  interests,  that  there  cannot  be  any 
satisfactory   enforcement  of   total   prohibition   laws  except  only  where    ; 
there  is  a  sufficiently  strong  sentiment  in  their  favor. 

It  was  in  recognition  of  this  fact  that  the  Republican  Party,  in  the 
earliest  days  of  political  discussion  on  this  subject,  took  the  position 


136  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

that  the  traffic  should  be  taxed  wherever  found  and  should  be  regulated 
and  restricted  and  restrained,  as  good  morals,  and  the  peace  and 
security  of  society  might  require;  and  that,  in  addition,  each  locality 
should  have  an  option  to  entirely  prohibit  it  if  it  should  see  fit  to  do  so. 

In  other  words,  if  in  any  locality  there  was  a  public  sentiment  strong 
enough  to  demand  it  and  enforce  it,  the  traffic  might  be  entirely 
abolished. 

There  are  thousands  of  places  in  this  and  other  States  where  there 
is  such  a  public  sentiment,  and  where  prohibition  has  been  adopted,  and 
where  with  a  greater  or  less  degree  of  success  it  has  been  and  is  being 
enforced. 

There  are  at  the  same  time  many  communities,  such  as  the  largest 
cities  of  our  State  and  country,  where  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  pro- 
hibition is  not  strong  enough  to  secure  legislation  of  that  character; 
at  least,  they  have  never  made  any  successful  attempt  in  that  direction. 

While,  under  the  proposed  amendment,  to  which  you  call  my  atten- 
tion, every  State  would  have  a  right  to  vote  as  it  might  see  fit,  yet 
the  fact  remains  that  three-fourths  of  all  the  States  would  settle  the 
question,  not  only  for  themselves,  but  for  the  other  one-fourth  of  the 
States  that  might  be  opposed.  These  States  would  probably  be  those 
having  in  them  the  largest  cities. 

This  seems  an  answer  to  your  suggestion  that  no  one  should  object 
to  allowing  the  States  to  vote  on  the  subject.  If  every  State  voted  for 
itself,  and*  bound  only  itself,  your  suggestion  would  be  in  order;  but 
in  that  case  no  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
would  be  necessary,  since  each  State  is  at  liberty  to  take  such  a  vote 
now  if  it  sees  fit  to  do  so. 

In  other  words,  the  proposition  to  make  prohibition  nation-wide  is 
based  on  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  there  are  States  in  which  it 
probably  will  be  impossible  to  secure  prohibition  in  any  other  way. 

I  might  write  you  at  much  greater  length,  but  I  think  I  have  said 
enough  to  indicate  to  you  why  it  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  the  character 
now  under  consideration  was  not  consistent  with  the  principle  of  home 
rule,  which  I  have  always  advocated  with  respect  to  this  matter,  and 
is  in  my  judgment  calculated  to  precipitate  conditions  that  would 
practically  nullify  all  the  good  that  might  otherwise  result,  both  mor- 
ally and  economically. 

While  the  prohibition  sentiment  is  undoubtedly  growing  stronger, 
and  for  that  reason  is  likely  to  command  attention  in  due  time  in  an 
imperative  way,  yet  there  are  questions  just  now  pressing  more  heavily 
and  acutely  for  settlement. 

I  had  not,  therefore,  until  your  letter  was  received,  given  this  subject 
any  special  consideration  in  connection  with  the  approaching  cam- 
paign; and  I  was  not  aware  that  any  one  thought  of  making  it  an  issue 
at  this  time.     I  doubt  if  it  can  be  given  commanding  prominence. 

But  whatever  the  truth  may  be  in  that  respect,  I  have  no  opinions  to 
conceal  about  that  or  any  other  question;  never  did  have,  and  never 
expect  to  have;  certainly  not  for  the  sake  of  getting  any  kind  of 
political  office. 


HISTORY   REPEATS   ITSELF  137 

If  you  should  be  traveling  this  way  I  would  be  glad  if  you  would 
find  time  to  call.  I  am  sure  I  should  enjoy  talking  over  with  you  old 
times  and  old  questions,  in  so  far  as  they  may  be  of  interest  now. 

With  kindest  regards  I  remain 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FORAKER. 

I  had  no  intimation  from  Mr.  Dustman  or  from  anybody 
else  that  on  account  of  the  attitude  I  expressed  in  this  cor- 
respondence I  would  meet  with  any  special  opposition  until 
the  evening  of  Sunday,  August  9th  (the  last  Sunday  before 
the  primaries,  which  were  held  on  Tuesday,  August  11th) 
when  word  came  to  me  at  my  residence  that  the  Anti-Saloon 
League,  through  its  various  district  superintendents,  and 
otherwise,  had  sent  to  all  the  ministers  and  pastors  of  the 
State  actively  in  charge  of  congregations  the  following 
circular  letter,  signed  in  the  different  districts  by  their 
respective    superintendents : 

OHIO  ANTI-SALOON  LEAGUE, 

Cincinnati  District. 

S.  A.  Propst^  Superintendent. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  August  6,  1914. 

Dear  Sir  and  Brother: — August  11th  is  primary  day.  We  are 
counting  on  you  to  make  a  ringing  appeal  to  the  voters  of  your  church 
to  go  to  the  polls  and  support  worthy  candidates.  If  bad  candidates 
are  nominated,  good  men  will  be  responsible  for  it. 

Kindly  pass  word  along  the  line  to  your  men  that  Mr.  F.  Marriott, 
Democratic  candidate  for  Supreme  Court  Judge,  is  not  only  wet  but 
is  so  prejudiced  against  prohibitory  laws  and  their  enforcement  as  to 
make  him  unsafe. 

George  Coyner,  Republican  candidate  for  Supreme  Court  Judge,  is 
also  wrong  and  unworthy  of  the  support  of  temperance  people. 

Senator  J.  B.  Foraker,  Republican  candidate  for  U.  S.  Senator,  is 
against  the  resolution  to  submit  national  prohibition  and  is  wet  and 
generally  unsatisfactory. 

Give  especial  attention  to  the  qualifications  of  Congressmen,  State 
Representatives,  Senators  and  law  enforcement  officials.  If  you  do  not 
know  the  record  of  these  candidates,  get  in  touch  at  once  with  leading 
men  in  your  county  who  do  know,  or  else  ask  for  information  from 
this  office. 

Kindly  give  information  concerning  the  candidates  to  those  who  are 
entitled  to  vote  for  them. 

Cordially  yours, 

S.  A.  Phopst,  Superintendent. 


138  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  have  heard  of  some  ministers  who  refused  to  join  in 
an  assault  to  which  there  remained  neither  time  nor  oppor- 
tunity to  make  answer,  but  that  many  made  "the  ringing 
appeal"  as  requested,  to  the  members  of  their  churches 
to  vote  against  me  at  the  primaries. 

I  do  not  know  what  effect  the  circular  had,  but  I  pre- 
sume the  Anti-Saloon  Lefague  would  be  loath  to  admit  that 
they  did  not  have  enough  influence,  if  exercised  in  the 
manner  indicated,  to  control  more  votes  than  the  plurality 
of   my   successful    opponent. 

In  fact  I  have  been  told  that  they  claim  credit  for  my 
defeat,  or  rather  did  claim  credit  until  it  was  stated  in  the 
newspapers,  since  the  election,  that  Senator-elect  Harding 
considers  the  vote  on  the  wet  amendment  as  in  the  nature 
of  an  instruction  to  him  from  the  people  he  is  to  represent 
to  vote  against  submitting  a  proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  so  as  to  provide  for 
nation-wide  prohibition.  I  am  further  told  that  some  of 
them  now  refer  to  their  action  in  a  way  that  does  not  indi- 
cate entire  satisfaction  therewith.  They  do  not  appear 
to  see  clearly  what  they  have  gained  for  their  cause  by 
what  they  accomplished. 

The  letter  is  dated  August  5th,  but  I  never  heard  of 
it  until  August  9th,  and  a  copy  was  not  available  until 
August   10th,   the   day   before   the   election. 

While  I  do  not  think  Mr.  Dustman  would  have  resorted 
to  any  unfair  practice  in  making  opposition  to  me,  yet, 
I  should  have  remembered  that  he  was  surrounded  by 
others  who  had  a  grudge  against  me  on  account  of  which 
they  were  very  likely  to  do  so.  I  refer  to  an  acrimonious 
controversy  years  before,  in  1900,  I  believe  it  was,  with 
the  Rev.  P.  A.  Baker,  in  which  we  said  some  sharp  and 
ugly  things  about  each  other  that  were  probably  remem- 
bered by  him  and  his  co-workers,  although  on  my  part 
long  ago  effaced  by  more  important  matters  so  far  as 
personal    animus    was    concerned. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

A    DIP   INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS. 

THE  National  Republican  Convention  of  1880  will  long 
be  memorable  because  of  the  titanic  struggle  of  Sena- 
tor Conkling  to  nominate  General  Grant  for  a  third  term. 
Measured  by  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  each,  Grant  was 
the  strongest  of  all  the  candidates  presented  to  the  Con- 
vention, Blaine  next,  Sherman  third ;  Washburn,  Edmunds 
and  Windom  were  also  candidates,  but  neither  one  developed 
any  considerable  strength.  On  the  first  ballot,  Grant  re- 
ceived 304  votes;  Blaine  284  votes;  and  Sherman  93  votes. 
For  thirty-six  ballots,  the  Grant  vote  scarcely  varied,  the 
lowest  vote  cast  on  any  ballot  being  303,  the  highest  313; 
the  last  being  306.  The  Blaine  vote  was  almost  as  stead- 
fast, being  280  on  the  twenty-sixth  ballot,  declining  to 
£75  on  the  thirty-fourth  ballot,  when  concentration  on 
General  Garfield  commenced,  resulting  in  his  nomination  by 
a  vote  of  399  on  the  thirty-sixth  ballot.  Sherman,  com- 
mencing with  93  votes,  gradually  increased  to  120  on  the 
thirtieth  ballot,  declining  to  99  on  the  thirty-fifth  ballot, 
or  more  votes,  when  concentration  on  Garfield  became  effec- 
tive,  than  he  had  at  the  beginning   of  the  balloting. 

Grant  had  only  shortly  before  returned  from  his  famous 
trip  around  the  world.  Already  popular  beyond  any  other 
American  because  of  his  distinguished  services  as  a  soldier 
and  as  President,  he  had  still  further  endeared  himself  to 
the  American  people  by  the  modest  yet  dignified  and  pop- 
ular way  in  which  he  had  conducted  himself  while  the 
tributes  of  respect  and  honor  paid  him  wherever  he  went 
were   literally   showered   upon    him. 

Blaine  was  then  at  the  very  zenith  of  his  popularity. 
His    defeat    by    Hayes    in    the    convention    of    1876    had 

139 


140  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

strengthened  his  claims  for  the  Presidency  with  thousands 
of  Republicans  who  had  not  before  supported  him.  Sher- 
man was  just  then  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  triumph  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  doing  his  part  successfully 
in  bringing  aJbout  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  Grant 
would  have  been  nominated  by  acclamation  if  it  had  not 
been  that  there  was  a  deep-rooted  prejudice  in  the  minds 
of  many  of  his  warmest  friends,  as  well  as  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  generally,  against  a  third  term.  Washington 
was  still  remembered,  honored  and  revered  by  his  country- 
men. -  The  example  he  had  set  had  become  an  unwritten  law, 
and  the  people  were  not  willing  to  violate  it  even  for  their 
greatest  hero  and  most  popular  fellow  countryman.  Blaine 
and  Conkling  had  known  each  other  for  years.  They  had 
served  together  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  On  some 
occasion,  while  thus  serving  as  colleagues,  Blaine  had  given 
Conkling  mortal  offense  by  referring  to  the  "turkey  cock 
strut  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York."  From  mere  dis- 
like they  had  become  bitter  enemies.  Conkling,  recognizing 
the  growing  sentiment  for  Blaine,  following  his  defeat  in 
the  Convention  of  1876,  cast  about  to  see  in  what  manner 
he  could  head  off  and  prevent  his  nomination.  It  was  to 
accomplish  this  purpose  he  undertook  to  utilize  the  popu- 
larity of  General  Grant  and  brought  him  forward  as  a 
candidate.  In  this  movement  he  had  the  active  and  efficient 
support  of  Senator  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania  and  Senator 
Logan  of  Illinois.  Under  fair  conditions  his  program  would 
have  been  successful,  but  for  the  reason  already  indicated, 
he  lacked  a  few  votes,  which  it  was  impossible  to  secure; 
but  he  defeated  Blaine  and  named  Arthur  as  Vice  President. 

Under  ordinary  circumstances,  Mr.  Blaine's  claims  for 
recognition,  strengthened  as  they  were  by  the  defeat  in  the 
Convention  of  1876,  would  have  been  promptly  recognized, 
for  he  was  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  men 
of  his  day  and  one  of  the  most  accomplished  statesmen 
of    his    time. 

So,  too,  it  can  be  said  that  had  it  not  been  for  Blaine 
and  Grant,  Sherman  had  claims  that  would  have  prevailed. 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  141 

The  Republican  Party  had  prosecuted  the  war  successfully. 
They  had  reconstructed  the  States.  They  had  rehabili- 
tated our  finances,  and  under  the  management  of  John 
Sherman,  both  as  Senator  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
more  than  any  other  man,  they  had  brought  about  specie 
resumption.  It  was  a  great  triumph  that  deservedly  ranked 
Mr.  Sherman  with  the  greatest  financiers  the  country  had 
produced. 

Mr.  Sherman  thought  then,  and  always  thought  after- 
ward, that  he  was  entitled  to  the  nomination  by  that  Con- 
vention. He  so  stated  in  his  "Recollections."  He  so  ex- 
pressed himself  to  me  in  private  conversation  a  number  of 
times.  He  felt  that  his  work  was  a  lasting  credit  to  the 
Republican  Party  and  of  immeasurable  benefit  to  the  whole 
nation. 

He  was  not  alone  in  this  estimate  of  his  services.  The 
same  opinion  was  entertained  by  all.  He  was,  doubtless,  the 
second  choice  of  more  of  the  delegates  to  that  convention 
than  any  other  man,  but  the  feud  between  Blaine  and  Conk- 
ling  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  get  a  vote  at  any  time 
during  the  long  hours  through  which  the  balloting  con- 
tinued that  indicated  his  real  strength. 

His  cause  was  greatly  helped  by  the  able  way  in  which 
it  was  presented  to  the  convention  by  General  Garfield.  Not 
only  was  the  speech  able  but  it  had  an  unusual  effect  be- 
cause of  the  unusual  popularity  of  the  orator.  One  of  the 
questions  decided  by  that  convention  was  that  delegations 
should  not  vote  as  a  unit,  as  the  Grant  men  desired,  but 
that  each  individual  delegate  had  a  right  to  cast  his  vote 
and  have  it  counted  as  he  announced  it. 

Until  that  time  this  was  an  unsettled  question  in  the 
Republican    Party. 

General  Garfield  opposed  the  unit  rule  and  did  it  in  a 
speech  of  such  force  and  power  and  yet  with  such  consider-" 
ation  for  those  who  differed  from  him  that  he  excited  the 
admiration  of  the  whole  Convention  and  the  entire  country. 
Already  popular  because  of  his  distinguished  services  in  the 
army  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  on  the  Elec- 


143  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

toral  Commission,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  he  happened  to 
be  so  situated  as  to  make  it  his  duty  to  do  what  so  added  to 
his  popularity  as  to  make  him  the  nominee  of  the  Con- 
vention. 

During  the  early  ballots,  and  until  the  very  last  ballots 
were  taken  Mr.  Sherman  got  the  full  benefit  of  this  popu- 
larity and  the  entire  service  General  Garfield  was  able  to 
render  him.  With  so  much  to  his  credit  and  with  his  cause 
in  such  able  •  and  popular  hands,  his  friends  all  thought 
that  if  only  either  Blaine  or  Grant  could  be  eliminated 
without  a  nomination  being  made,  the  honor  would  surely 
go  to  Sherman.  I  am  sure  General  Garfield  so  desired  and 
that  he  was  not  at  any  time  unfaithful  to  the  trust  that  had 
been  committed  to  him.  His  growing  popularity  with  the 
Convention  was  the  inevitable  result  of  the  simple  discharge 
of  his  duty ;  and  he  did  not  take  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunities presented  to  him  with  any  selfish  purpose  in  view, 
but  only  from  a  sense  of  duty  to  his  party,  his  country 
and  his  candidate. 

While  all  this  so  appeared  to  me  at  the  time,  and  now, 
after  the  lapse  of  all  these  years,  still  more  clearly  appears 
to  have  been  the  fact,  yet  there  were  thousands  of  Repub- 
licans throughout  the  country,  and  especially  in  Ohio,  who 
were  disposed  to  quarrel  with  what  the  Convention  did, 
when,  instead  of  nominating  Mr.  Sherman,  it  turned  to  his 
Lieutenant,  brought  him  to  the  front,  and  made  him  the 
standard  bearer. 

During  the  early  weeks  of  the  campaign  this  feeling 
seemed  to  grow  rather  than  diminish.  It  was  strength- 
ened and  added  to  in  an  exasperating  way  by  personal 
attacks   on   General   Garfield. 

The  Salary  Grab,  the  DeGolyer  contracts,  and  the  Credit 
Mobilier  scandals  were  all  revived,  and  again  brought  to 
the  attention  of  the  people  in  every  way  the  ingenuity  of 
astute  political  managers   could  devise. 

This  was  especially  true  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  scandal. 
The  Congressional  committee  that  investigated  this  matter 
had  reported  that  notwithstanding  General  Garfield's  state- 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  143 

ment  to  the  contrary,  he  had  been  paid  three  hundred  and 
twenty-nine  dollars  as  a  dividend  on  stock  in  that  company, 
for  which  it  was  claimed  that  he  had  subscribed. 

Upon  the  strength  of  this  finding,  one  of  the  modes  of 
electioneering  against  him  resorted  to  was  to  write  with 
chalk  the  figures  329  on  the  sidewalks  in  the  cities  and 
towns,  and  on  the  fences  and  barns  and  gates  throughout 
the  country,  the  theory  being  that  anybody  seeing  these 
figures  would,  if  they  were  not  understood,  make  inquiry 
as-  to*  what  they  meant,  and  thus  open  the  way  for  some'body 
to  tell  or  the  alleged  derelictions  of  the  Republican  candi- 
date. 

These  attacks,  coupled  with  the  manner  in  which  the 
nomination  had  come  to  him,  which  easily  admitted  of  mis- 
representation and  false  deductions,  made  the  campaign 
appear  at  one  time  well-nigh  hopeless ;  for  the  most  valua- 
ble personal  asset  left  to  him,  in  view  of  these  assaults, 
was  his  soldier  record,  and  that  was  more  than  overbalanced 
by  the  brilliant  record  of  General  Hancock,  his   opponent. 

Maine  held  her  State  election  early  in  September.  The 
result  added  to  our  alarm.  But  it  was  the  Bull  Run  of 
the  campaign.  Immediately  there  was  planned  a  great 
mass  meeting  to  be  held  September  28th  at  Warren,  Ohio, 
the  old-time  capital,  as  it  was  regarded  and  styled,  of  the 
Western  Reserve,  and  of  Garfield's  district,  and  almost 
in  the  shadow  of  his  home  at  Mentor.  It  was  widely  adver- 
tised. It  was  a  great  success.  It  was  attended  by  more 
than  40,000  people,  among  them  the  Republican  leaders, 
especially  Grant  leaders,  from  many  other  States;  of  these 
Senators  Logan  and  Cameron,  the  Grant  leaders  in  their 
respective  States.  It  was  a  national  event.  It  was  in  every 
sense  of  the  word  a  success,  not  only  in  point  of  numbers, 
but  also  in  enthusiasm  and  results.  In  fact  it  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  in  all  the  political  history  of  our  country 
no  political  mass  meeting  was  ever  held  that  instantaneously 
brought  positive,  and  decisive  far-reachinec  consequences  and 
results  equal  to  those  accomplished  by  this  meeting. 

Its  successful  features  and  unusual  results  were  due  to 
the   fact  that   it   was   everywhere   heralded    that   it   was   to 


144  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

be  attended  and  addressed  by  both  General  Grant  and  Sen- 
ator Conkling,  and  that  Grant  was  to  act,  as  he  did,  as 
the  Chairman  of  the  meeting.  Both  were  there  and  both 
made  speeches.  Their  respective  utterances  were  character- 
istic of  the  men  who  made  them. 

Grant  in  a  modest  way,  and  in  a  tone  of  voice  that  could 
scarcely  be  heard  by  those  immediately  about  him  on  the 
platform,  read  a  speech  that  occupied  not  more  than  a 
half   column    of   the    newspapers. 

Conkling  spoke  for  two  hours.  He  made  an  able  and 
elaborate  discussion  of  all  the  questions  involved  in  the 
campaign.  It  was  in  all  respects  an  able  speech,  worthy 
of  the  man  and  the  occasion ;  but  what  Grant  said  expressed 
in  epitome  everything  that  Conkling  said,  or  anybody  else 
could  say. 

What  Conkling  said  most  newspaper  readers  only  glanced 
through.  There  was  too  much  of  it  to  be  read  carefully. 
What  they  did  read  they  speedily  forgot,  except  only  the 
fact  that  he  was  earnest  in  his  support  of  the  Republican 
cause,   and   anxious  to  see  General   Garfield   elected. 

Every  word  that  Grant  uttered  was  read  by  every  Repub- 
lican throughout  the  nation,  all  interested  not  only  to 
know  that  he  was  at  the  front,  doing  battle  for  our  standard 
bearer,  but  interested  also  to  know  exactly  what  he  said, 
and  how  he  said  it.  In  stating  why  he  was  a  Republican 
he  gave  an  inspiriting  key-note  to  every  speaker  who  spoke 
afterward  in  that  campaign. 

Something  of  the  spirit  of  the  meeting  may  be  gathered 
from  the  mottoes  displayed.  Among  many  similar  the  fol- 
lowing: "High  Tariff,  High  Wages  and  a  High  Old  Time," 
"Senator  Conkling,  the  Stalwart  Statesman  of  the  Republic," 
"Democratic  Financiering  and  Repudiation,"  "Garfield,  Pro- 
tection and  Prosperous  Times,"  "Hancock,  Free  Trade  and 
Lawlessness,"  "The  World's  Guest  is  Ours  Today,"  "Let  Us 
Have  Peace." 

From  that  moment  until  the  close  of  the  polls  on  the 
night  of  the  election  there  was  a  genuine  Garfield  boom. 
He  was  elected  and  in   due  time  inaugurated.     He   made 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  145 

Blaine  Secretary  of  State  and  made  some  New  York  appoint- 
ments that  displeased  Mr.  Conkling,  particularly  the 
appointment  of  Judge  Robertson  to  be  Collector  of  the  Port 
of  New  York,  a  Blaine  delegate  to  the  Convention  of  1880, 
who  successfully  defied  the  unit  rule  adopted  by  the  dele- 
gation and  cast  his  vote  according  to  his  choice.  Feeling 
that  their  rights  as  Senators  were  disregarded  and  violated, 
but  not  feeling  at  liberty  to  antagonize  a  Republican 
President  for  such  a  cause,  without  authority  from  the  power 
that  sent  them  there,  both  Conkling  and  Piatt,  his  colleague, 
resigned  and  sought  re-election,  with  the  idea  of  returning 
to  the  Senate  as  Republicans,  but  free  to  oppose  the  admin- 
istration on  questions  of  patronage,  and  in  that  respect  make 
war  upon  it  at  pleasure.  After  a  fierce  struggle  the  New 
York  Legislature  decided  against  them. 

Differing  and  bitter  opinions  resulted.  On  the  one  hand 
the  Senators  were  assailed;  on  the  other,  the  President. 
Harsh  things  were  said,  and  an  angry  and  tempestuous 
situation  prevailed  with  an  apparently  sure  promise  of 
worse  to  follow,  when  at  the  crack  of  a  pistol  all  was 
suddenly  changed. 

Garfield  was  assassinated,  and  instantly,  so  far  as  he 
was  concerned,  the  tongues  of  slander  and  calumny  were 
silenced   forever. 

What  might  have  happened  if  he  had  lived,  and  what 
might  have  been  its  effect  upon  his  personal  fame,  is  only 
idle  conjecture.  What  did  happen  is  history  and  that 
records  that  he  at  once  took,  and  still  holds,  as  he  always 
will,  a  warm  place  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen. 

Conkling  was  deeply  humiliated  by  the  denial  of  the 
vindication  he  sought,  but  he  lived  to  see  Arthur  in  the 
White  House,  and  Blaine  defeated  for  the  Presidency  by 
so  narrow  a  vote  that  he  was  able  to  claim  responsibility  for 
it.  Then  when  all  his  other  fights  had  been  fearlessly 
fought  he  fittingly  forfeited  his  life  battling  with  a  blizzard. 

Piatt  became  the  "Easy  Boss"  and  in  1897,  when  the 
asperities  of  the  time  had  subsided,  returned  to  the  Senate. 

All  this  increased  the  feeling  in  Ohio  that  Mr.  Sherman 


146  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

should  have  been  nominated  in  1880.  Garfield's  death  gave 
him  another  chance.  As  the  months  passed  this  feeling 
gi'ew  more  intense.  Therefore,  when  1884<  came,  it  did  not 
need  any  announcement  from  Mr.  Sherman  to  make  him 
a  candidate.  Circumstances  and  friends  made  him  that 
beyond  his  power  to  the  contrary. 

In  the  same  way  circumstances  and  friends  made  Mr. 
Blaine  a  candidate.  He  had  been  twice  defeated,  first  in 
the  Convention  of  1876,  and  again  in  the  Convention  of 
1880;  the  first  time  by  Hayes,  who  was  not  regarded  as 
so  worthy  as  he  of  the  honor;  and  the  second  time,  through 
the  feud  with  Conkling,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  merit- 
orious claims  of  Sherman  on  the  other. 

As  the  time  for  the  Convention  approached  Republicans 
all  over  the  country,  and  particularly  in  Ohio,  ranged  them- 
selves under  the  banners  of  these  respective  leaders.  I  was 
an  outspoken  advocate  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman, 
but  without  purpose,  or  thought,  of  taking  any  part  in  the 
work  of  nominating  him. 

When  I  was  defeated  in  1883,  I  immediately  returned  to 
my  law  practice,  and,  as  time  passed,  I  determined  more 
than  ever  to  eschew  politics  altogether,  and  to  devote  myself 
entirely  to  my  profession. 

I  had  not  seriously  thought  of  ever  again  being  a  candi- 
date for  Governor,  much  less  had  it  occurred  to  me,  that, 
without  seeking  such  a  nomination,  it  would  come  to  me  a 
second  time. 

There  were  enough  Republicans,  however,  of  a  different 
opinion  to  keep  me  reminded  of  the  possibilities,  and,  there- 
fore, in  the  early  months  of  1884,  I  began  to  receive  letters 
from  Republicans  in  the  different  parts  of  the  State,  calling 
my  attention  to  the  approaching  State  Convention,  at  which 
delegates-at-large  to  the  National  Convention  were  to  be 
chosen,  and  not  only  requesting  that  I  should  become  a 
candidate  for  delegate-at-large,  but  suggesting,  also,  the 
probability  in  certain  contingencies,  of  my  nomination  for 
Vice  President.  There  were  scores  of  such  letters.  The 
following  will  indicate  the  nature  of  them  and  the  kind 
of  answer  I  made  to  them. 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  14^ 

Major  Benjamin  Butterworth,  for  several  terms  a  Mem- 
ber of  Congress  from  the  First  District  of  Ohio,  but  at 
that  time  the  Commissioner  of  Patents,  was  only  one  of 
many  who  wrote  me  on  the  subject.  He  wrote  repeatedly 
and  always  like  the  following: 

My  Dear  Foraker:  Washingtok,  April  14,  1884. 

You  say  you  are  out  of  politics;  possibly  you  are.  You  are  not 
more  your  own  now  than  you  were  in  1861.  I  am  not  clear  that  the 
dangers  that  confront  us  are  not  as  serious  now  as  then.  I  think  if 
Sherman  is  not  nominated  your  chance  for  the  V.  P.  is  good,  not  only 
good,  but  very  good.  ...  Of  course,  you  will  not  pretend  that  the 
ambition  to  attain  to  that  height  is  not  worthy.  If  the  Vice  Presi- 
dential nomination  comes  to  Ohio,  I  deem  it  certain  you  can  get  it. 

If  Ohio  demands  it  I  feel  assured  it  will  not  be  refused.  If  Ohio 
sees  that  Sherman  has  a  chance  for  the  head  of  the  ticket,  she  ought 
and  doubtless  will  support  him.  It  is  clear  that  it  would  not  be  wise 
for  Ohio  to  present  his  name  in  the  first  instance.    .    .    . 

Of  course  I  want  to  go  to  the  Chicago  Convention  if  it  is  the  will 
of  my  district  or  State  that  I  should. 
Let  me  hear  from  you.  Truly  yours, 

Ben  Butteewoeth. 


To  which  I  made  the  following  answer: 

CiNciKKATi,  April  17,  1884. 

My  Dear  Butterworth: — ^Your  kind  and  earnest  letter  is  received. 
I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  expressions  it  contains  relative  to  myself. 
.  .  .  I  do  not  have  any  idea  that  matters  will  turn  out  as  you  seem 
to  think  they  may  at  Chicago,  nor  do  I  desire  they  should.  I  prefer 
continuing  where  I  am,  and,  aside  from  preference,  it  is  a  matter  of 
necessity  that  I  should.  You  know  enough  of  my  situation  to  know 
why  this  is  so. 

I  shall  not  go  to  the  Cleveland  Convention,  and  do  not  want  to  go 
to  Chicago.  If,  nevertheless,  I  should  be  made  a  delegate-at-large,  I 
would  accept,  but  would  prefer  seeing  such  honors  distributed  to 
others  who  are  more  deserving,  among  whom  I  class  yourself.     .     .     . 

Very  truly  yours, 
Hon.  Bekj.   Butterworth,  J.  B.  Foraker. 

Washington,  D.  C. 


The  Major  was  not  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  National 
Convention  to  represent  either  his  district,  or  the  State  at 
large.     The  reason  was  not,  however,  because  of  any  lack 


148  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

of  appreciation  of  him  personally,  but  rather  because  hold- 
ing his  office  by  appointment  from  Arthur  he  was  regarded, 
although  he  had  not  made  any  open  declaration,  as  likely  to 
favor  Arthur's  nomination,  and  for  that  reason  neither  the 
Blaine  men  nor  the  Sherman  men,  who,  acting  together, 
easily  controlled  both  Conventions,  were  willing  to  select 
him. 

I  might  quote  many  other  letters  written  by  me  at  the 
time  to  show  my  attitude  with  respect  to  politics  generally, 
and  the  approaching  Conventions  in  particular,  but  con- 
tent myself  with  the  following  to  my  old  college  friend, 
who  had  seconded  my  nomination  for  Governor  in  1883, 
Hon.   D.  K.   Watson: 

D.  K.  Watsok,  Esq.,  February  14,  1884. 

Columbus,  Ohio. 

Bear  Sir: — I  am  afraid  I  cannot  be  in  Columbus  on  the  27th  inst. 
I  am  not  in  politics  now,  and  don't  want  to  be  in  any  more,  and  don't 
care  a  "continental"  whether  that  suits  anybody  else  or  not.  I  have 
to  be  in  Wooster  on  the  22nd  and  in  Indianapolis  on  the  25th.  I  don't 
know  how  long  I  will  be  kept  in  Indianapolis,  but  I  wUl  be  there  on 
account  of  railroad  litigation.  I  am  attorney  for  a  receiver,  and  may 
be  kept  several  days.  At  any  rate  I  will  have  been  away  from  home 
so  much  by  the  27th  that  it  probably  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  be 
in  Columbus  at  that  time;  and  whether  I  am  in  Columbus  or  not,  I 
don't  want  to  go  to  the  Chicago  Convention  as  a  delegate  or  in  any  other 
manner.  The  only  interest  I  have  in  politics,  and  the  only  part  I  will 
take  will  be  to  do  all  I  can  in  a  private  way  or  on  the  stump,  perhaps, 
to  help  elect  the  nominee  of  the  Chicago  Convention.  At  the  same 
time  it  will  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  help  you  to  go  as  a  delegate 
if  you  will  only  let  me  know  how  that  can  be  done. 

In  great  haste,  but  Truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FOBAKER. 


As  forecast  in  these  letters,  I  did  not  attend  the  State 
Convention.  Nevertheless,  I  was,  in  the  most  complimen- 
tary way,  chosen  as  delegate-at-large.  I  quote  from  the 
proceedings  of  the  Convention,  as  reported  in  the  daily 
press,  not  only  to  show  what  was  said  and  done,  as  to 
myself,  but  because  of  some  other  statements  found  there 
that  are  of  peculiar  interest  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
history. 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  149 

First  day: 

At  the  meeting  of  the  First  Congressional  delegation  (Cincinnati) 
"W.  H.  Taft"  (who  was  for  Arthur)  was  chosen  to  be  a  vice  president 
of  the  Convention.  .  .  .  J.  B.  Foraker  was  recommended  for  dele- 
gate-at-large.  .  .  .  Taft  was  further  sugar-coated  by  being  made 
spokesman  of  the  delegation.    .    .    . 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  interest  in  the  morning  meeting  of  the 
Twenty-first  District. 

A  motion  was  made  and  carried  that  the  delegation  should  cast  its 
vote  as  a  unit  in  the  State  Convention  on  the  question  of  delegate-at- 
large.  Nominations  for  the  endorsement  of  the  delegation  to  that 
position  were  called  for,  and  R.  C.  Parsons  and  M.  A.  Hanna  were 
named.  Parsons  received  fifteen  votes,  and  Hanna  twenty,  which 
elected  the  latter. 

Second  day: 

Yesterday  there  was  not  a  Blaine  man  in  either  of  the  Cincinnati 
districts,  and  the  Hamilton  County  delegation  was  solid  against  him, 
absolutely  so,  so  far  as  Sherman  is  concerned,  although  partly  for 
Arthur.  The  first  move  was  made  by  Amor  Smith,  and  he  did  it  well. 
In  a  plausible  and  business-like  way  he  presented  the  name  of  Judge 
Foraker,  and  it  was  received  with  much  enthusiasm.  I  was  somewhat 
surprised  that  it  was  seconded  by  a  Blaine  delegate.  Judge  L.  W. 
King  of  Youngstown,  who  said: 

"Mr.  Chairman,  on  behalf  of  the  Blaine  men  in  Eastern  Ohio,  I 
want  to  say  that  we  recognize  that  Judge  Foraker  represents,  as 
no  other  man  represents,  the  Republican  Party  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 
I  hope  that  no  Blaine  man  in  this  convention  will  feel  called  upon 
to  vote  against  Judge  Foraker.  In  our  section  of  the  State,  where 
all  of  the  people  are  for  Blaine  for  President,  we  are  willing  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Foraker."     (Applause.) 


He  moved  that  the  rules  be  suspended  and  the  Judge  be  elected 
without  ballot.  When,  later,  after  the  first  ballot,  on  which  he  led. 
Chairman  McKinley  received  the  same  compliment,  these  two  selec- 
tions seemed  more  of  a  compliment  than  otherwise;  at  least  there  was 
no  attempt  to  draw  a  preferential  line.  That  of  the  first  for  the  glory 
of  a  defeat.  The  other  for  his  rather  fortunate  and  very  pleasant 
manner  of  presiding  over  the  Convention.  Both  were  graceful  com- 
pliments  to  acknowledged   leaders   of  the  party.     .     .     . 

George  A.  Groot,  of  Cleveland,  nominated  M.  A.  Hanna,  of  Cuya- 
hoga, and  W.  S.  Cappeller  seconded  it.  Then  the  fumes  of  the  lower 
regions  began  to  rise.  They  tried  to  put  him  through  under  a  sus- 
pension of  the  rules  by  acclamation,  as  the  selection  of  Foraker  had 
been  made.  The  Blaine  men  kicked  worse  than  steers  and  shrieked 
louder  than  hyenas.    ,    .    . 


160  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

A  ballot  was  ordered.  Hanna  ran  up  to  285  votes,  and  West,  who 
was  for  Blaine,  to  810.  When  West's  friends  saw  that  the  Clevelander  was 
going  in  in  spite  of  them,  they  decided  to  lay  up  some  help  as  against 
the  perils  of  the  next  and  last  selection,  and  gave  Hanna  a  final  boost 
into  Chicago  by  swinging  to  him  Logan  County,  West's  own  home. 
.  .  .  This  gave  Hanna  enough  votes,  and  he  was  added  to  the  list 
by  acclamation. 

Foraker  went  through  with  a  rush,  but  Hanna  had  to  take  his 
chances  with  the  rest. 

This  was,  I  think,  the  first  appearance  of  both  Hanna 
and  Taft  in  State  politics,  and  the  first  time,  when  I  read 
the  report  of  these  proceedings,  that  I  ever  heard  of  Sen- 
ator Hanna. 

I  knew  him  well  afterward.  His  entry  into  politics  as 
above  described  was  characteristic  of  the  man.  Having 
decided  to  go  to  the  Convention  as  a  delegate-at-large,  he 
wouldn't  take  any  chances.  Or  rather,  there  were  two 
chances,  and  he  took  both  of  them — District  Convention 
the  first  day,  and  the  State  Convention  the  second.  The 
Blaine  men  "kicked  like  steers,  and  shrieked  louder  than 
hyenas,"  but  that  did  not  matter.  "The  fumes  of  the 
lower  regions  began  to  rise,"  but  they  had  no  terrors  for 
him.  His  name  was  Marcus  Alonzo,  which  had  a  sort  of 
pea-jacket  suggestion  that  was  childlike  and  bland.  It 
should  have  been  Marcus  Aurelius,  for  in  rugged  character 
and  aggressive  courage,  if  not  in  gentle  consideration  for 
others,  he  was  like  that  great  Roman,  ever  ready  for  battle, 
and,  although  occasionally  defeated,  never  conquered  but 
once — ^then   by   death. 

I  had  known  Taft  ever  since  immediately  after  he  came 
out  of  Yale  University,  when  he  appeared  in  my  court  room 
one  morning  as  a  local  court  reporter  for  the  Commercial. 
His  bright  face  and  agreeable  manner  at  once  attracted 
to  him  my  favorable  attention  and  excited  for  him  a  most 
friendly  regard.  His  treatment  at  this  Convention  was  also 
indicative  of  what  was  to  follow.  He  was  "sugar  coated" 
with  two  very  honorable  recognitions — Vice  President  of  the 
Convention,  and  "spokesman"  of  his  delegation.  For  many 
years  the  best  there  was,  and  plenty  of  it,  seemed  to  go  to 
him  without  effort  on  his  part.    It  is  different  now ! 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  151 

Senator  Sherman  in  his  "Recollections"  (page  868)  says, 
in  speaking  of  the  events  of  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1883 : 

At  this  period  mention  was  again  made  in  the  newspapers  of  my 
name  as  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  Party  for  President  the  next 
year.  I  promptly  declared  that  I  was  not  a  candidate,  and  had  no 
purpose  or  desire  to  enter  into  the  contest.  This  discussion  of  my  name 
continued  until  the  decision  of  the  National  Convention,  but  I  took  no 
part  or  lot  in  it,  made  no  requests  of  any  one  to  support  my  nomination 
and  took  no  steps,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  promote  it. 

At  pages  885  and  886  he  practically  reaffirms  these 
statements.  I  never  knew  he  had  made  these  statements 
until  after  he  was  dead,  and  have  no  means  of  knowing 
exactly  what  he  meant,  except  by  interpreting  the  language 
he  employed,  and  the  natural  understanding  of  this  would 
be  inconsistent  with  the  facts. 

He  did  not  actively  seek  the  nomination  in  the  sense  that  he 
made  an  organization  to  promote  his  cause,  or  incurred  any 
expense  on  that  account.  The  fact  is,  however,  that  he  had 
friends  who  insisted  that  he  should  be  a  candidate,  and  he  did 
more  than  merely  acquiesce  in  their  judgment  that  his  name 
should  be  presented  to  the  convention.  He  was  apparently 
not  only  willing,  but  glad  to  accept  their  support  and 
encouraged   rather   than    discouraged   their   efforts. 

I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter  until  after  I  had 
been  chosen  a  delegate-at-large.  The  Honorable  Warner  M. 
Bateman,  at  that  time  United  States  District  Attorney  for 
the  Southern  District  of  Ohio,  was,  perhaps,  the  closest 
man  in  Cincinnati  to  Sherman.  He  was  indebted  to  him 
for  his  appointment,  and  was  an  enthusiastic  supporter. 
A  few  days  after  our  State  Convention,  knowing  I  favored 
Sherman's  nomination,  he  called  upon  me  to  discuss  the 
subject,  and  to  acquaint  me  with  the  views  of  those  who 
had  taken  the  cause  of  Mr.  Sherman  in  hand  as  to  the 
course  that  should  be  pursued.  This  led  to  an  exchange 
of  letters  with  Mr.  Sherman,  from  which  I  quote  the  fol- 
lowing : 

Hon.  John  Shebscax,  Cincinxati,  May  6,  1884. 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Sir: — I  learn  from  Mr.  Bateman  that  your  friends  think  of  not 
putting  your  name  formally  before  the  Convention  at  the  start,  but  to 


16%  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

await  developments  and  be  determined  by  them  as  to  whether  they 
will  do  so  at  all  or  not.  This  may  be  the  wisest  thing  to  do,  but  I 
do  not  think  so.  It  now  looks  to  me  as  though  Blaine  and  Arthur 
would  lead  and  that  very  strongly.  Many  seem  to  think  that  Blaine 
may  be  nominated  on  the  first  ballot.  At  any  rate,  my  judgment  is  that 
we  should  withhold  from  these  other  candidates  all  the  support  we  can 
at  the  beginning,  for  in  my  judgment  that  is  the  point  of  danger.  If 
we  get  safely  by  that,  we  have,  I  think,  a  good  fighting  chance.  If 
you  are  not  put  in  nomination,  I  fear  there  will  be  votes  cast  for  others 
that  you  would  otherwise  have,  and  perhaps  enough  to  do  the  work. 
If  you  are  put  in  nomination,  you  will  command  your  own  support, 
and  no  matter  if  it  should  be  small,  it  would  be  at  least  a  nucleus  to 
which  others  might  be  rallied,  if  the  balloting  continues.  With  your 
name  before  the  Convention,  we  would  have  something,  not  only  to  hold 
your  friends  together,  but  to  rally  others  to.  If  it  is  not  put  there, 
I  fear  the  pressure  may  break  us  up. 

This  is  none  of  my  business,  except  as  a  Republican  interested  in 
the  success  of  our  party.  It  is  because  I  have  this  interest  that  I  feel 
at  liberty,  without  apology,  to  make  these  suggestions  to  you.  I  think 
I  need  not  say  to  you  that  in  doing  so  I  am  neither  courting  any  favors 
nor  expecting  any  rewards.  Very  truly  yours, 

J.    B.   FORAKEH. 


To  this  letter  Mr.   Sherman  answered  as  follows 


United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


May   8,  1884. 


My  Dear  Sir: — Your  note  of  the  6th  is  received. 

The  question  referred  to  has  never  beeen  presented  to  me  before,  but 
it  is  manifest  that  it  should  be  promptly  answered. 

I  have  conversed  with  Gen.  Robinson  and  one  or  two  personal 
friends,  and  they  are  of  the  same  opinion  you  express,  that  my  name 
should  be  presented  to  the  Convention  in  the  first  instance  so  as  to 
gather  such  support  from  other  States  as  may  not  choose  to  commit 
themselves  to  Blaine  or  Arthur,  and  to  enable  my  friends  in  Ohio  to 
stand  according  to  their  choice.  Personally  I  have  no  desire  to  choose 
between  the  gentlemen  named,  and  have  thus  far  done  nothing  to  secure 
my  own  success,  but,  in  justice  to  others  who  favor  my  nomination, 
I  feel  bound  to  give  them  all  proper  support  in  the  Convention,  and 
if  they  are  successful,  to  do  my  utmost  to  ratify  their  choice. 

During  a  recent  visit  at  Mansfield  I  saw  several  of  the  delegates, 
and  was  happily  disappointed  in  finding  that  the  delegation  is  much 
more  favorable  for  me  than  the  papers  gave  out  at  the  time  of  the 
Convention.  Several  who  were  set  down  as  for  Blaine  are  openly  for 
me,  some  of  whom  I  saw.  Not  less  than  twenty-eight  will  vote  for  me 
on  the  first  ballot,  and  I  had  assurances  that  lead  me  to  believe  that. 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  153 

whenever  their   votes  would  be  effective,  the  whole  delegation  would 
be  united  upon  me. 

As  to  the  person  who  would  most  properly  present  my  name,  the 
few  gentlemen  I  have  spoken  to  think  you,  as  the  chairman  of  the 
delegation,  would  naturally  do  so.  It  has  been  suggested  that  in  a 
certain  contingency,  in  case  Edmunds'  name  is  withdrawn,  that  Senator 
Hoar  would  do  so  cheerfully,  but  I  hope  that  you  will  put  yourself  ; 
ill  a  position  to  make  the  nomination,  if  on  full  consideration  at  Chicago, 
it  is  deemed   best. 

I  am  already  assured  of  slight  scattering  support  from  different 
States,  which  wiU  be  very  largely  reinforced  in  case  of  the  failure  of 
Arthur  or  Blaine  to  receive  the  nomination  on  the  first  or  second  ballot. 

There  are  many  points  about  which  I  should  like  to  confer  with  you, 
but  every  day  has  its  changes,  and  twenty  days  may  give  a  totally 
different  aspect  of  affairs. 

With  many  thanks  for  your  frank  and  kind  letter,  which  I  grate- 
fully appreciate,  I  am  Very  truly  yours, 

John  Sherman. 

Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker. 

I  replied  as  follows: 

May  12,  1884. 
Dear  Sir: — ^Your  letter  of  the  8th  Inst,  is  received.  I  am  glad  that 
you  agree  with  me  in  the  suggestions  I  made.  The  more  I  think  about 
it,  the  more  confirmed  I  am  that  such  is  our  true  course  to  pursue. 
I,  too,  am  satisfied  that  you  have  more  votes  in  the  Ohio  delegation 
than  you  have  been  given  credit  for,  and  I  have  found  that  we  will 
get  some  votes  from  Kentucky,  probably  on  the  first  ballot,  certainly 
on   the   second  or    third. 

I  feel  very  much  complimented  by  your  suggestion  that  I  should 
present  your  name  to  the  Convention.  It  wiU  afford  me  pleasure  to 
do  for  you  anything  I  can,  but  at  the  same  time,  if  you  should  desire  to 
make  any  other  arrangement,  I  want  you  to  feel  perfectly  free  to  do  so. 
I  rather  like  the  idea  of  Senator  Hoar  presenting  your  name.  His  ^  '^ 
character  and  the  State  he  comes  from  and  everything  of  that  sort  is  in 
his  favor.  If  you  prefer,  when  the  time  comes,  that  he  or  any  one 
else  in  preference  to  myself  should  nominate  you,  do  not  hesitate  to 
say  so  to  me,  as,  while  I  should  consider  it  a  very  great  honor  to  put 
you  in  nomination,  yet  I  recognize  fully  your  entire  right  to  control  that 
matter  in  your  own  way,  and  would  not  wish  to  act  for  you  except 
it  be  in  full  accord  with  your  own  judgment  as  to  what  was  for  your 
best  interests.  I  would  be  glad  to  talk  the  situation  over  with  you  at 
some  time  before  the  Convention,  but  fear  I  will  be  unable  to  do  so. 
I  am  very  busily  eng:ag:ed  in  the  courts  and  will  be,  according  to  the 
present  outlook,  until  the  very  day  of  the  Convention,  so  that  I  do  not 
see  how  it  will  be  possible  for  me  to  get  away  from  here.  In  view  of 
this  I  trust  you  will  write  anything  that  it  may  occur  to  your  mind  as 


154  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

proper  for  me  to  know  bearing  upon  the  situation  or  in  regard  to 
anything  you  may  want  done.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.   B.   FOBAEEB. 

Hon.  Johx  Shermax, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

To  this  letter  Mr.  Sherman  answered  as  follows: 

United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

May  16,  1884. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  letter  of  the  12th  is  received. 

My  absence  for  a  day  or  two  in  New  York  explains  the  delay  of 
answer. 

While  I  am  entirely  satisfied  that  Senator  Hoar  would  prefer  my 
nomination  and  freely  says  that  my  nomination  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  yet,  as  he  was  designated  by  a  conven- 
tion that  expressed  a  preference  for  Edmunds,  he  would  undoubtedly 
feel  bound  to  support  him  in  the  first  instance  and  would  not  be  in  a 
situation  to  nominate  me,  or  even  vote  for  me  until  he  was  relieved 
by  the  progress  of  the  balloting  from  the  support  of  Mr.  Edmunds. 
It  is,  therefore,  better,  and  certainly  it  is  agreeable  to  me  to  let  your 
designation  stand.  I  am  now  advised  that  McKinley  wishes  it  dis- 
tinctly understood  that  he  is  for  me,  but  even  in  that  event  I  think 
it  would  be  more  proper  for  you  to  make  the  nomination  as  the  chair- 
man of  the  delegation.  The  position  of  affairs  in  New  York  is  very 
singular.  The  call  for  a  movement  of  business  men  for  Arthur  is 
largely  signed  by  my  personal  friends,  one  of  whom  told  me  that  he 
signed  it  because  he  very  much  opposed  to  Blaine's  nomination,  and 
thought  it  was  the  best  way  to  check  a  tendency  towards  Blaine,  and 
that  Arthur  was  not  feared.  I  had  also  a  free  conversation  with 
Mr.  Evarts,  which  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  repeat,  but  which  was 
very  encouraging. 

I  believe  there  is  a  growing  feeling  among  the  business  men  that 
my  nomination  would  be  best,  though  whether  it  will  find  expression 
before  the  Convention  I  do  not  know.  Both  the  independent  Repub- 
licans and  the  Union  League  Club  will  be  largely  represented,  both  in 
and  out  of  the  Convention,  and  you  can  put  yourself  at  once  into  com- 
munication with  President  White,  Roosevelt,  Mr.  Curtis  and  others 
of  the  New  York  delegation.  I  will  look  over  the  list  of  delegates  a 
week  or  two  before  the  Convention,  and  either  myself  or  secretary  will 
jot  down  such  information  as  I  have  in  regard  to  them  and  will  either 
hand  it  to  Gen.  Robinson  or  send  it  to  you. 

I  send  you  a  copy  of  Ben  Perley  Poore's  Memoirs,  not  so  much  to 
aid  you,  but  I  think  you  will  find  the  dates  correct. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

Hon.  J.  B.  Fo&akeb.  John  Shebman. 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  155 


To  this  letter  I  replied  as  follows: 

CiNciKNATi,  May  21,  1884. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Yours  of  the  16th  inst.  is  received.  I  shall  do  for 
you  the  very  best  I  possibly  can  according  to  my  judgment  and  ability 
in  the  matter  at  Chicago,  with  very  great  appreciation  for  the  honor 
of  being  allowed  to  perform  such  a  service  for  you. 

I  have  been  watching  the  "business  men's  movement"  on  behalf  of 
Arthur  in  New  York;  and,  while  it  has  been  something  I  did  not 
expect  to  see,  yet  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  ultimate  outcome  of  it  will 
be  business  men's  demonstrations  in  your  behalf.  This  is  your  strong 
point,  and  your  friends  will  not  overlook  it.  There  is  no  question  but 
that  your  chances  are  gaining  strength  daily  here,  and  I  think,  from 
aU  I  see,  elsewhere.  The  demonstration  in  favor  of  Arthur  will  but 
emphasize  the  war  between  him  and  Blaine,  and  lead  inevitably  to 
your  very  great  advantage. 

We  are  beginning  to  think  here  that  your  chances  are  first-rate  and 
you  will  be  supported  by  a  large  delegation  and  an  unusual  demon- 
stration from  Cincinnati.  We  will  leave  here  by  special  train  on 
Monday  morning,  the  second  of  June.  If  it  is  possible  for  me  to  do 
so,  I  shall  go  up  Saturday,  but  my .  engagements  are  such  I  fear  I  can 
not  get  away  before  Monday  morning.  I  shall  be  very  much  obliged  to 
you  for  a  list  of  the  delegates,  with  such  notations  with  respect  to 
each  as  you  may  be  able  to  make. 

I  received  the  copy  of  Ben  Perley  Poore's  Memoirs  which  you  sent 
and  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  it. 

I  can  assure  you  that  if  you  are  not  nominated,  you  will  at  least  have 
a  support  which  in  point  of  respectability  you  need  not  be  ashamed  of, 
whatever  it  may  be  in  point  of  numbers,  and  I  trust  we  can  make  Ohio 
practically  a  unit  for  you  from  the  outset.  We  are  beginning  to  touch 
elbows  on  the  matter  and  we  are  much  gratified  with  tlie  results  as 
we  discover  them.  Very  truly  yours, 

J.    B.   FORAKEB. 

HoK.  John  Shermak, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


On  May  25rd,  I  wrote  Mr.  Sherman  as  follows; 

Cincinnati,  May  23,  1884. 
My  Dear  Sir: — Since  I  last  wrote  you  I  have  succeeded  in  arranging 
some  of  my  engagements  here  so  as  to  admit  of  my  going  to  Chicago 
not  later  than  Saturday  morning.  I  have  an  engagement  to  speak  at 
Greenfield,  Ohio,  on  Decoration  Day,  which  is  next  Friday.  I  am 
endeavoring  to  get  that  canceled,  and,  if  I  succeed,  I  shall  go  to  Chicago 
on  Thursday  night.  It  has  transpired  that  parties  will  be  there  as 
early  as  Friday  in  the  active  interest  of  other  candidates,  and  I  think 
it  important  that  we  get  on  the  ground  as  soon  as  others,  and  for  that 
reason  I  shall  go  so  early  and  I  will  endeavor  to  have  our  other  dele- 


156  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

gates  go  with  me  when  I  go  and  have  also  some  outside  gentlemen 
accompany  us.  I  write  this  only  because  when  I  last  wrote  I  feared, 
as  I  said,  that  I  could  not  go  until  Monday  morning,  which  would  be 
a  little  late  perhaps  under  the  circumstances. 

Very  truly  yours, 
Hon.  John  Shermak,  J.  B.  Forakek. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

To  this  letter  Mr.   Sherman  answered  as  follows: 

UNrTED  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

May  26,  1884. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  note  of  the  21st  is  received. 

The  last  few  days  have  brought  to  me  favorable  indications,  of  which 
I  will  advise  you  in  due  time. 

I  should  regret  very  much  if  you  could  not  be  in  Chicago  by  Saturday 
night.  Many  persons  from  different  parts  of  the  United  States  will 
expect  to  meet  you  on  Sunday  or  Monday  to  confer  as  to  plan  of 
organization.  I  will  send  you  by  CaptI  Donaldson,  who  will  meet  you 
there,  some  memoranda  as  to  persons  with  whom  you  may  safely  confer, 
together  with  a  list  of  delegates  duly  marked.  I  send  you  with  this 
a  list  of  delegates  without  notations,  for  I  am  not  prepared  to  make 
them. 

It  has  occurred  to  me — indeed,  it  has  been  suggested  from  a  friendly 
source — that  it  would  be  well  to  divide  the  Ohio  delegation  on  the  first 
ballot  by  consent,  equally  between  Blaine  and  myself. 

Though  probably  a  greater  number  than  twenty-three  would  vote 
for  me  on  the  first  ballot,  according  to  my  information,  yet  the  division 
of  the  vote  would  show  a  friendly  feeling  in  the  delegation  which  would 
probably  lead  to  good  results  afterwards.  This  strikes  me  favorably. 
I  believe  that  among  the  friends  of  Blaine  there  is  a  feeling  that  my 
nomination  would  be  their  second  choice,  and  as  undoubtedly  the  people 
of  Ohio  are  in  many  portions  friendly  to  Blaine,  it  is  not  well  to  have 
any  breach  until  necessary. 

All  this  I  merely  suggest  to  you  to  consider.  At  the  same  time  too 
close  an  alliance  might  lose  us  a  large  vote  not  friendly  to  Blaine  that 
we  may  now  reasonably  hope  for.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

John  Sherman. 

Hon.  J.  B.  Forakeb. 


To  this  letter  I  replied  as  follows: 

Cincinnati,  May  27,  1884. 
My  Dear  Sir: — Your  letter  of  the  25th  inst.  is  received.     I  have  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  my   engagement   for   Decoration   Day  canceled  and 
shall  therefore  go  to  Chicago  Thursday  night.     I  will  be  at  the  Grand 
Pacific  Hotel  from  and  after  Friday  morning.    We  will  do  our  utmost 


DIP    INTO    NATIONAL    POLITICS  157 

to  learn  the  situation  and  to  avoid  antagonisms,  especially  in  the  Ohio 
delegation,  but  I  hope  we  will  be  able  to  do  that  without  conceding  to 
the  Blaine  men  at  any  time  any  more  than  their  actual  strength,  which 
will  be,  in  my  judgment,  much  less  than  one-half  of  the  delegation. 

Mr.  Amor  Smith  will  go  with  me  Thursday  night,  probably  also  two 
or  three  others,  and  Friday  night  quite  a  number  of  other  gentlemen 
will  foUow. 

We  are  feeling  very  greatly  encouraged  about  your  chances.  They 
are  certainly  growing  rapidly  better  with  every  day.  Such  at  least 
is  the  universal  belief  here. 

Any  further  communication  you  may  desire  to  make  to  me  after 
the  receipt  of  this  please  send  to  Chicago. 

Very  truly  yours, 
Hon.  Johk  Sherman,  J.    B.  Fobakeb. 

Washington,  D.  C. 


These  letters  not  only  show  exactly  what  Mr.  Sherman's 
attitude  was  with  respect  to  his  candidacy,  but,  also  show 
what  his  expectations  were  of  support  not  only  from  Ohio, 
but  also  from  the  other  States,  particularly  from  the 
Edmunds  men  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York.  They  also 
disclose  his  request  that  I  present  his  name  to  the  Conven- 
tion. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

CONVENTION  OF  1884. 

ON  my  arrival  at  Chicago  I  met  for  the  first  time  Marcus 
A.  Hanna  and  Charles  L.  Kurtz;  both  of  these  gen- 
tlemen, were  there  to  support  Mr.  Sherman,  Hanna  as  a 
colleague  and  Mr.  Kurtz  as  a  personal  representative  of 
our  candidate. 

These  relations  brought  us  into  close  contact  and  led  to 
many  conferences  and  much  co-operative  work  in  presenting 
the  claims  of  Mr.  Sherman  to  the  different  delegations,  and 
in  endeavoring  to  bring  about  combinations  that  would  be 
helpful  to  our  cause. 

In  this  behalf  we  joined  with  others  in  trying  to  reach 
an  understanding  with  the  supporters  of  the  other  candidates, 
whose  names  were  to  be  presented  to  the  Convention,  with  a 
view  to  consolidating  them  against  Mr.  Blaine,  who  was  rec- 
ognized as  having  more  support  than  anybody  else.  It  was 
feared  he  might  have  a  majority  on  the  first  ballot. 

This  fear  made  us  anxious  to  get  a  test  vote  on  some 
question  before  the  balloting  for  candidates  commenced  that 
would  disclose  how  much  strength  he  really  had. 

With  this  in  view,  after  repeated  conferences,  it  was 
finally  determined  that,  instead  of  accepting  as  the  tem- 
porary Chairman  of  the  Convention  Senator  Powell  Clayton, 
of  Arkansas,  a  Blaine  man,  who  had  been,  in  accordance 
with  precedent,  named  by  the  National  Committee,  we 
would  assert  the  right  of  the  Convention  to  name  its  own 
Chairman  by  nominating  for  that  office  the  Honorable  John 
R.  Lynch,  a  distinguished  colored  man  of  national  promi- 
nence, who  was  a  delegate  from  the  State  of  Mississippi. 

The  proposition  developed  all  the  strength  the  Blaine  men 
could  command  on  the  first  ballot. 
158 


CONVENTION    OF    1884  169 

They  opposed  it  as  a  violation  of  precedent,  as  discour- 
teous to  the  National  Committee,  to  the  distinguished  gen- 
tleman who  had  been  selected  as  Chairman,  and  as  calculated, 
for  these  reasons,  to  arouse  bad  feeling  and  create  contro- 
versy  and   dissatisfaction   in   the   ranks   of   the   party. 

Against  all  these  objections  we  had  in  our  favor  the  fact 
that  it  was  clearly  within  the  right  of  the  Convention  to 
choose  its  own  Chairman,  and  that  no  one  had  a  right  to 
take  exception  to  a  legitimate  action  of  the  Convention  that 
had  such  a  close  relation  to  the  assertion  of  its  own  dignity. 

George  William  Curtis,  Theodore  Roosevelt  and  Senator 
Lodge  and  others  ably  presented  these  points. 

While  we  were  clearly  within  our  rights,  I  am  sure  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  voted  to  substitute  another  for 
the  selection  of  the  National  Committee  disliked  exceedingly 
to  do  so,  and  that  the  movement  would  have  failed  had  it 
not  been  for  the  important  purpose  of  developing  the 
strength  respectively  of  Mr.  Blaine  and  "the  field." 

Mr.  Lynch  was  chosen  by  424f  votes  for  him  to  384  votes 
for  Clayton. 

The  vote  of  the  Ohio  delegation  was  a  disappointment  to 
the  supporters  of  Mr.  Sherman,  chiefly  because  until  that 
lime  they  had  hoped  that  when  it  came  to  the  test  William 
McKinley,  Jr.,  would  vote  with  them,  and  bring  with  him 
to  the  support  of  Mr.  Sherman  a  number  of  the  delegates 
from  his  section  of  the  State.  In  this  they  were  disappointed. 
The  vote  was  as  follows: 

Clatton— William  McKinley,  Jr.,  W.  H.  West,  A.  M.  Pratt,  J.  N. 
High,  R.  W.  McMahon,  W.  C.  Lemert,  O.  T.  Martin,  G.  M.  Eichel- 
berger,  T.  E.  Duncan,  J.  F.  Locke,  C.  L.  Luce,  J.  B.  Rice,  E.  L.  Lybar- 
ger,  C.  H.  Baltzell,  M.  R.  Patterson,  C.  H.  Andrews,  W.  Monagham, 
E.  L.  Lampson,  J.  O.  Converse,  A.  L.  Conger,  T.  D.  Loomis,  Edwin 
Cowles,  A.  C.  Hord— 23. 

Lykch — J.  B.  Foraker,  M.  A.  Hanna,  L.  A.  Staley  (alternate), 
W.  B.  Smith,  C.  Fleischman,  H.  L.  Morey,  M.  J.  W.  Holter,  S.  Craig- 
head, A.  R.  Byrkett,  J.  S.  Robinson,  J.  Morris,  A.  Hart,  B.  F.  Stone 
(alternate),  O.  B.  Gould,  H.  S.  Bundy,  C.  D.  Firestone,  C.  E.  Groce, 
W.  I.  Shriver,  A.  W.  Vorhes,  C.  H.  Vorhis,  E.  G.  Johnson,  W.  L.  Sewell 
— 22.    Absent,  not  voting.  Amor  Smith,  Jr. — 1. 


160  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

We  knew  after  this  vote  had  been  taken  that  it  was  not 
possible  for  Mr.  Blaine  to  be  nominated  on  the  first  ballot; 
we  also  knew  that  on  account  of  the  division  of  the  Ohio 
delegation  there  was  less  chance  than  we  had  supposed  for 
the  success   of  Senator   Sherman. 

What  occurred  subsequently  can  be  better  told,  I  think, 
by  publishing  the  correspondence  with  respect  thereto  that 
passed  between  Senator  Sherman  and  myself. 

After  the  result  had  been  reached  I  wired  him  what  it 
was.     I  received   from  him  in  answer  the  following  letter: 

United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

June  9,  1884. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  telegram  of  the  6th  is  received. 

I  did  not  need  this  to  assure  me  that  you  had  done  all  that  could 
be  done  to  promote  my  nomination,  for  which  I  give  you  my  cordial  and 
hearty  thanks,  without  qualification  or  mental  reservation.  The  division 
in  the  Ohio  delegation  placed  you  in  an  embarrassing  position.  The 
unexpected  defection  of  McKinley  and  the  overwhelming  popular 
demand  for  Blaine  made  your  task  difficult  and  impossible.  I  have  no 
respect  for  the  complaints  of  the  independents,  who  have  no  part  in 
politics  except  to  find  fault.  They  could  easily  have  dictated  the 
nomination,  for,  notwithstanding  the  strong  popular  feeling  for  Blaine, 
there  was  a  sober  sense  that  his  nomination  was  a  dangerous  experiment, 
but  the  failure  to  combine  upon  anyone  made  it  not  only  inevitable 
but  proper.  I  believe  he  can  be  elected;  that  that  feeling  having  been 
yielded  to,  his  popularity  will  overcome  all  difficulties  and  carry  the 
doubtful  states.  Certainly  I  will  do  what  I  can  for  the  success  of  the 
party.    That  is  much  more  important  than  the  triumph  of  any  man. 

Again  I  say  to  you  that  what  you  have  said  and  done  for  me  in  this 
canvass  meets  my  hearty  approbation  and  my  unstinted  thanks.  ,  I  feel 
a  sense  of  relief  now  that  the  contest  is  over,  and  have  no  regrets  at 
the  result.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  I  shall  ever  be  a  candidate 
for  public  office,  and  am,  therefore,  glad  to  say  that  in  you  I  have  found 
a  friend  who  has  been  true  to  the  obligations  of  honor  without  turning 
to  consider  his  own  personal  interest. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

HOK.   J.    B.    FORAKEB.  JOHN    ShERMAK. 

On  my  return  to  Cincinnati  I  wrote  him,  June  9,  1884, 
giving  him  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  everything  done 
at  Chicago  that  in  any  way  concerned  him,  and  telling  him 
that  I  had  been  appointed  a  member  of  the  committee  to 
officially   notify  Mr.   Blaine   and   General   Logan  that   they 


CONVENTION    OF    1884  161 

had  been  nominated.  I  quote  only  the  postscript,  which  in 
the  Hght  of  the  present  is  not  without  interest.  It  was 
as  follows: 

P.  S. — I  found  Mr.  Roosevelt  to  be  a  young  man  of  rather  peculiar 
qualities,  but  sincerely  anxious  to  bring  the  Edmunds  men  to  your 
support.  He  is  a  little  bit  young,  and  on  that  account  has  not  quite 
as  much  discretion  as  he  will  have  after  while,  and  for  that  reason  was 
somewhat  less  influential  than  I  hoped  to  find  him.  He  was,  however, 
your  sincere  friend  and  aided  me  aU  he  possibly  could  throughout  the 
whole  matter.  I  think  it  would  be  very  proper  for  you  to  acknowledge 
his  kindness  in  a  personal  note.  I  want  to  suggest  also  that  you  do 
the  same  as  to  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  of  Boston.  I  found  him  to  be  a 
genuine  good  man.  I  think  him  not  only  absolutely  honest  in  all  that 
he  endeavored  to  do,  but  he  is  a  man  of  culture  and  a  man  of  most 
excellent  judgment.  There  is  nothing  "cranky"  about  him.  I  esteem 
him  most  highly  of  all  the  men  in  that  delegation.  He  is  a  coming  man 
without  doubt  and  I  am  anxious  to  have  you  make  him  your  friend. 
So  please,  in  such  terms  as  may  seem  to  you  to  be  suitable,  thank  him 
for  his  kind  position  with  respect  to  you  throughout  the  matter.  It 
was  not  his  fault  that  Massachusetts  did  not  carry  out  the  programme. 
I  will  tell  you  whose  it  was  when  I  see  you  in  Washington. 

In  due  time  I  received  from  Mr.  Sherman  the  following 
acknowledgment  of  my  extended  report: 

UKrrED  States  Sekate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

June  11,  1884. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Your  very  interesting  letter  of  the  9th  is  duly  received. 
It  is  in  accordance  with  the  observations  I  made  of  the  canvass  as 
it  progressed  and  now,  with  fuller  information  than  when  I  wrote' 
you  last,  I  repeat  again  what  I  then  said,  that  all  you  did  was  entirely 
satisfactory  to  me  and  entitles  you  to  my  grateful  thanks.  Any  sug- 
gestions to  the  contrary  are  false.  If  you  think  it  worth  while,  you 
might  tell  Halstead  to  put  a  paragraph  in  his  paper  to  that  effect, 
and  to  denounce  the  statement  made  in  the  slip  from  the  Sun  as  an 
absolute  falsehood.  I  have  never  intimated  to  mortal  man  any  sug- 
gestion of  the  kind  referred  to,  nor  am  I  "in  the  dumps"  at  all.  I  am 
entirely  content  with  the  situation  and  I  do  not  think  that  the  strong, 
popular  opinion  in  favor  of  Blaine  should  have  been  ignored. 

I  will  follow  your  suggestion  in  respect  to  Mr.  Lodge  and  Mr. 
Roosevelt. 

If  you  come  this  way  in  going  to  Maine  or  returning,  I  should  be 
very  glad  to  see  you  and  have  you  stop  with  me. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

HoK.  J.  6.  FoBAKEB.  JoH2<r  Sheemak*. 


16S  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

This  was  the  first  National  Convention  in  the  proceedings 
of  which  I  participated.  I  had  before  tha;t  time  been 
present  as  a  spectator  at  the  Liberal  Republican  Convention 
of  1872  and  the  National  Republican  Convention  of  1876, 
and  the  Democratic  Convention  that  nominated  Hancock  in 
1880,  all  held  in  Cincinnati. 

I  knew  something,  therefore,  from  observation  of  the 
character  of  such  bodies,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  they 
proceeded  to  accomplish  the  purposes  of  their  creation. 

I  soon  realized,  however,  that  being  a  part  of  the  Con- 
vention, charged  with  the  responsibilities  that  belonged  to 
a  delegate,  and  especially  if  charged  also  with  the  duty  and 
responsibility  of  representing  and  presenting  a  candidate 
for  nomination,  and  protecting  and  advancing  his  interests 
in  every  proper  way,  was  something  quite  different  from 
being  a  mere  looker-on  from  the  galleries,  free  from  all 
personal  accountability. 

The  conferences  were  innumerable,  occupying  all  the 
daytime  and  almost  all  the  nighttime,  preceding  the  Con- 
vention and  during  the  Convention.  These  conferences  have 
no  place  in  the  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention, 
but  they  were  an  important  part  of  it.  This  work  had  been 
so  taxing  upon  the  strength  and  the  mental  operations  neces- 
sary to  keep  up  with  it  that  I  felt  scarcely  able  to  attend 
the  evening  session  at  which  it  was  decided  candidates  should 
be  nominated.  Consequently,  long  before  the  time  came, 
somewhere  near  midnight,  for  me  to  place  Mr.  Sherman's 
name  in  nomination,  I  found  myself  well-nigh  completely 
worn  out  and  exhausted. 

I  feared  I  might  not  be  able  to  discharge  the  task  assigned 
me.  When,  therefore,  Ohio  was  called,  I  went  to  the  plat- 
form with  much  misgiving  as  to  the  result.  I  had  in  mind 
in  a  general  way  what  I  wanted  to  say,  but  I  had  no  par- 
ticular language  in  mind  with  which  to  say  it.  My  speech, 
therefore,  was,  as  some  one  once  facetiously  said,  a  "carefully 
prepared  extemporaneous   speech." 

I  tried  to  adapt  myself  to  the  situation  as  it  then  pre- 
sented itself.     Although  Mr.  Sherman  had  but  few  votes  on 


CONVENTION    OF   1884.  16S 

the  ballots  that  were  cast,  yet  he  had  many  friends,  not  only 
among  the  delegates,  but  also  in  the  galleries.  As  a  result, 
I  had  a  very  cordial  reception.  In  fact,  the  demonstrations 
indicated  so  much  friendship  and  good  will  that  I  forgot 
all  the  disadvantages  under  which  I  was  laboring. 

When  I  faced  the  audience,  the  greatest  and  most  impor- 
tant assemblage  I  had  ever  addressed,  I  not  only  felt  the 
inspiration  of  the  occasion,  but  there  came  to  me  an  assur-^ 
ance  that  enabled  me  to  speak  calmly,  clearly  and  yet 
energetically  and  effectively. 

My  remarks  were  repeatedly  interrupted  with  generous 
rounds  of  applause.     These  also  were  very  helpful. 

One  of  the  interruptions  continued  for  thirteen  minutes, 
and  was  the  climax  of  all  the  demonstrations  of  the 
Convention. 

It  was  innocently  precipitated  by  a  complimentary  allu- 
sion to  Mr.  Blaine.  This  was  my  first  appearance  on  the 
platform  in  national  politics,  and  for  that  reason  I  insert 
the  speech  in  full  as  stenographically  reported  and  published 
in  the  press  of  the  following  day : 

Speech  Nomikating  Me.  Shermak^  1884. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: — If  the  noise  and 
demonstration  and  nominating  and  seconding  speeches,  when  numerically 
considered,  could  either  nominate  a  candidate  or  elect  him  to  be  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  I  would  not,  in  view  of  what  has 
transpired  in  this  hall  tonight,  take  this  stand  to  perform  the  duty 
that  has  been  imposed  upon  me.  But  in  view  of  the  fact  that  such 
results  do  not  necessarily  follow  such  demonstrations,  but  more  par- 
ticularly in  view  of  the  fact  that  these  demonstrations  are  conflicting 
and  these  orators  are  opposing,  I  am  emboldened  to  come  before  you 
that  I  may  in  a  humble  way  say  a  few  plain  words  for  a  very  plain  but 
a  very  great  and  grand  man.  (Loud  applause.)  But,  sir,  first  and  fore- 
most, I  want  to  say  again  here  and  now,  what  I  have  had  occasion  to 
repeat  so  many  times  since  I  came  to  Chicago  to  attend  this  Convention, 
and  that  is  that  Ohio  is  a  Republican  State.  (Applause.)  She  will 
cast  her  electoral  vote  for  the  nominee  of  this  convention.  (Cries  of 
"good,  good,"  and  applause.)  But,  sirs,  she  claims  no  credit,  and 
she  asks  no  favor  on  that  account.  She  would  be  untrue  to  herself  if 
she  did  otherwise.  She  could  not  do  less  without  injustice  to  the 
memory  and  teachings  of  a  long  line  of  distinguished  sons  who  have 
won  imperishable  renown  for  themselves  and  their  country,  both  on  the 
field  and  in  the  Cabinet,    I  am  not  here,  therefore,  to  ask  anything  for 


164  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

her  or  in  her  name  as  a  condition  precedent.  On  the  contrary,  let  it 
be  distinctly  understood  that  whatever  she  may  do  in  other  years — 
and  I  happen  to  know  that  she  sometimes  acts  strangely  (laughter  and 
applause) — she  never  failed  to  carry  our  flag  to  victory  in  Presidential 
campaigns.  She  has  always  been  ready  to  enthusiastically  follow  the 
chosen  leader  of  the  party,  and  she  was  never  more  so  than  at  the 
present  time.  Today,  as  in  the  past,  her  highest  ambition  is  that  with 
her  October  election  she  may  worthily  and  victoriously  lead  the  Repub- 
lican column.  (Loud  applause.)  If,  therefore,  it  be  true  that  in  the 
past  she  has  enjoyed  distinguished  favor,  she  humbly  hopes  it  has  been 
no  more  than  a  just  recognition  accorded  by  her  generous  sister  States. 
And  if  she  is  proud  of  the  names  of  Grant  and  Sherman,  and  Sheridan 
and  McPherson,  and  Chase  and  Stanton,  and  Hayes  and  Garfield,  it  is 
only  because,  for  their  illustrious  services  to  the  whole  people,  the 
whole  people  are  proud  of  them  also.  (Applause.)  And  if  for  these 
distinguished  men  Ohio  first  claimed  national  consideration  and  honor, 
it  was  not  because  they  were  her  sons,  but  only  because,  the  better 
knowing  their  worth,  she  put  them  forward  for  the  common  good.  She 
has  had  no  selfish  purposes  to  subserve.  She  has  none  such  today. 
She  fully  recognizes  and  appreciates  the  fact  that  what  is  best  for  the 
whole  Republican  Party  is  best  also  for  her. 

Moved  by  no  other  feeling,  she  has  a  name  to  place  before  this 
Convention.  You  have  heard  it  before.  From  one  end  of  this  land  to 
the  other  it  is  as  familiar  as  a  household  word.  It  is  the  name  of  a 
man  who  has  been  an  acknowledged  leader  of  the  Republican  Party 
for  the  last  thirty  years.  He  is  identified  with  every  triumph  of  our 
most  wonderful  career.  He  stood  at  the  forefront  in  the  struggle  with 
slavery.  He  was  a  very  pillar  of  strength  to  the  government  in  its 
death  grapple  with  secession.  His  personal  impress  is  upon  every  line 
of  reconstruction,  and  when  our  national  integrity  had  been  preserved 
by  the  valor  of  our  soldiers  in  the  field,  and  there  came  that  wild  and 
senseless  mania  of  inflation  that  threatened  to  sweep  the  country  and 
tarnish  the  national  honor,  it  was  his  luck  to  stand  in  the  breach  as 
no  other  man  stood.  (Applause.)  Save  only  the  war,  that  was  the 
greatest  danger  that  ever  menaced  the  American  people.  A  failure 
to  resume  specie  payments  in  1879  would  have  been  almost  as  thoroughly 
fatal  to  this  republic  as  would  have  been  success  for  Lee  at  Gettysburg. 
It  was  patriotic  courage  and  heroism  in  the  one  case  no  more  than  in 
the  other  that  saved  the  day  and  accomplished  for  us  the  sublime 
results  in  which  we  have  ever  since  rejoiced.  The  people  of  this  country 
know  and  appreciate  that  fact,  and  they  still  have  a  profoundly  grateful 
recollection  of  the  services  thus  rendered;  and  this  is  especially  true  at 
this  particular  time,  when  Wall  street  gambling  and  what  you  charac- 
terized in  the  platform  this  day  adopted  as  Democratic  horizontal 
reduction,  have  done  their  bad  work.  The  flood  tide  of  prosperity  has 
been  arrested  and  we  have  been  brought  through  the  several  stages  of 
stagnation  and  decline  to  the  very  verge  of  business  demoralization  and 
panic.  Confidence  has  been  shaken  and  impaired;  its  restoration  is  to 
be  the  controlling  question  of  the  coming  campaign,  and  if  we  would 


CONVENTION    OF   1884  165 

act  wisely  here,  we  must  recognize  that  fact  and  make  our  nomination 
accordingly.  What  man,  then,  of  all  those  presented  to  this  body  for 
consideration,  most  fittingly  and  completely  meets  the  requirements 
of  this  situation?  In  answering  that  question,  I  can  say  as  others  have 
said  here  tonight,  that  I  have  no  thought  or  word  of  detraction  or 
disparagement  for  any  other  name  that  you  will  be  called  upon  to 
consider;  and  in  the  language  of  that  platform,  as  it  was  read  by  our 
friend  from  New  York  here  tonight,  I,  too,  can  say  and  I  do  say  without 
hesitation,  that  under  the  present  chief  magistrate  we  have  had  a  wise, 
a  conservative  and  a  patriotic  administration,  (Applause.)  And  I  say 
also,  that  no  man's  admiration  is  greater  than  mine  for  that  brilliant 
genius  from  Maine.  (Applause  long  continued  and  described  by  the 
reporter  as  follows): 

Another  boisterous  demonstration  followed  this  mention  of  the 
man  from  Maine,  which  in  vehemence  and  fervor  on  the  part  of  the 
audience  and  comparative  apathy  on  the  part  of  the  delegates,  outdid 
all  former  ebullitions.  To  the  tune  of  the  most  discordant  yeUs 
from  the  galleries,  hats,  flags,  handkerchiefs  and  articles  of  wearing 
apparel  were  flashed  and  fluttered  wildly  about,  until  the  air  trem- 
bled with  the  concussion.  One  enthusiastic  gentleman  seized  a  flag- 
staff and  the  plumed  floral  helmet  was  paraded  around  the  hall, 
drawing  out  a  still  more  frantic  outburst  of  yells  and  shrieks.  In 
the  midst  of  the  uproar  the  band  struck  up  some  indistinguishable 
tune,  but  the  throat  capacity  of  the  audience  was  more  than  equal 
to  the  emergency,  and  the  bazoo-rippers  and  drum-thumpers  were 
drowned  out  as  effectually  as  if  they  had  been  playing  against 
the  rolling  thunder  of  Niagara.  After  some  twelve  or  thirteen 
minutes  of  bedlam,  the  audience  responded  to  the  summons  of  the 
gavel  and  subsided  into  semi-silence.  Judge  Foraker  resumed  as 
follows : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: — I  shall  not  compliment  anybody  else 
until  I  come  to  my  own  man.  And  resuming,  permit  me  to  remind  you 
that  you  have  violated  an  old,  time-honored  maxim,  "Never  to  holler 
until  you  get  out  of  the  woods."  (Cheers  and  applause.)  You  should 
not  do  so,  for  I  may  want  to  say  something  now  that  you  will  not  want 
to  applaud;  for  that  which  I  want  to  say  further  to  this  convention 
is  this,  that  what  we  want,  what  we  must  have,  what  we  stand  here 
tonight  charged  with  is  the  grave  and  responsible  duty  of  laying  the 
foundation  for  success  in  November  next,  and  to  that  end,  that  we 
may  have  that  success,  we  must  nominate  a  man  who  will  make  not 
only  a  good  President,  but  the  best  possible  candidate.  (Cheers  and 
applause.)  That  is  what  we  want,  and  to  that  end  we  want  a  man 
who  is  distinguished,  not  so  much  for  the  brilliancy  of  his  genius  as 
for  that  other  safer,  better  and  more  assuring  quality,  the  brilliancy 
of  common  sense.  (Applause.)  We  not  only  want  a  man  who  is  a 
pronounced  Republican,  thoroughly  tried  in  the  crucial  tests  of  expe- 
rience (at  this  moment  the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  loud  and  con- 
tinuous calls  of  the  name  of  Blaine),  but  we  want  also  a  man  whose 
very  name  will  allay  instead  of  exciting  the  distrust  that  disturbs  the 


166  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

industrial  interests  of  this  country.  (Applause.)  He  must,  of  course, 
as  gentlemen  have  eloquently  said  from  this  platform  tonight,  be  a 
friend  to  human  liberty,  to  equality  of  rights.  (Cries  of  "Blaine"  from 
the  gallery  and  all  over  the  house.)  He  could  not  be  a  Republican  if 
he  were  not.  He  must  believe,  as  it  has  been  well  said,  in  the  protec- 
tion of  American  citizens  at  home  as  well  as  abroad.  Not  only  that,  but 
he  must  be  a  man  who  can  find,  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of 
this  country,  some  method  whereby  the  brutal  butcheries  of  Danville 
and  Copiah  may  be  prevented.  (Applause.)  Not  only  he  must  believe 
in  these  things,  but  there  is  one  thing  in  which  our  platform  reminded 
us  today  he  must  not  believe,  and  that  is  a  substantial  reduction  of 
the  duties  on  iron  and  steel  and  wool.  On  the  contrary,  he  must  believe, 
and  that,  too,  in  the  most  unqualified  sense,  just  as  we  have  declared 
here  today,  in  the  protection  of  American  industries,  the  development 
of  American  resources,  and  in  the  elevation  and  dignity  of  American 
labor  (applause) ;  and  not  only  must  he  believe  in  these  elementary  and 
fundamental  propositions  of  Republicanism,  but  he  must  have  a  record 
so  clear,  so  bright,  as  to  not  only  challenge,  but  defy  criticism  and 
assault,  and  at  the  same  time  make  him  a  representative  of  all  the 
highest  and  purest  motives  and  aspirations  of  the  great  Republican 
Party;  and  over  and  above  all  this  he  must  be  a  man  in  whom  the 
people  believe.     (Cries  of  "Blaine!  Blaine!") 

Judge  Foraker  (continuing):  Oh,  no,  sir,  no,  sir, — not  simply  that 
he  is  honest,  not  simply  that  he  is  capable,  not  simply  that  he  loves 
Republicanism  and  hates  Democracy,  not  simply  that  he  is  loyal  and 
patriotic,  but  that  combined  with  all  these  essential  attributes  he 
possesses,  by  reason  of  his  experience,  that  essential  qualification  that 
makes  him  most  potent  to  deliver  us  from  the  evils  that  threaten  our 
present  safety.  Nominate  such  a  man  and  victory  is  assured;  we  wiU 
have  four  more  years  of  Republican  rule,  during  which  time  this  repub- 
lic will  continue  to  grow  with  greatness  at  home  and  increased  respect 
abroad.    As  such  a  man  I  nominate  John  Sherman  of  Ohio.    (Applause.) 


The  speech  was  not  only  well  received  by  the  Convention 
and  by  the  audience  in  the  galleries,  but  by  the  newspapers 
of  the  country.  All  spoke  kindly  and  most  of  them  with 
great  praise. 

The  following  are  only  fair  samples  of  what  substantially 
all  said.     The  Cincinnati  Commercial  said: 

The  speech  of  Judge  Foraker  nominating  Sherman,  was  a  very 
striking  success,  delivered  with  energy,  yet  calmly,  with  an  impressive 
manner  and  a  voice  that  rang  and  was  penetrating.  He  referred  to 
Arthur,  and  a  pleasant  reference  to  Blaine  set  the  tempest  from  Maine 
loose  again  and  gave  the  boys  a  chance  to  deliver  the  most  astounding 
roar  of  the  night.  The  speech  was  judicious  and  strong.  The  friends 
of  the  eloquent  young  leader  may  safely  congratulate  him  upon  his 
splendid  effort.    He  made  his  mark  upon  the  convention. 


CONVENTION    OF    1884  167 

Another  report  said: 

In  nominating  Sherman  Judge  Foraker  received  quite  an  ovation. 
He  was  listened  to  with  great  attention.  Nobody  who  heard  Foraker 
could  doubt  his  loyalty  to  John  Sherman.  It  was  peculiar  that  while 
the  Sherman  part  of  the  Ohio  delegation  refused  to  participate  in  the 
Blaine  demonstration,  the  entire  delegation  joined  in  the  applause  for 
Sherman.  Foraker  spoke  of  Arthur.  There  were  a  few  cheers.  Then 
he  expressed  his  admiration  for  that  brilliant  chieftain  of  Maine.  The 
Blaine  fever  broke  out  again.  Foraker  gave  Blaine,  merely  by  an 
incidental  reference,  the  biggest  boost  he  has  had  yet.  The  galleries 
got  uncontrollable.  The  white  plume  was  seized  and  put  on  top  of 
a  starry  flag,  and  amid  the  wildest  imaginable  scenes  it  was  carried 
around  the  center  aisle.  Foraker  conducted  himself  amazingly  under 
the  ordeal.  He  made  a  good  point  when  quiet  again  reigned  over  the 
convention,  by  reminding  his  hearers  that  they  should  not  shout  until 
they  were  out  of  the  woods. 

Foraker's  speech  was  not  ambitious  in  its  style,  but  was  the  best 
that  was  made. 


Looking  over  the  newspaper  reports  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Convention  to  refresh  my  recollection,  I  have  noticed 
that  the  reporters  indulged  in  some  pen  pictures  of  the  most 
prominent  actors.  Some  of  these  are  interesting  enough, 
in  view  of  subsequent  events,  to  justify  their  reproduction, 
especially  the  following: 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge  was  called,  and  a  tall  young  man  with  crisp, 
short  hair,  the  same  kind  of  full  beard  and  an  appearance  of  half-shut 
eyes,  arose,  and  spoke  in  a  clear,  rasping  voice.  He  wore  a  coat  closely 
buttoned,  and  appeared  to  be  on  his  good  behavior. 

Hamilton  Fish,  Jr.,  was  called,  and  he  arose.  He  is  of  medium  height, 
with  a  brown  mustache,  parted  nearly  in  the  middle  as  is  his  hair,  and 
presenting  a  prominent  nose.  He  was  dressed  in  a  closely-buttoned 
cutaway  coat,  high,  straight  collar,  light-colored  scarf,  and,  like  Wm. 
Walter  Phelps,  who  appeared  in  banged  hair,  was  properly  English  in 
appearance.  So  was  Lodge,  after  the  manner  of  the  young  Anglo- 
maniac,  along  with  Roosevelt.  But  in  this  respect  all  were  laid  in  the 
shade  by  Curtis,  with  his  intensely  intellectual  John  Bull  face,  mutton 
chop  whiskers  and  hair,  parted  evenly  in  the  center  and  slightly  banged. 

Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  baldheaded,  baby-faced  and  spectacled, 
irresistibly  suggests  a  cross  between  Greeley  and  Pickwick. 

George  William  Curtis,  of  New  York,  spoke  smoothly  and  well.  It 
was  noticed  that  all  the  men  of  this  section  had  their  hair  parted  in  the 
middle,  banged  in  front,  wore  an  eyeglass,  rolled  their  r's  and  pro- 
nounced the  word  either  with  the  i  sound  instead  of  the  e. 

Roosevelt,  Fish  and  Lodge  applauded  with  the  tips  of  their  fingers, 
held  immediately  in  front  of  their  noses. 


168  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  person  attracting  the  most  attention  was  Roosevelt,  who  is  a 
rather  dudish-looking  boy  with  eyeglasses  and  an  Olympian  scowlet- 
for-a-cent.     .     .     . 

Another  account,  giving  the  closing  scenes  of  the  Con- 
vention, said: 

After  the  exhibition  that  young  Roosevelt  and  George  W.  Curtis 
made  of  themselves  in  this  convention  it  will  not  do  for  them  any  more 
to  play  the  part  of  goody-goody  censors  of  ordinary  party  methods. 
Curtis  allied  himself  with  the  machine,  and  Roosevelt  acted  as  badly 
as  a  ward  politician.  He  may  have  ability,  but  he  has  also  an  inex- 
haustible supply  of  insufferable  dudism  and  conceit,  and  he  has  a 
brassy  impudence  that  will  some  day  be  fittingly  rebuked.  It  will  not 
be  forgotten  that  the  gentlemen  from  the  East  were  the  only  ones  who 
pouted  and  sulked  like  whipped  school  boys  when  all  the  rest  of  the 
great  army  of  the  defeated  were  enthusiastically  shouting  the  great  and 
glorious  name  of  Blaine. 

It  would  seem  that  this  man  had  both  ideas  and  imagination. 
However  that  may  be,  the  newspaper  boys  and  cartoonists 
have  keen  perception,  a  lively  sense  of  humor  and  much 
amusement  at  the  expense  of  other  people. 

At  this  Convention  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  great 
many  men  from  other  States,  who  were  warm  and  much 
appreciated  friends  in  later  years. 

I  have  already  mentioned  ex-President  Roosevelt  and 
Senator  Lodge.  Among  others  were  John  B.  Henderson 
of  Missouri,  the  permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention; 
Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  and  Governor  John  D.  Long  of 
Massachusetts,  the  latter  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under 
McKinley ;  William  O.  Bradley  of  Kentucky,  afterward 
Governor  of  his  State,  and  a  Senator  of  the  United  States; 
Roswell  G.  Horr  of  Michigan,  a  distinguished  member  of 
Congress,  and  Russell  A.  Alger,  Secretary  of  War  under 
McKinley  and  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  at  the  time 
of  his  death;  John  M.  Thurston  of  Nebraska,  Shelby  M. 
CuUom  of  Illinois,  Morgan  G.  Bulkeley  of  Connecticut,  Julius 
C.  Burrows  of  Michigan,  Cushman  K.  Davis  of  Minnesota, 
and  Redfield  Proctor  of  Vermont,  all  afterward  Senatorial 
colleagues. 

I  there  also  renewed  my  acquaintance  with  ex-President 
White  of  Cornell,  who,  without  any  knowledge  on  my  part 


CONVENTION    OF    1884  169 

that  he  intended  to  do  so,  and  notwithstanding  I  had  declined 
to  allow  my  name  to  be  used  for  the  place,  honored  me  with 
his  vote  for  Vice  President. 

The  Notification  of  Mr.  Blaine. 

I  was  surprised,  but  gratified,  to  find  it  announced  in  the 
newspapers  a  few  days  after  my  return  to  Cincinnati,  that 
I  had  been  appointed  to  represent  Ohio  on  the  committee 
charged  with  the  duty  of  officially  notifying  Mr.  Blaine  of 
his  nomination,  and  that  the  members  of  the  committee 
were  notified  to  meet,  June  20th,  at  the  Parker  House,  in 
Boston,  preparatory  to  going  from  there  in  a  body  to 
Augusta,  Maine,  to  discharge  that  duty  on  Saturday, 
June  21st. 

I  arrived  at  the  Parker  House  at  the  time  designated. 
I  was  accompanied  by  my  son,  J.  B.  Foraker,  Jr.,  then  only 
twelve  years  of  age.  I  registered  as  J.  B.  Foraker  and  son. 
I  had  hardly  reached  the  rooms  assigned  us  when  I  heard 
some  one  knocking  at  the  door.  I  opened  it  to  find  myself 
confronted  by  a  local  reporter  for  one  of  the  Boston  papers. 
He  inquired  if  my  father  was  in.  I  told  him,  "No,  he  was 
not  there."  He  then  asked,  "Where  is  he?"  and  seemed 
greatly  surprised  when  I  told  him  he  was  at  his  home  in 
Ohio,  or  was  when  I  last  heard  from  him.  It  then  developed 
thiat,  looking  at  the  register,  and  seeing  that  I  was  accom- 
panied by  my  son,  he  thought,  in  view  of  my  youthful 
appearance,  I  must  be  the  son. 

This  incident  in  time  got  into  the  press,  and  became  the 
subject  of  a  good  deal  of  comment,  some  of  it  rather 
amusing. 

I  mention  it  only  as  indicating  that  there  must  have  been 
some  ground,  so  far  as  my  appearance  was  concerned,  for 
the  objection  made  to  me  the  year  before  in  my  campaign 
for  Governor,  that  I  was  too  young  for  such  a  great  office. 
That  was  an  objection  that  time  could  and  did  cure,  but  the 
objection  urged  in  the  recent  primary  that  I  was  too  old 
was  more  serious  and  more  effective. 

On  my  way  with  the  committee  from  Boston  to  Augusta 
I  for  the  first  time  met  Thomas  B.  Reed,  with  whom  I  had 


170  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

a  rather  close  acquaintance  always  afterward  until  he  resigned 
from  Congress.  He  was  one  of  the  brainiest  men  I  have 
ever  known.  You  could  not  talk  with  him  on  any  subject 
without  becoming  impressed  with  his  mental  force  and  power. 
Knowing  him  by  reputation  as  a  lawyer  of  unusual  ability, 
it  occurred  to  me  to  ask  him  how  it  was  he  could  find  time 
and  get  the  consent  of  his  mind  to  go  to  Congress.  He 
answered  in  that  drawling  tone  with  which  all  who  knew 
him  were  so  familiar,  that  he  had  asked  himself  that  ques- 
tion many  times,  but  had  never  been  able  to  get  but  one 
satisfactory  answer,  and  that  was  "to  beat  the  other  feller." 

He  was  noted  for  his  effective  repartee.  On  one  occasion 
he  was  engaged  in  a  sharp  colloquy  with  one  of  the  Demo- 
cratic leaders  of  the  House,  who  was  credited  with  Presi- 
dential hopes  and  aspirations.  In  answering  something 
Mr.  Reed  had  said,  he  remarked  that  he  "would  rather  be 
right  than  be  President."  Mr.  Reed  not  only  scored  a  laugh 
upon  his  opponent,  but  made  him  the  subject  of  much 
ridicule  by  retorting,  "The  gentleman  need  not  trouble 
/^himself;  he'll  never  be  either." 

The  committee  was  composed  of  very  distinguished  men 
and  all  the  formalities  appropriate  for  such  a  function  were 
observed  and  executed  with  great  care  and  dignity. 

I  first  met  Mr.  Blaine  when  he  came  to  Cincinnati  to 
speak  in  the  Hayes  Campaign  of  1876,  but  I  had  not  seen 
anything  of  him  in  the  meanwhile.  He  had  a  charming 
personality  under  all  circumstances,  but  he  was  at  his  best 
when  addressing  a  popular  audience.  He  was  a  speaker  of 
not  only  commanding  presence,  but  of  marked  ability.  The 
tones  of  his  voice  were  agreeable.  His  argument  was 
always  clear,  concise  and  logical,  yet  so  simple  as  to  be 
easily  within  the  comprehension  of  the  most  ordinary  under- 
standing.    He  had  the  faculty  of  making  everything  plain. 

His  speech  on  this  occasion  was  delivered  on  his  lawn 
from  manuscript.  It  was  brief,  simple  and  appropriate. 
The  best  thing  connected  with  it  was  its  unostentatious 
but  impressive  delivery. 

The  personal  acquaintance  renewed  on  that  day  con- 
tinued until  his  death.     I  should  have  participated  in  the 


CONVENTION    OF   1884  171 

campaign  had  I  not  participated  in  the  Convention;  but 
under  all  the  circumstances  I  regarded  it  as  a  special  duty 
to  give  every  help  I  could  render,  especially  after  the  bolt 
of  the  Mugwumps  under  the  leadership  of 

George  William  Curtis  and  Carl  Schurz. 

I  had  first  met  Curtis  at  Cornell  in  1869,  when  I  attended 
a  course  of  lectures  he  gave  there  on  literature. 

I  had  repeated  conferences  with  him  at  Chicago.  He 
knew  all  the  while  that  the  chances  were  decidedly  in  favor 
of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine.  The  purpose  of  his  con- 
ferences with  the  men  of  the  different  delegations  was  to 
prevent  that  result,  but  never  at  any  time  did  he  intimate 
that  in  the  event  of  defeat  he  would  bolt  the  nomination 
and  assist  to  defeat  our  nominee. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  nine-tenths  of  the  men  who  were 
conferring  with  him  and  acting  in  accord  with  him  would 
have  refused  to  confer  with  him  further  or  to  co-operate 
with  him  in  any  way  had  he  at  any  time  stated,  or  even 
intimated  that  in  the  event  of  Mr.  Blaine's  nomination  he 
would  refuse  to  support  him  and  join  with  the  common 
enemy  in  bringing  about  a  Democratic  victory  and  a 
Democratic  administration. 

He  was  a  man  of  high  character  in  many  respects,  who 
had  many  lovable  qualities,  for  which  he  was  esteemed, 
admired  and  kindly  regarded  by  all  who  knew  him,  but  he 
was  nevertheless  an  impracticable  idealist,  to  whom  it 
apparently  never  occurred  that,  acting  as  he  did,  with  those 
whose  co-operation  he  sought,  bound  him  as  an  honorable 
man  to  stand  by  the  action  of  the  Convention,  unless  for 
some  new  reason,  not  heard  of  until  the  nomination  was 
made,  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  refuse  that  support.  Nor  did 
it  seem  to  occur  to  him  that  his  action  at  the  Convention, 
followed  by  his  leading  part  in  the  defection  that  defeated 
us,  was  more  dishonorable  than  anything  with  which  Mr. 
Blaine  was  charged,  even  though  it  had  been  true,  which  it 
was  not,  any  more  than  were  the  charges  against  Garfield 
true,  which  did  not  interfere  with  his  support  of  that  can- 
didate.    But  it  was  not  simply  a  case  of  idealism.     It  was 


17^  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

far  more  a  case  of  bossism.  I  have  observed  that  most 
men  who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  my  time  by  loud 
profession  of  superior  virtues  and  devotion  to  reform,  have 
been  men  who  would  violate  every  precept  they  preached  for 
the  sake  of  forcing  their  views  upon  others,  and  then  sulk 
and  refuse  to  play  if  they  could  not  have  their  way.  This 
was  true  not  only  of  Curtis,  but  also,  and  even  more  so,  of 
Carl  Schurz,  his  chief  assistant  in  the  Mugwump  movement. 
I  have  already  mentioned  that  I  served  with  him  for  a  few 
weeks  near  the  close  of  the  war  on  General  Slocum's  staff. 

He  was  always  an  intensely  interesting  personality,  even 
when  not  in  accord  with  you,  but  he  was  aggravatingly 
stubborn  at  times. 

He  was  assigned  to  General  Slocum  after  the  army 
reached  Raleigh,  N.  C,  in  1865,  for  such  duty  as  the 
General  might  designate.  General  Slocum  had  served  with 
him  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  remembered  hira 
rather  distrustfully  as  a  commander  of  troops  in  connection 
with  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville.  Slocum  was  embar- 
rassed to  know  what  to  do  with  him.  He  had  no  chance  at 
that  time  to  give  him  a  command  commensurate  with  his 
rank,  which  was  that  of  Major  General,  without  displacing 
some  General  whom  he  preferred.  For  the  time  being, 
therefore,  he  made  him  a  sort  of  nominal  chief  of  staff. 
On  account  of  the  surrender  of  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  which 
followed  so  soon  afterward,  and  the  evident  nearness  of  the 
close  of  the  war,  he  did  not  remain  with  us  very  long,  but 
long  enough  for  me  to  have  with  him  a  number  of  conver- 
sations, not  only  about  our  own  country  and  the  trouble- 
some questions  that  would  arise  when  the  war  was  over,  but 
also  about  his  own  country  and  the  cause  of  his  leaving  it 
and  becoming  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  He  was  never 
quite  satisfied.  He  was  generally  positively  dissatisfied. 
He  had  been  a  revolutionist  in  Germany  and  had  become 
a  chronic  political  disturber  here.  He  passed  back  and 
forth  between  the  parties  as  freely  and  almost  as  frequently 
as  he  traveled  from  one  city  to  another.  He  had  been  a 
Republican  Senator  from  Missouri,  but  had  helped  organize 


CONVENTION    OF    1884  173 

the  Liberal  Republican  Party  that  opposed  Grant's  nomi- 
nation in  1872.  He  got  back,  however,  into  the  Republican 
Party  in  time  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Interior  under  Hayes. 
He  had  now  been  out  of  office  for  four  years,  and  was  ready 
for  another  revolt,  in  which  he  promptly  engaged. 

Knowing  these  men  as  I  did,  and  feeling  they  had  no 
just  excuse  for  setting  on  foot  the  movement  they  led,  I 
regarded  it  an  especial  duty  for  all  who  were  loyal  Repub- 
licans to  take  an  active  part  in  the  campaign. 

In  so  far  as  I  could  I  accepted  all  invitations.  As  ft 
result  I  spoke  during  the  campaign  not  only  throughout 
Ohio,  but  also  in  Maine,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  Penn- 
sylvania, Indiana,  Virginia  and  in  a  number  of  the  western 
States. 

In  company  with  Senator  Hanna  and  others,  I  met  Mr. 
Blaine  at  Buffalo  when  on  his  way  to  Ohio,  and  remained 
with  him  most  of  the  time  he  spent  in  our  State  that  year. 

I  was  active  in  helping  to  organize  what  was  at  the  time 
intended  to  be  a  club  for  only  that  campaign,  but  which, 
made  permanent,  has  come  to  be  known  under  the  name  of  the 

Young  Men's  Blaine  Club, 

as  one  of  the  most  famous  political  organizations  in  the 
country. 

I  had  the  honor  at  their  request  to  suggest  their  well- 
known  motto,  "Vim,  Vigor  and  Victory." 

In  an  address  delivered  from  the  balcony  of  the  Burnet 
House,  held  under  the  auspices  of  this  club,  Mr.  Blaine 
took  occasion,  in  the  course  of  his  speech,  prompted  by  the 
name  of  the  club,  to  address  himself  especially  to  young 
men.  This  part  of  his  speech  was  a  classic,  so  pronounced 
by  all  who  heard  or  read  it,  without  regard  to  whether  they 
agreed  with  his  political  views  or  not.  He  had  been  so  much 
maligned  that  he  was  greatly  misunderstood  by  the  people 
of  our  State.  This  speech  did  much  to  correct  false  impres- 
sions. All  agreed  there  could  not  be  anything  very  bad 
about  a  man  who  could  express  such  thoughts.  All  his 
speeches  were  helpful,  but  this  one  was  of  such  lofty  char- 
acter that  it  aided  more  than  any  other  to  secure  him  our 
electoral  .vote. . 


1T4  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

His  defeat,  especially  by  so  narrow  a  margin,  and  for 
such  aggravating  and  unlooked-for  reasons  as  those  which 
I'ost  him  the  thirty-six  electoral  votes  of  New  York  by  a 
plurality  of  the  popular  vote  for  Mr.  Cleveland  of  only 
one  thousand  one  hundred  and  forty-nine,  seemed  to  me 
like  not  only  a  great  national  and  party  calamity,  but  also 
like  a  personal  bereavement.  It  was  the  case  of  Henry  Clay 
over  again,  only  worse  in  some  respects. 

I  felt  that  it  not  only  put  upon  us  a  great  public  duty 
to  fight  for  the  cause  of  Republicanism  and  re-establish  it, 
but  that  we  had  a  great  moral  duty  of  vindication  resting 
upon  us  that  would  not  be  discharged  until  we  had  reversed 
the  verdict  of  1884. 

This  had  much  to  do  with  my  continuing  in  politics  and 
again  becoming  a  candidate  for  Governor  in  1885. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

AGAIN   NOMINATED   FOR   GOVERNOR. 

THE  election  of  1884  was  scarcely  out  of  the  way  when 
the  Republicans  of  Ohio  commenced  discussing  the 
campaign  of  1885,  and  especially  the  nomination  for  Gov- 
ernor. It  quickly  developed  that  there  would  be  a  number 
of  candidates. 

General  John  Beatty  of  Columbus,  who  had  commanded 
a  brigade  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  a  gallant  soldier 
and  a  very  able  man,  and  also  General  Robert  P.  Kennedy 
of  Bellefontaine,  another  ex-soldier  who  had  distinguished 
himself  on  the  firing  line  and  who  was  a  ver}'^  able  cam- 
paigner, had  their  respective  friends  who  vigorously  advo- 
cated their  claims.  They  were  both  well  known  over  the 
State,  and  both  had  many  followers  and  champions,  not  only 
among  the  voters,  but  among  the  newspapers. 

William  G.  Rose  of  Cleveland,  who  was  the  candidate 
for  Lieutenant  Governor  on  the  ticket  with  me  in  1883, 
was  also  popular  in  his  part  of  the  State,  and  there  was  a 
strong  disposition  to  give  him  the  support  of  Cuyahoga 
and  some  of  the  surrounding  counties. 

My  name  was  prominently  mentioned  from  the  beginning 
and  pretty  generally  over  the  State,  but  I  felt  that  I  had 
been  favored  with  the  honor  in  1883,  and  that  I  ought  not 
to  ask  for  another  chance,  and  determined  I  would  not, 
except  in  a  receptive  way. 

Another  reason  why  I  was  reluctant  to  become  a  can- 
didate even  in  a  receptive  way  was  that  my  law  practice 
was  rapidly  growing  and  I  was  anxious  to  devote  to  it  all 
my  time,  strength  and  energy. 

It  proved  rather  difficult  to  adhere  to  the  attitude  I 
assumed,  but  I  maintained  it  to  the  end,  notwithstanding 
I  had  to  defend  myself  against  some  rather  vicious  attacks 

175 


176  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

from  enemies  within  the  party  who  sought  to  stir  up 
opposition  to  my  renomination,  especially  among  the  col- 
ored voters. 

A  war  of  this  kind — ^to  alienate  the  colored  vote — ^had 
been  made  upon  me  during  the  campaign  of  1883  by 
Democrats.  It  was  revived  and  made  over  again  this  time 
by  Republicans. 

Governor  Hoadly  had  been  a  strong  anti-slavery  man, 
who  was  noted  for  his  friendship  for  the  colored  race. 

The  attack  was  made  in  1883  to  defeat  my  election.  It 
was  made  in  1885  to  defeat  my  renomination. 

It  did  not  prove  to  be  a  very  serious  matter  when  fathered 
by  Democrats,  who  made  the  attack  in  the  interest  of  the 
Democratic  Party;  but  it  assumed  serious  proportions  when 
fathered  by  Republicans,  and  was  made  by  Republicans  in 
the  interest  of  such  distinguished  Republicans  and  ex-Union 
soldiers  as  those  who  were  seeking  the  nomination  in  1885. 

There  were  two  grounds  for  the  attack,  both  relied  upon 
in  1883  and  both  brought  forth  again  in  1885.  They  were, 
in  the  first  place,  a  silly  story  to  the  effect  that  I  left  the 
Ohio  Wesleyan  University  at  Delaware  and  went  to  the 
Cornell  University  at  Ithaca,  New  York,  to  finish  there  my 
education,  because  a  colored  man  had  been  received  at  Dela- 
ware as  a  student. 

It  was  so  easily  and  effectually  answered  when  first 
brought  forward  that  I  supposed  it  had  been  disposed  of 
for  all  time. 

The  other  ground  was  the  fact  that  I  had  in  1882,  after 
resigning  from  the  bench  and  resuming  the  practice  of  the 
law,  successfully  defended  William  J.  White,  my  old  class- 
mate. Superintendent  of  the  Public  Schools  of  Springfield, 
Ohio,  against  an  action  for  damages  that  had  been  brought 
against  him  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  for  the 
Southern  District  of  Ohio,  for  an  alleged  violation  by  him 
of  the  Civil  Rights  law,  in  denying  to  Eva  Gazzaway,  a 
colored  girl,  some  privileges  she  claimed  she  was  entitled 
to  enjoy  with  respect  to  the  public  schools  of  Springfield. 

This,  too,  was  effectually  answered,  not  only  by  myself, 
but  by  counsel  representing  the  plaintiff ,"  among  whom  were 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       177 

two  negro  lawyers,  all  of  whom  made  public  statements  to 
the  effect  that  I  did  in  connection  with  the  case  only  what 
my  duties  as  an  attorney  required,  and  all  of  whom  testified 
that  I  did  not  speak  any  word  in  the  conduct  or  argument 
of  the  case  that  was  in  the  slightest  degree  offensive  to 
the  colored  race. 

I  had  a  right  to  assume  that  neither  of  these  matters 
would  ever  again  be  brought  forward  to  prejudice  my 
claims  upon  the  colored  voters  of  my  party.  It  was  annoy- 
ing, therefore,  and  embarrassing  to  see  these  objections 
revived  and  urged  by  Republicans  who  had  joined  in  their 
rejection  and   refutation   in   1883. 

At  that  time  there  were  a  number  of  newspapers  published 
in  Ohio  edited  by  negroes.  Every  one  of  them  seemed  to 
be  arrayed  against  me.  They  gave  much  space  in  their 
columns  to  reprinting  these  stories,  with  all  kinds  of  extrava- 
gant and  exaggerated  and  false  features  and  amendments 
added. 

It  was  soon  manifest  that  it  was  a  carefully  planned  and 
well-supported  campaign  of  ugly  hostility,  the  intent  and 
purpose  of  which  was  to  so  array  the  colored  voters  of  the 
State  against  me  as  to  alienate  the  support  of  Republicans 
and  especially  Republican  newspapers  friendly  to  me,  by 
creating  in  their  minds  apprehension  and  fear  that  I  could 
not  be  elected  if  nominated. 

The  negro  vote  was  so  large  that  it  was  not  only  an 
important  but  an  essential  factor  in  our  consideration. 
It  would  not  be  possible  for  the  Republican  Party  to  carry 
the  State  if  that  vote  should  be  arrayed  against  us. 

The  situation  was  rapidly  becoming  embarrassing.  I  was 
somewhat  perplexed  to  know  how  to  deal  with  it  without 
n.dking  myself  an  avowed  candidate.  My  embarrassment  in 
that   respect  was   happily   and   most   unexpectedly   relieved. 

I  received  a  letter  making  inquiry  about  the  matter  from 
Mr.  S.  E.  Huffman,  a  colored  man  of  Springfield,  Ohio. 
I  answered  him  at  length,  showing  there  were  no  facts  to 
justify  any  of  the  criticisms  that  had  been  made,  and  also 
at  the  same  time  I  set  forth,  as  his  letter  gave  me  oppor- 
tunity to  do,  jny  attitude  with  respect  to  a  renomination. 


178  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

This  letter  was  widely  published,  and,  except  with  real 
enemies,  set  the  whole  matter  at  rest,  not  only  then,  but 
for  all  time.  In  view  of  its  effective  character  I  publish 
it  in  full.     It  was  as  follows : 

Mb.  S.  E.  Hutfmah,  February  2,  1886. 

Springfield,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  thank  you  for  your  very  kind  letter,  and  assure  you 
that  I  properly  appircciate  your  warm  expressions  of  confidence  and 
esteem. 

I  have  noticed  what  you  refer  to  as  being  said  in  the  newspapers 
about  the  attitude  towards  me  of  a  few  of  the  colored  Republicans  of 
Springfield.  I  have  cared  nothing  whatever  about  it  so  far  as  it 
affected  the  question  of  my  renomination,  but  I  have  very  greatly 
regretted  that  there  should  have  been  any  such  unjust  expression  toward 
me  on  the  part  of  the  colored  people.  I  have  said  nothing  in  answer 
because  not  wishing  to  appear,  even  to  the  extent  of  defending  myself, 
as  seeking  a  renomination.  But  now  that  you,  a  colored  man  and  a 
total  stranger  to  me,  have  volunteered  to  write  and  ask  me  for  "the 
facts,"  I  feel  it  to  be  due  to  you,  as  well  as  to  myself,  to  state  them. 

First,  however,  let  me  say  that  it  is  not  a  matter  of  importance  to  me 
who  is  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  Party.  I  think  we  can  easily 
elect,  this  year,  any  one  of  the  many  distinguished  gentlemen  who  are 
talked  of  in  that  connection,  and,  so  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned, 
I  shall  be  entirely  content  with  whatever  selection  the  Republican 
Convention  may  see  fit  to  make.  I  would  not,  therefore,  say  a  word 
to  influence  in  my  favor  the  sentiment  of  the  party,  white  or  colored, 
in  regard  to  that  matter.  But  to  the  end  that  I  may  answer  your 
questions  and  dispel  any  misunderstanding  that  malicious  falsehoods 
may  have  created,  I  shall,  as  you  have  asked  it,  take  some  pains  to 
state  what  every  man,  white  or  colored,  who  has  known  me  during  life 
will  confirm. 

And  first  let  me  say  that  I  have  always  been  a  Republican  in  the 
most  radical  and  uncompromising  sense  of  the  word. 

In  1862,  when  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  I  enlisted  as  a  private  in 
Co.  A  of  the  89th  Ohio  Regiment.  I  served  with  this  regiment  for 
three  years,  until  the  close  of  the  war.  At  that  time  I  did  not  know 
that  I  would  ever  be  a  candidate  for  any  office,  and  certainly  did  not 
dream  of  such  a  thing  as  ever  having  my  attitude  toward  the  colored 
people  called  in  question.  My  expressions  at  that  time  ought,  there- 
fore, to  be  conclusive  as  to  my  sentiments  in  that  regard. 

When  a  man  is  made  a  candidate  for  such  an  office  as  that  of  Gov- 
ernor of  Ohio,  everything  that  he  ever  said  or  did  is  likely  to  be  made 
public. 

Such  seemed  to  be  my  fortune  when  a  candidate  in  1888.  Among 
other  things  published  at  that  time  were  some  of  the  letters  I  wrote 
home  from  the  army.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  their  publication.  I  did 
not  even  know  that  they  were  yet  in  existence  until  I  saw  them  in  print. 
I  can  never  forget  the  mortification  I  experienced  at  seeing  a  private 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       179 

correspondence  thus  made  public,  nor  how  unendurable  it  would  have 
been  but  for  the  testimony  it  gave  me  of  the  mother's  affection  that 
had  led  to  their  preservation  and  publication.  But  it  would  seem  now 
that  it  was  well  that  they  were  published,  since  it  enables  me  to  point 
you  to  them  as  an  incontestable  record  to  disprove  the  charges  to  which 
you  refer.  For  in  them  you  will  find  that  I  then  wrote  that  "the  war 
ought  not  to  stop  until  slavery  is  abolished,  and  every  colored  man  is 
made  a  citizen,  and  is  given  precisely  the  same  civil  and  political  rights 
that  the  white  man  has." 

The  war  ended,  and  all  who  knew  me  then  will  testify  that  I  was 
uncompromisingly  in  favor  of  the  enfranchisement  of  the  colored  people 
as  a  basis  of  reconstruction  in  the  South,  and  as  a  matter  of  justice 
in  the  North. 

And  when  it  was  proposed  to  amend  the  Constitution  of  Ohio  in 
1867  by  striking  out  the  word  "white,"  I  took  an  active  part  in  the 
campaign,  although  still  in  school  at  Delaware,  speaking  in  favor  of 
the  measure  and  voting  for  it  at  the  polls — the  first  vote  I  ever  cast. 

This  brings  me  in  chronological  order  to  the  charge  that  I  left  the 
Ohio  Wesleyan  University  because  a  colored  man  was  admitted  there 
as  a  student. 

I  was  in  attendance  at  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  University  and  a  colored 
man  was  admitted  as  a  student  there.  He  was  there  for  one  term  from 
January  until  about  May,  1868,  and  that  colored  man  is  now  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Mortimer,  an  esteemed  colored  minister,  and  a  man  of  intelligence, 
culture  and  character,  who  was  stationed  in  1883  at  Zanesville,  Ohio. 
He  is  probably  there  yet.  He  is  a  man  who  can  speak  as  to  the  facts 
in  regard  to  the  charge  made  against  me  in  that  respect,  and  he  will 
tell  you,  if  you  will  take  the  trouble  to  write  to  him  and  ask  him 
about  it,  that  the  story  that  I  left  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  University 
because  he  or  any  other  colored  man  came  there,  is  a  baseless  falsehood. 

The  truth  was,  so  far  as  I  can  recollect,  that  there  was  but  very 
little  dissatisfaction  manifested  on  the  part  of  any  one  because  he  became 
a  student  there.  In  fact,  I  only  remember  one  student  who  left  on 
that  account,  and  I  need  scarcely  add  that  he  was  a  Democrat  then 
and  is  a  Democrat  still. 

Mr.  Mortimer  left  school  at  the  end  of  his  first  term  of  his  own 
free  will  and  accord.  I  did  not  leave  there  until  one  year  later,  when 
I  left  and  went  to  Cornell  University  at  Ithaca,  New  York,  where  I 
graduated;  and  the  reason  why  I  left  was  well  known  to  all  the 
faculty  and  all  the  students,  and  to  nearly  all  the  people  of  Delaware 
at  the  time.  It  was  simply  that  I  might  have  what  at  that  time  seemed 
to  me  sufficient  to  warrant  the  change,  some  experience  with  Eastern 
men  and  colleges,  and  have,  what  I  then  thought  more  of  than  I  do 
now,  the  distinction  of  graduating  in  the  first  class  from  what  I 
thought  was,  and  is,  destined  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  universities  of 
the  country.  No  one  ever  thought  of  such  a  thing  as  that  I  left  Dela- 
ware because  a  year  before  a  colored  man  had  been  in  attendance 
there;  and  certainly  nothing  could  be  more  ridiculous  than  that  I  would 
remain  in  attendance  at  Delaware  during  the  entire  time  the  colored 
man  was  there  and  never  think  of  leaving  on  that  account  until  a  year 
after  he  had  left.    As  I  said  above,  Mr.  Mortimer,  himself  a  colored 


180  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

man,  entitled  to  the  confidence  of  all  men,  will,  I  am  sure,  confirm  all 
that  I  have  said  in  regard  to  this. 

Since  I  left  school  in  1869  I  have  taken  some  part  in  almost  every 
campaign,  speaking  in  behalf  of  the  measures  represented  by  the  Repub- 
lican Party,  and  always,  as  every  colored  Republican  in  Cincinnati 
knows,  chiefly  and  especially  in  favor  of  those  measures  that  looked  to 
the  bettering  of  the  condition  of  the  colored  people,  in  the  North  as 
well  as  in  the  South.  What  I  have  from  time  to  time  said  in  this  regard 
has  not  been  so  forcible,  or  so  eloquent  as  that  which  many  others  may 
have  said,  but  it  has  been  as  earnest,  for  no  man  with  more  earnestness 
than  I,  until  we  were  rid  of  them,  denounced  and  contended  against  the 
infamous  visible  admixture  laws  placed  on  our  statute  books  by  the 
Democratic  Party.  No  man  more  earnestly  than  I,  at  all  times,  until 
it  was  secured,  contended  for  the  political  equality  of  the  colored  man, 
and  the  guarantee  for  that  equality,  by  the  adoption  of  the  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  when  the  civil  rights  law 
was  pending  before  the  Congress,  and  particularly  in  1874,  when  it 
was  a  party  question  in  Ohio,  I  never  failed  on  any  occasion  where 
Opportunity  was  afforded  me,  to  speak  in  behalf  of  it.  While  I  did  not 
talk  as  ably  as  others  did,  yet  I  am  sure  I  spoke  quite  as  earnestly, 
as  the  following  language  will  testify.  I  quote  from  a  speech  made  by 
me  in  1874,  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  and  published  at  the  time.  I 
then  said: 

"The  object  of  the  civil  rights  bill  is  to  prevent  masked  marau- 
ders from  burning  negro  schoolhouses,  shooting  negro  school  teachers 
and  keeping  this  innocent  and  inoffensive  people  in  a  state  of 
terror,  which  retards  their  development  and  corrupts  and  demor- 
alizes society  and  politics  in  a  hundred  ways.  And  it  is  right,  and 
the  Republican  Party  is  for  it  because  it  is  right. 

"When  in  Columbus  the  other  day  I  stood  in  our  capitol  building 
and  looked  with  admiring  gaze  upon  that  magnificent  painting 
which  adorns  its  walls,  of  'Perry's  Victory  on  the  Lake.'  There,  in 
the  midst  of  the  death  storm  of  that  terrible  conflict,  as  gallant 
looking  as  any  one  of  the  brave  faces  surrounding  the  commodore, 
is  a  full-blooded  representative  of  the  African  race.  And  so  it 
has  always  been  since  our  government  was  founded,  on  land  and 
on  sea,  in  adversity  and  prosperity,  through  peace  and  through 
war,  this  race  has  been  ever  present  with  us,  and  never  once  has 
its  faith  faltered,  its  devotion  lagged  or  its  courage  failed. 

"They  have  justly  earned  their  citizenship  and  they  have  earned 
it  in  such  a  way  as  that  for  us  not  to  protect  them  in  it  would  be 
the  basest  ingratitude  and  wrong — ingratitude  and  wrong  for  which 
the  nation  would  deserve  to  sink  to  rise  no  more." 

But  equality  of  rights  for  the  colored  man  does  not  mean  a  denial 
of  rights  to  the  white  man.  It  does  not  mean  that  if  a  colored  man 
sues  a  white  man  the  white  man  shall  not  be  allowed  to  defend  himself. 
Yet  such  would  seem  to  be  the  idea  of  those  who  make  complaint  because 
I  defended  Mr.  White  when  he  was  sued  by  Mr.  Gazzaway  for  $2,000.00 
because  of  an  alleged  violation  of  the  civil  rights  law. 

If  it  were  not  that  a  disappointed  suitor  is  to  be  allowed  consider- 
able latitude,  I  should,  think  that  even  Mr.  Gazzaway  does  himself  a 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       181 

great  injustice  in  manifesting  any  displeasure  on  that  account.  For 
I  know  the  colored  people  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  I  know  that  their 
intelligence  and  sense  of  justice  are  such  that  they  will  not,  from  the 
mere  fact  that  I  defended  a  man  who  was  sued  by  one  of  their  race, 
believe  that  I  have  any  lack  of  friendship  for  them  as  a  people.  I 
might  as  well  be  charged  with  murder  for  defending  a  murderer. 

Especially  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gazzaway 
was  represented  in  the  case  by  two  colored  men,  both  of  whom  have 
testified,  and  will  again,  that  throughout  the  case  I  neither  did  nor  said 
anything  whatever  that  was,  or  could  be,  in  the  slightest  degree,  dis- 
respectful or  offensive  to  the  colored  people.  And  not  only  that,  but  the 
statement  has  been  correctly  made  that  one  of  Mr.  Gazzaway's  attor- 
neys, who  was  a  colored  man,  had  not,  previously,  to  the  trial,  been 
admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  United  States  Court,  and  that  he  was 
admitted  upon  my  motion  and  recommendation  in  order  that  he  might 
assist  in  the  trial  of  that  cause. 

I  believe  I  have  now  fully  answered  all  that  your  letter  calls  for. 
To  do  so  has  made  it  necessary  that  I  should  write  you  at  considerable 
length.  Nevertheless,  I  cannot  stop  without  reminding  you  that  it  is 
far  more  important  to  the  colored  people  that  the  Republican  Party 
should  succeed  than  it  is  to  the  party  itself. 

It  has  been  only  a  few  years  since  Democrats  held  colored  men  in 
slavery;  now  all  are  free;  only  a  few  years  since  they  would  not 
aUow  them  to  testify  as  witnesses  in  the  courts;  now  the  colored  man 
can  sue  and  maintain  his  rights  there;  only  a  few  years  since  the 
Democratic  Party  of  Ohio  disgraced  our  statute  books  with  the  infamous 
visible  admixture  laws — now  the  statute  books  are  clean;  only  as  long 
ago  as  1867  the  Democratic  Party  of  Ohio  declared  in  its  platform  that 
this  was  a  white  man's  government  and  that  negroes  should  have  no 
part  in  it. 

A  great  change  has  been  wrought,  and  it  is  the  Republican  Party 
that  wrought  it.  Are  the  rights  that  have  been  thus  achieved,  secure? 
Does  it  make  no  difference  any  more  to  the  colored  man  whether  the 
Democratic  or  Republican  Party  succeeds?  Look  to  the  South. 
Words  cannot  describe  the  outrages  to  which  colored  Republicans  are 
there  subjected.  We  have  just  seen  a  Democratic  President  elected 
because  by  violence  and  fraud  the  colored  people  of  the  South  have 
been  robbed  of  their  forty  electoral  votes.  But  to  learn  the  feeling  of 
the  Democratic  Party  toward  the  colored  people  you  do  not  need  to 
look  further  than  the  election  of  last  October  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati. 

The  so-called  Springer  Investigating  Committee  has  been  taking  testi- 
mony that  establishes,  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  unprejudiced  mind 
that  the  Democratic  Party,  as  an  organization,  acting  by  its  agents, 
deliberately  planned  and  attempted  to  perpetrate  the  outrage  of  fraudu- 
lently carrying  that  election  by  arresting,  beating  and  wounding  and 
intimidating  colored  men  and  preventing  them  by  wholesale  from  casting 
their  ballots.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan  they  deliberately  arrested  one 
hundred  and  fifty-two  citizens  of  Cincinnati  at  midnight  before  the 
election  and  imprisoned  them  in  the  dungeon  of  the  Hammond  Street 
station  house,  and  kept  them  there  without  a  bite  of  bread  or  a  drop 


182  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

of  water,  or  any  charge  against  them,  until   after  six  o'clock  in  the 
evening  of  the  day  of  the  election. 

A  more  brutal  outrage  was  never  perpetrated  north  of  the  Ohio 
river,  and  yet  no  Democrat  has  condemned  it.  On  the  contrary,  from 
the  Governor  down  to  the  lowest  ward  politician  in  their  ranks  there 
has  been  a  chuckle  of  delight  because  of  the  success  of  the  infamous 
scheme.  And  you  will  not  have  to  live  very  long  to  see  among  the  very 
first  political  acts  of  Mr.  Cleveland  the  granting  of  a  pardon  to  the  man 
who  is  now  serving  out  a  sentence  of  imprisonment  for  having  per- 
petrated this  crime. 

There  is  no  nomination  important  enough  to  induce  me  to  solicit 
any  man's  aid  for  it;  neither  is  there  any  office  low  enough  for  me  to 
understand  how  it  is  possible  for  any  colored  man  to  be  willing  to  vote 
for  a  Democrat  to  fill  it. 

Again  thanking  you  for  your  kindness,  and  assuring  you  of  my 
appreciation  of  your  good  wishes  and  good  intentions,  I  remain 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.    B.    FOBAKER. 


Later  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Huffman,  suggesting 
that  my  letter  to  him  should  be  printed  and  distributed  as  a 
campaign  document.  As  further  showing  my  attitude  with 
respect  to  a  renomination,  I  incorporate  here  my  answer 
to  this  letter: 

S.  E.  HuFTMAN,  Esq.,  February  13,  1886. 

Springfield,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  appreciate  very  highly  your  suggestion  concerning  the 
distribution  of  my  letter.  I  can  only  say  with  respect  to  it,  however, 
that  I  have  no  objection  whatever  to  such  distribution  being  made,  for 
I  have  no  opinions  to  conceal  from  anybody,  and  am  always  willing  for 
the  whole  world  to  know,  if  it  wants  to,  any  opinions  I  may  entertain. 
But  if  such  distribution  is  made,  it  must  be  made  entirely  on  the  motion 
of  others,  as  should  I  do  such  a  thing  at  this  time,  it  would  have  the 
appearance  of  making  me  a  candidate  in  an  active  sense  for  a 
renomination. 

I  am  not  such,  and  do  not  intend  to  be.  On  the  contrary,  I  do  not 
want  a  renomination  unless  the  Republicans  of  Ohio,  with  substantial 
unanimity  and  of  their  own  free  will  and  accord,  desire  me  to  have  it. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FoRAKER. 


I  had  occasion  to  write  a  number  of  other  letters  in 
answer  to  inquiries  as  to  whether  I  would  become  a  candi- 
date for  renomination.  I  answered  all  in  effect  like  the 
following,  which  I  quote  because  it  was  written  to  Senator 


AGAIN   NOMINATED   FOR   GOVERNOR       183 

Hanna   and   because   also   it   shows    something   of   the   very 
cordial   relations   existing  between   us   at  the  time: 

Hon.  M.  a.  Hanna,  April  7,  1885. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 

My  Dear  Hanna: — Boyle  was  here  yesterday  at  the  election  and  told 
me  of  his  visit  to  Cleveland,  about  meeting  you  and  the  many  kind 
things  you  saw  fit  to  say  of  me,  particularly  of  your  friendliness  with 
regard  to  my  renomination,  and  gave  me  your  message  in  that  respect. 

I  have  felt  all  along  as  though  I  should  like  to  write  to  you  on  this 
subject,  but  I  have  not  done  so  for  the  simple  reason  that  I  did  not 
want  to  embarrass  any  one,  especially  not  my  friends,  with  any  sug- 
gestions even,  concerning  the  matter.  I  have  felt  from  the  outset  that 
I  ought  to  leave  the  matter  entirely  to  the  Republicans  of  the  State, 
without  any  attempt  whatever  to  influence  them  in  any  way  in  my 
own  behalf. 

This  for  a  number  of  reasons.  In  the  first  place  I  would  not  want 
that  or  any  other  nomination  unless  the  party  wanted  me  to  have  it; 
and  in  the  second  place,  no  matter  how  much  I  might  want  the  nom- 
ination, I  should  not  solicit  support  for  it.  In  the  third  place,  there 
has  been  some  indication  of  a  contest  in  regard  to  the  matter,  and  I 
don't  want  anything  of  that  kind,  for  while  I  can  fight  Democrats,  I 
cannot,  and  will  not,  fight  Republicans. 

For  these  reasons  I  have  not  written  to  any  one,  nor  even  spoken  to 
any  one,  unless  first  approached  on  the  subject,  and  for  these  same 
reasons,  although  I  felt  differently  as  to  you,  I  should  not  have  written 
you  but  for  Mr.  Boyle's  reports  and  suggestions,  for  I  want  even  my 
friends  to  feel  perfectly  free  to  act  upon  their  own  best  judgment, 
without  any  fear  of  giving  me  any  offense  should  that  judgment  be 
adverse  to  me.  But  since  Mr.  Boyle  has  told  me  what  he  has,  I  feel 
not  only  free,  but  that  it  is  my  duty  to  write  to  you — my  duty,  par- 
ticularly to  you. 

I,  perhaps,  do  not  know  as  much  of  what  the  real  situation  is  as  you 
do  yourself,  yet  I  have  been  receiving  letters  from  all  over  the  State. 
They  report  here  and  there  some  strength  for  Kennedy  or  Beatty,  or 
somebody  else,  but  they  all  indicate  that  the  general  drift  is  in  my 
favor  and  that  I  will  be  renominated  without  very  much  opposition. 

If  I  am  to  be  renominated,  I  hope  for  the  good  of  the  party,  as  well 
as  my  own  good,  that  I  may  have  for  the  race  all  the  strength  that  a 
strong  nomination,  as  nearly  unanimous  as  possible,  can  give  me. 
For  this  reason  I  wish  you  would  be  kind  enough  to  report  to  me  occa- 
sionally what  the  appearance  of  things  may  be  in  your  part  of  the 
State. 

I  have  not  been  able,  as  you  are  doubtless  aware,  to  make  you  the 
promised  visit.  Our  failure  to  do  so,  however,  has  been  only  because 
it  has  been  impossible  for  us  to  get  away  from  home.  I  got  far  enough 
along  in  the  matter  of  a  visit  to  the  New  Orleans  Exposition  to  get  my 
railroad  fare,  sleeping  berths,  etc.,  and  then  at  the  last  moment  was 
compelled  to  abandon  it  because  of  engagements  here  in  the  courts  that 
I  could  not  provide  for.     And  so  it  has  been  all  the  winter  through; 


Ig4»  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

there  has  not  been  a  day  when  I  could  possibly  get  away,  and  now  that 
this  political  matter  is  coming  on,  I  do  not  wish,  for  obvious  reasons,  to 
leave  home.  If  I  were  to  go  to  Cleveland,  my  visit,  although  a  purely 
social  one,  would  be  construed  to  be  of  a  political  nature.  For  these 
reasons  I  want  to  postpone  our  visit  until  a  nomination  has  been  made. 
If  I  should  be  nominated,  I  will  have  occasion  to  go  to  Cleveland, 
during  the  campaign,  no  doubt;  and  if  I  am  not  nominated,  I  will  take 
occasion  to  go  there  on  a  little  trip  to  the  lakes.  In  the  meanwhile  be 
assured  that  we  have  not  abandoned  the  contemplated  pleasure  of 
visiting  you,  and  that  I  do  especially  appreciate  and  feel  greatly  grati- 
fied because  of  your  kind  feeling  with  respect  to  my  renomination. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.  B.  FOBAKER. 

I  select  from  many  similar  letters  the  following,  written 
to  George  W.  Doughty,  a  comrade  of  the  89th  Ohio,  who 
was  then  an  inmate  of  the  National  Military  Home  at 
Dayton.  I  am  unable  to  find  his  letter,  but  my  answer 
sufficiently  indicates  its  character.     I  wrote  him  as  follows: 

CiKCiNNATi,  Ohio,  May  80,  1886. 
Geo.  W.  Doughty,  Esq., 

National  Military  Home,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  have  your  kind  letter  of  the  26th  inst.  Accept  my 
assurances  that  I  have  a  proper  appreciation  for  what  you  have  been 
doing  and  propose  to  do  in  my  behalf.  I  would  gladly  comply  with 
your  request  to  extend  you  some  aid,  as  you  suggest,  if  it  were  not  that 
I  have  determined  that  if  I  am  to  be  nominated  at  all,  it  shall  be  as 
always  heretofore  without  doing  anything  whatever  personally  to  bring 
about  such  a  result,  and  especially  without  expending  a  single  cent  of 
money.  I  know  that  you  would  not  use  any  money  except  in  a  legiti- 
mate way,  and  aside  from  the  fact  that  you  will  use  it  only  in  that 
manner,  I  would  be  glad  to  give  it  to  you  on  account  of  old  friendship 
and  comradeship,  but  already  in  yesterday's  newspapers  I  see  the  charge 
that  I  have  emissaries  traveling  over  the  State  upon  money  that  I  have 
furnished  them.  That  is  all  false.  I  have  not  furnished  anybody  a 
cent  and  do  not  intend  to.  Neither  have  I  any  emissaries  or  agents  of 
any  kind  in  my  employment  anywhere.  The  truth  of  the  matter  is, 
that  I  do  not  want  a  renomination  unless  it  is  the  wish  of  the  party  to 
give  it  to  me  without  my  asking  for  it. 

If  I  should  be  renominated,  it  will  then  be  my  duty,  as  well  as  my 
pleasure,  in  behalf  of  the  party,  to  help  along  all  legitimate  work;  and 
in  that  event,  I  will  be  only  too  glad  to  give  you  all  the  aid  I  may  be 
able  to. 

Hoping  that  you  fully  appreciate  my  situation  and  knowing  that  you 
will  approve  my  feeling  and  determination  in  regard  to  the  matter  in 
this  respect,  I  remain 

Very  sincerely  yours,  etc., 

J.  B.  FORAKXB. 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       185 

Notwithstanding  I  rigidly  adhered  to  the  attitude  men- 
tioned in  these  letters,  and,  therefore,  did  nothing  whatever 
with  respect  to  a  renomination  except  to  acquiesce  in  the 
course  of  events,*  the  opposition  continued,  and  in  some 
instances  grew  ugly  and  vicious. 

My  silent  disregard  of  it  all  seemed  to  stimulate  it  and 
to  make  its  aiders  and  abettors  angry  and  unreasonable. 
That  greatly  helped  my  cause.  It  enabled  those  who  were 
friendly  and  anxious  to  support  me  to  speak  in  my  behalf 
with  more  effect.  The  result  was  that,  during  the  last  few 
weeks  preceding  the  holding  of  the  Convention  the  Repub- 
lican press  of  the  State  fairly  teemed  with  editorials  similar 
to  the  following  from  the  Dayton  Journal^  which  shows 
the  hostile  spirit  that  was  aroused,  and  the  effective  way  in 
which  my  friends  dealt  with  it. 

The  editor  of  this  paper  was  Major  William  D.  Bickham. 
He  had  distinguished  himself  as  a  war  correspondent  and 
was  a  prominent  and  influential  Republican.  His  paper  was 
one  of  the  most  influential  published  in  the  State.  He  was 
an  able,  virile,  aggressive,  capable  man.  Hundreds  of  other 
similar  quotations  might  be  made  from  the  leading  Repub- 
lican newspapers  of  the  State. 

He  said: 


"We  have  thought,  and  still  think,  that  Judge  Foraker  is  the  most 
available  man  for  Governor  for  reasons  that  will  bear  rehearsal  every 
day.  He  is  a  pure  man  of  elevated  character,  of  valuable  experience 
in  public  life;  with  an  untarnished  reputation,  and  proud  record  as  a 
private  soldier,  who  won  his  way  to  the  rank  of  Captain  by  gallantry  on 
the  field  of  battle  and  distinguished  service  as  an  Aide-de-camp;  and 
who  proved  his  brilliant  and  solid  qualities  as  a  campaigner  in  the 
remarkable  contest  of  1883,  during  which  he  made  105  speeches  that 
were  notable  for  their  breadth,  strength  and  acuteness,  showing  a 
conspicuous  familiarity  with  all  the  great  issues  of  the  day  and  devel- 
oping singular  felicity  in  presenting  them  to  the  people  in  the  most 
effective  way.  No  man  in  Ohio  ever  before  moved  to  the  front  with 
firmer  step.  Foraker  was  really  a  surprise  to  those  who  presented  him 
to  the  convention  that  nominated  him,  and  what  is  better,  he  has  sus- 
tained the  reputation  he  gained  in  that  campaign  and  increased  it. 
Of  course,  his  notable  career  and  his  manifest  availability  has  challenged 
the  opposition  of  gentlemen  ambitious  to  be  Governor,  and  he  is  accord- 
ingly the  object  of  sharper  criticism  than  he  would  be  under  ordinary 


186  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

circumstances,  but  even  that  benefits  him,  for  he  improves  upon  exam- 
ination. Besides,  he  has  not  thrust  himself  to  the  front.  He  has  not 
asked  a  man  in  Ohio  to  advocate  him  for  nomination.  He  has  not 
written  a  line  soliciting  votes.  He  has  not  praised  himself  or  adver- 
tised his  own  merits  in  voluminous  pergonal  letters,  but  has  simply 
submitted  to  the  discussion  that  has  been  going  on  about  candidates 
without  interfering  with  the  reflections  of  the  Republican  people  to 
whose  judgment  he  respectfully  defers.  He  is,  in  short,  occupying  the 
honorable  position  that  the  office  should  seek  the  man,  and  in  that  view 
only  has  he  been  before  the  people.  With  such  a  man  to  lead  the 
campaign,  the  Republicans  will  sweep  the  State.     .     .     . 

There  has  never  been  a  more  determined  effort  to  thwart  the  people 
by  a  few  ambitious  seekers  after  office  than  in  the  anti-Foraker  cam- 
paign. It  was  calculated  that,  as  Foraker  would  neither  personally 
do  anything  to  promote  his  nomination  nor  encourage  his  friends 
thereto,  the  matter  would  go  by  default  and  that  the  opposition  might 
prevail.  But  the  facts  prove  the  power  of  the  people  and  the  popu- 
larity of  Foraker. 


The  Convention  was  held  at  Springfield  on  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  days  of  June,  1885,  in  a  spacious  wigwam  con- 
structed for  the  specific  purpose  of  accommodating  it,  by 
the  enterprising  citizens  of  that  city,  on  their  principal 
public  square.  It  was  beautifully  and  patriotically  deco- 
rated with  flags  and  portraits  of  National  Republican 
leaders,  distinguished  soldiers  of  the  Civil  War  and  Revo- 
lutionary patriots.  It  gave  seating  capacity  to  thousands 
and  contributed  largely  to  make  the  Convention  the  largest, 
most  enthusiastic  and  most  impressive  State  Convention 
ever  until  that  time  held  in  Ohio.  It  was  attended  by  most 
of  the  leaders  and  many  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party 
from  all  the  different  counties.  They  commenced  arriving 
several  days  before  the  Convention  was  to  assemble. 

The  hotels  were  filled  almost  beyond  accommodations  as 
early  as  Monday.  Faithful  and  energetic  supporters  of 
my  opponents  were  on  hand  from  the  beginning,  election- 
eering with  the  delegates  as  they  arrived,  and  in  many  ways 
creating  sentiment  in  their  behalf. 

General  Kennedy,  according  to  surface  indications,  was 
developing  most  strength. 

Some  of  the  delegates  and  others,  who  were  friendly  to 
me,  commenced  wiring  me  on  Tuesday  of  the  situation  and 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       187 

that  my  cause  was  suffering  in  consequence  of  my  absence. 
They  appealed  to  me  to  come  there  at  once.  Stung  by 
some  of  the  attacks  made  upon  me,  I  had  arranged  and 
announced  that  I  would  attend  the  Convention,  but  that  I 
would  not  arrive  there  until  the  afternoon  of  Wednesday, 
the  first  day  of  the  Convention.  They  urged  me  to  come 
earlier.     I  declined  to  do  so. 

I  reached  Springfield  on  the  special  train  chartered  by 
the  Blaine  Club  and  the  Cincinnati  delegates  and  alternates. 
I  quote  from  the  Commercial  Gazette  an  account  of  my 
arrival  and  what  followed: 

Foraker  received  a  glorious  greeting  when  he  stepped  from  the 
train,  and  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  he  could  push  his  way 
to  the  hotel.  .  .  .  Calls  were  made  for  him.  He  stepped  out  on  the 
balcony  and  was  received  with  rousing  cheers. 

With  no  desire  to  magnify  the  matter,  I  must  say  that  I  never  saw 
such  an  outburst  of  popular  enthusiasm  at  any  State  Convention  as 
that  on  the  present  occasion.  When  the  noise  of  the  band  had  died 
away  Foraker  said: 

''My  Fellow  Citizens: — I  sincerely  thank  you  for  this  very  kind,  v^ 

cordial  and  complimentary  greeting,  and  I  trust  that  about  this 
time  tomorrow  afternoon  I  may  have  occasion  to  thank  you  again. 
I  have  come  here,  however — and  with  just  this  I  shall  excuse  myself 
for  the  present — that  I  might  attend  this  convention  and  with  you 
help  to  give  expression  to  the  Republicans  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 
Whether  you  will  see  fit  to  intrust  our  party  banner  again  to  my 
hands,  or  give  it  to  my  worthy  and  esteemed  friend,  General  Ken- 
nedy, or  to  my  equally  worthy  and  esteemed  friend,  General  Beatty, 
or  to  any  one  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  been  named  in  con- 
nection with  that  honor,  I  pledge  you  that  no  man  in  Ohio  will  be 
better  satisfied  with  the  result  than  I  shall  be  (applause) ;  and  I 
say  to  you  also  that  whether  you  give  it  to  me  or  give  it  to  any 
one  of  them,  the  ticket  nominated  by  this  convention  will  have  no 
heartier  support  from  any  man  than  that  which  I  shall  give  to  it 
from  the  beginning  until  the  end  of  the  campaign.  Who  shall 
receive  the  nomination  is  comparatively  unimportant,  for  all  the 
gentlemen  who  have  been  named  are  worthy  of  the  honor.  But  it 
is  a  matter  of  the  highest  moment  that  the  campaign  which  we 
have  come  here  for  the  purpose  of  inaugurating  shall  be  made  a 
triumphant  success.  (Loud  applause.)  What  we  want  to  do,  and 
upon  that  I  congratulate  you,  is  to  keep  up  from  this  time  until 
October  the  enthusiasm  with  which  you  have  inaugurated  this  cam- 
paign, to  the  end  that  when  the  election  has  been  held  there  may 
go  out  to  the  rest  of  the  country  as  the  verdict  of  the  Republicans 
of  Ohio,  that  sort  of  message  which  will  inspire  and  give  new  life 


188  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

to  Republicanism  throughout  the  whole  United  States  of  America." 
(Loud  applause.) 

It  was  a  manly  speech,  characteristic  of  the  Judge.  ...  At  mid- 
night the  scenes  at  Springfield  recalled  those  at  Chicago.  The  crowd  is 
immense  and  the  noise  deafening.  Bands  are  marching  and  serenading, 
followed  by  crowds  yelling  the  names  of  the  candidates  in  the  staccato 
style  of  the  last  National  Convention. 

Later:  It  is  now  long  after  midnight  and  the  bands  are  marching 
and  speeches  and  songs  continue.  The  scenes  of  this  convention  are 
upon  a  scale  unequaled  by  that  of  any  other  ever  held  in  the  State, 
or  probably  in  any  other  State. 


On  the  following  day,  when  that  order  of  business  was 
reached,  I  was  placed  in  nomination  by  the  Honorable 
Miller  Outcalt,  at  that  time  the  President  of  the  Young 
Men's  Blaine  Club  of  Cincinnati. 

He  was  then  in  the  prime  of  a  vigorous  young  manhood, 
but  he  had  a  youthful,  almost  boyish  appearance. 

He  was  handsome  and  had  a  pleasing  personality,  enthu- 
siastic spirit,  a  good  voice  and  an  eloquent  tongue.  He  was 
a  typical  representative  of  the  young  Republicans  of 
Cincinnati. 

He  made  a  speech  that  abounded  in  felicitous  expressions 
that  pleased  the   Convention   and   excited  much  enthusiasm. 

Walter  S.  Thomas,  a  young  and  eloquent  representative 
of  the  colored  voters,  followed  him  in  a  seconding  speech 
that  was  well  received  and  did  much  good  because  of  the 
refutations  he  made  of  the  claim  of  serious  defection 
among  the  colored  voters  and  the  pledges  he  gave  of  the 
support  of  those  for  whom  he  spoke. 

No  other  nominating  or  seconding  speeches  were  contem- 
plated, but,  again  quoting  from  the  descriptive  account  of 
the  Convention  as  published  in  the  daily  press,  we  have 
the  following: 

Cheer  after  cheer  and  cry  on  cry  rang  through  the  hall,  as,  in 
response  to  the  enthusiastic  demand.  General  E.  F.  Noyes  stepped  to 
the  front  of  the  stage.  His  speech  was  one  of  the  best  of  the  day  and 
aroused  much  enthusiasm  amongst  the  delegates  from  Hamilton  County, 
who  jumped  to  their  feet  and  fairly  raised  the  roof  with  their  con- 
tinued cheering. 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       189 

General  Noyes'  speech  was  as  follows: 

Mr.  President  and  Oentlemen  of  the  Convention: — I  have  for  some 
years  flattered  myself  that  a  man  may  be  defeated  as  a  candidate  for 
Governor  without  any  fault  of  his  own.  (Laughter.)  I  beg  leave  to 
say  that  that  was  emphatically  the  truth  two  years  ago.  It  was  my 
good  fortune  to  be  with  Foraker  in  his  triumphal  journey  as  he  went 
through  this  State,  making  more  than  one  hundred  speeches  in  the 
diflFerent  counties  of  the  eighty-eight  of  the  State.  I  beg  leave  to  say 
here,  and  call  upon  all  to  witness,  that  no  more  brilliant  campaign 
has  ever  been  made  in  this  State  by  any  man  since  the  days  of  old 
Tom  Corwin.     (Applause.) 

Judge  Foraker,  the  scholar,  the  able  lawyer,  the  wise  and  distin- 
guished Judge,  the  patriotic  boy,  who,  without  shoulder  straps,  put  on 
the  blue  blouse  and,  shouldering  his  musket  in  the  hour  of  supreme  peril, 
went  forth  to  fight  and  save  the  country  and  the  government  of  the 
nation.  I  say  his  name  is  an  inspiration  to  the  Republican  Party  of  the 
State.     (Applause.) 

I  have  nothing  to  say  against  these  other  gentlemen.  They  were 
brave  soldiers.  They  are  good  men,  and,  if  nominated,  I  will  take  off 
my  coat  and  help  elect  any  one  of  them,  but  what  I  want  to  say  is 
that  there  is  no  name  presented  who  can  more  inspire  the  people  of  this 
State  than  that  of  Foraker.     (Applause.) 

One  word  more  and  I  am  done.  The  Legislature  next  winter  is  going 
to  elect  a  Senator  as  successor  to  the  Honorable  John  Sherman. 
Whether  it  be  himself  or  another,  it  would  be  convenient  to  have  the 
fourteen  members  of  the  Legislature  from  Hamilton  County  Repub- 
lican. If  you  want  them  elected  by  eight  or  nine  thousand  majority, 
nominate  the  soldier,  statesman,  wise  lawyer  and  splendid  fellow,  J.  B. 
Foraker.     (Enthusiastic  applause.) 

Outcalt  and  Thomas  were  both  young  men.  They  spoke 
as  young  men.  Noyes  had  been  Governor  of  the  State  and 
had  been  defeated  for  re-election.  He  spoke  not  only  on 
behalf  of  the  older  classes  of  Republicans,  but  also,  and 
particularly,  as  a  soldier  comrade.  As  heretofore  mentioned 
he  had  a  brilliant  army  record.  He  had  lost  a  leg  on  the 
Atlanta  campaign.  He  was  always  eloquent  and  always 
effective.  His  speech  on  this  occasion  was  particularly  so. 
I  quote  with  respect  to  it  from  the  daily  press  as  follows: 

One  of  the  old-time  voices  raised  like  one  crying  in  the  wilderness 
and  always  pleasant  to  hear  in  a  Republican  gathering  was  that  of 
Governor  Noyes;  and  every  Republican  can  hear  him,  though  he  stand 
on  the  outskirts  in  a  crowd  of  five  hundred  thousand.  General  Noyes 
raised  the  hair  on  the  boys  in  the  style  of  the  olden  days,  and  created 
another  furore  of  enthusiasm  for  Foraker. 


190  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

With  Generals  Kennedy  and  Beatty  and  Mr.  Rose  of 
Cleveland  and  myself,  all  duly  placed  in  nomination,  the 
call  of  the  roll  was  ordered.  Four  hundred  votes  were 
necessary  to  a  nomination.  When  Trumbull  County  had 
voted  I  had  more  than  that  number.  There  were  yet  some 
seven  or  eight  counties  to  be  called,  and  they  were  called 
only  because  the  rules  of  the  Convention  so  required.  The 
result  of  the  balloting  was:  Foraker,  465;  Kennedy,  158; 
Beatty,  75;  the  remainder  went  to  Rose  and  a  few  "scat- 
tering." The  platform  adopted  by  the  Convention  had 
been  reported  by  McKinley,  who  was  again  the  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  It  led  off  with  a 
declaration  for  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count,  and  it  was 
orthodox  throughout.  It  was  adopted  by  acclamation. 
After  I  had  been  nominated,  the  usual  committee  to  wait 
upon  the  nominee  and  ask  him  to  appear  before  the  Con- 
vention was  appointed.  Again  McKinley  was  a  member  of 
this  committee,  as  he  was  in  1883.  The  other  members 
were  CoL  Robert  Harlan  and  Hon.  Allen  Miller. 

A  few  minutes  later,  escorted  by  them,  I  appeared  in  the 
Convention  hall,  was  presented  as  the  nominee  and  made  a 
short  speech  of  acceptance. 

General  Kennedy  had  developed  such  a  strong  following 
and  was  recognized  as  such  a  loyal,  capable  Republican, 
that  the  Convention  turned  to  him  with  unanimity  for  the 
second  place.  He  was  gratified  with  the  compliment  involved 
but  was  disposed  to  decline  the  honor.  There  was  such  a 
call  for  him  that  he  finally  appeared  on  the  platform. 

I  quote  from  the  daily  press  the  following  description 
of  what  then  occurred: 

General  Kennedy  then  appeared,  advancing,  it  is  said,  with  the  deter- 
mined purpose  to  decline  the  honor.  While  he  was  waiting  for  quiet 
Judge  Foraker  stepped  to  his  side,  touched  his  arm,  and,  as  he  turned, 
grasped  his  hand.  Nothing  can  describe  the  wild  excitement  that  fol- 
lowed upon  this  graphic  scene.  When  it  subsided  General  Kennedy  turned 
and,  addressing  the  convention,  accepted  the  nomination.  He  said  it 
was  the  first  time  he  was  ever  drafted.  When  he  went  to  the  war  he 
had  enrolled,  and,  entering  the  service  of  his  own  free  will,  he  had 
stayed  until  the  battle  was  over.  Now  he  was  going  into  the  service 
again  because  the  convention  had  asked  him  to,  and  said  he,  "By  the 
eternal,  I'll  stay  until  the  battle  is  ended."     (Applause.) 


AGAIN  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR       191 

Judge  Foraker  then  addressed  the  Convention,  speaking  in  substance 
as  follows: 

If  the  convention  will  allow  me,  I  want  here  and  now  to  ratify  the 
nomination  for  the  Lieutenant  Governorship.  It  is  a  fact  of  which 
General  Kennedy  may  not  be  aware,  but  nevertheless  a  fact,  that  this 
is  not  the  first  time  that  he  and  I  have  been  engaged  together  in  the 
public  service.  There  was  another  time,  twenty-five  years  ago,  and  it 
was  in  the  First  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division  of  the  Fourteenth  Army 
Corps.  We  made  a  good  job  of  it  then,  and  I  believe  we  shall  make  a 
good  job  of  it  now.     (Applause.) 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE   CAMPAIGN   OF    1885. 

THE   campaign  that  followed  was  opened  at  a  ratifica- 
tion meeting  held  in  Springfield  the  evening  of  the  day 
of   the   nomination.      I   spoke   almost   every   day   from   that 
time  on  until  the  election,  and  some  days  two  or  three  times. 
In  this  way  I  covered  pretty  thoroughly  the  whole   State. 
Because   of   the   defeat   of   Mr.   Blaine   the   results    of   the 
suppression  of  the  colored  vote  in  the  Southern  States  was 
brought  home  to  our  minds  with  special  emphasis.     Had  it 
not  been  for  the  solid  South  Mr.   Blaine  would  have  been 
elected  easily  without  New  York  and  other  States,  which  he 
lost   by    small   pluralities,   and    under   aggravating   circum- 
stances.    It  was  for  this  reason  that  the  first  plank  of  our 
platform  demanded  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count,  and  the 
discussion   of  the  Southern  question  was  more  thorough  in 
the   State  of  Ohio  in  the  campaign  of   1885   than   it  ever 
had  been  before.     While,  therefore,  the  policy  of  protection 
was  upheld   and   discussed  and   all   other  national  questions 
then   under   consideration   were   dealt   with,   first   place   was 
given  to  the  right  of  suffrage  and  the  status  of  the  negro. 
I  first  spoke  at  length  on  this   general  subject  at  Wilber- 
force  University  a  few  days  after  I  had  been  nominated. 

I  recall  this  address  and  the  Commencement  Day  occasion 
as  among  the  most  interesting  of  all  such  experiences.  The 
presiding  officer  was  the  venerable  Bishop  Campbell.  He 
had  been  a  slave  who  was  liberated  by  the  Civil  War.  Many 
others  were  present  who  had  similar  records  in  that  respect. 
I  never  saw  a  happier  audience  and  but  few  larger  or  more 
appreciative. 

After  speaking   in  a   general  way  about  the  advantages 
of  education   and   entering  a   protest  against   carrying   too 
192 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  193 

far  the  so-called  utilitarian  idea  according  to  which  a 
student  was  to  study  only  those  branches  that  had  some 
reference  to  his  future  vocation,  as  though  he  knew  cer- 
tainly what  that  vocation  would  be,  and  pointing  out  that 
it  was  not  so  much  the  knowledge  one  acquires  as  a  student 
from  his  text  books  as  the  discipline  and  mental  develop- 
ment and  increase  of  general  intellectual  force  that  are  of 
value,  and  that  nothing  was  so  well  calculated  in  my  opinion 
to  strengthen  the  mind  and  give  one  the  power  of  analysis 
and  logical  arrangement  of  thought  and  argument  as  a  study 
of  the  ancient  languages,  I  said : 

Well,  now,  there  is  one  other  thing  of  a  special  character  of  which 
I  think.  I  said  the  students  who  graduated  here  would  be  citizens. 
This  is  so  because  colored  people  of  this  country,  from  one  end  to  the 
other,  have  been  made  citizens.  It  was  not  always  so.  We  once  had 
slavery  in  this  country — and  a  great  crime  and  burning  disgrace  it  was 
(loud  applause) — slavery  that  not  only  held  human  beings  in  bondage, 
but  what  was  infinitely  worse,  if  anything  could  be  worse,  deliberately, 
by  legislative  enactment  and  by  enforcement  of  law,  undertook  to  chain 
and  bind  its  victims  in  ignorance  and  degradation  as  well.  (Cries  of 
"Shame!")  Yes,  a  burning  shame!  It  seems  incredible  to  us,  in  this 
year  of  1885,  meeting  here  under  this  tabernacle  in  this  beautiful 
campus,  that  such  a  grand  old  hero,  such  a  distinguished  divine  as 
Bishop  Campbell — who  did  me  the  honor  to  introduce  me — should  have 
been  once  held  in  slavery  as  the  property  of  somebody.  (Cries  of 
"Shame!")  Shame!  Yes,  but  a  more  infamous  shame  that  such  grand 
intellects  as  those  of  Bishop  Campbell  and  Bishop  Turner  and  these 
other  great  men  about  me  here,  should  be  by  legislative  enactments, 
under  the  pains  and  penalties  of  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary,  as 
by  the  statute  books  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  and  other  States 
it  was  provided,  forbidden  to  learn  their  a,  b,  c's!  Do  you  remember? 
(A  storm  of  "Yes,  yes!")  The  American  people  can  easily  forget,  but 
Bishop  Campbell  will  never  forget.  ("No,  no!  Never!")  .  .  .  But 
now,  speaking  about  Georgia,  there  was  once  on  the  statute  books  of 
that  State  not  only  a  law  against  colored  men  learning  their  a,  b,  c*s, 
but  also  a  joint  resolution,  I  believe  it  was,  adopted  by  the  Legislature, 
offering  a  reward  of  $5,000  for  the  delivery  anywhere  within  the  borders 
of  the  State,  of  that  grand  old  humanitarian,  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 
(Hisses.)  Not  only  that,  but  Georgia,  and  probably  all  the  other  slave 
States,  forbade  by  law  the  ordinance  of  baptism  and  the  ordinance  of 
marriage.  As  to  slaves,  they  would  not  allow  colored  men  to  get  an 
education  while  they  lived,  and  manifestly  did  not  want  them  to  go  to 
heaven  when  they  died.  (Great  laughter  and  applause.)  Well,  they 
are  going  to  heaven  all  the  same.  (Renewed  laughter,  and  cries  of 
"That's  so!") 


194.  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Why  do  I  refer  to  these  things?  I  do  so  in  order  that  I  may  supple- 
ment the  reference  with  this  statement;  That  it  is  no  wonder  that  the 
colored  people  of  the  South,  having  been  held  in  bondage  for  250 
years,  and  having  been  so  degraded  and  debased,  should  be  in  the 
condition  they  are  today;  it  is  no  wonder  that  only  about  twenty-five 
per  cent,  of  them  can  read  and  write.  Think  of  it,  my  colored  friends — 
seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  six  millions  of  your  race,  all  American 
citizens,  unable  to  read  or  write!  What  a  grand  field  it  is  for  Wilber- 
force  University  to  work  in!  What  a  grand  inspiration  for  an  insti- 
tution that  comes  up  to  the  measure  set  by  George  Washington — 
knowledge  and  morality!  Go  on  with  your  grand  work!  (Voices, 
"We'Udo  it!") 

I  have  already  spoken  of  some  things  that  ought  to  suggest  great 
encouragement  to  you — great  encouragement  because  of  the  change  of 
sentiment  which  they  indicate  in  your  favor.  Slavery  being  abolished, 
the  people  of  the  South  themselves  have  come  to  see  the  day  when  they 
would  not  have  it  restored  for  anything  you  could  name.  Slavery  abol- 
ished, and  the  people  of  the  South  glad  of  it!  There  is  a  march  of 
progress!  We  want  that  march  to  go  on.  You  have  that  improved 
public  sentiment  down  there  to  encourage  you,  and  you  have  got 
improved  public  sentiment  at  home  to  encourage  you.  Do  you  remem- 
ber, my  fellow  citizens,  that  for  forty-five  years — from  1805  to  1850 — 
we  had  on  the  statute  books  of  Ohio  a  blot  and  disgrace  known  as  the 
"Black  Laws  of  Ohio"?  I  expect  you  have  forgotten  what  the  black 
laws  were.  Well,  some  of  you  haven't,  for  I  see  you  shaking  your  heads. 
Let  me  tell  these  young  people  what  they  were.  The  "Black  Laws" 
were  statutes  which,  among  other  things,  forbade  any  colored  man  to 
testify  in  any  case  in  court  in  which  a  white  man  was  a  party.  Not 
only  that,  but  these  black  laws  provided  that  no  white  man  should  hire 
a  colored  man  to  do  a  day's  work,  or  any  part  of  a  day's  work,  unless 
the  colored  man  would  first  enter  into  a  bond  in  the  sum  of  $500,  to  be 
filed  in  the  court  house,  with  approved  security,  that  he  would  keep  the 
peace  and  would  not  be  a  public  charge.  That  was  encouraging  labor, 
you  know.  (Laughter.)  I  remember  hearing  of  a  case  that  happened 
in  the  part  of  the  State,  where  I  lived,  where  a  poor  colored  man  travel- 
ing along  the  road,  wearied  and  worn  out,  applied  at  a  farmer's  house 
for  his  dinner,  offering  to  chop  enough  wood  to  pay  for  it.  The  farmer 
accepted  the  proposition  and  the  colored  man  got  his  dinner  and  chopped 
enough  wood  to  pay  for  it.  I  should  explain  that  the  black  laws  provided 
that  the  penalty  for  a  violation  of  them  by  a  white  man  should  be  a  fine 
of  $100,  half  of  which  should  be  paid  to  the  informer  to  insure  prose- 
cution. And  that  old  farmer  was  promptly  arrested  and  duly  prose- 
cuted for  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  great  State  of  Ohio.  Now  I 
say,  it  seems  incredible  that  there  could  have  been  a  public  sentiment 
in  Ohio  of  which  such  infamous  laws  were  the  reflection.  And  yet  all 
these  old  men  around  me  remember  these  laws.  But  they're  all  swept 
away  now.  They're  swept  away  forever,  swept  away  to  the  credit  of 
the  people  of  Ohio  and  to  the  credit  of  the  age  in  which  we  live,  swept 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  195 

away  never  to  come  again!  There  is  encouragement  in  that  fact 
for  you. 

And  now,  my  friends,  if  I  were  not  a  candidate,  and  if  this  were 
not  a  non-political  occasion,  I  would  go  on  and  point  out  to  you  some- 
thing else  by  way  of  encouragement  as  an  indication  of  change  of 
public  sentiment  in  Ohio  in  favor  of  the  colored  man.  I  would  like  to 
read  you  some  resolutions  of  one  of  the  great  political  parties  of  Ohio» 
with  respect  to  the  rights  of  the  colored  man.  I  am  not  going  to  telJ. 
you  to  which  political  party  I  refer.  (Laughter.)  I  am  not  going  to> 
let  anybody  say  that  I  came  here  and  made  a  political  speech — but  L 
will  say  that  it  was  not  my  party.  They  commenced  "resoluting"" 
about  this  thing  away  back  in  1858,  and  they  kept  it  up  until  1875^, 
They  resolved,  among  other  things,  that  slavery  in  the  first  place  ought 
not  to  be  abolished,  because  the  result  of  that  would  be  to  increase 
the  number  of  free  blacks  in  Ohio,  and  that  if  such  a  thing  should 
come  to  pass,  they  resolved  it  would  be  "an  unbearable  nuisance."  That 
is  their  language — "an  unbearable  nuisance," — to  have  free  black  people 
in  the  State  of  Ohio. 

They  resolved,  also,  after  the  war,  that  this  was  a  white  man's 
government,  and  that  colored  men  should  not  be  allowed  to  have  any 
part  or  parcel  in  it.  Now  did  you  ever  hear  anything  more  barbarous 
than  that?  But  that,  too,  is  all  passed  away.  The  people  who  passed 
such  resolutions  ten  and  fifteen  years  ago  are  all  dead,  I  guess.  At 
least  they  are  not  any  more  proclaiming  such  inhuman  sentiments. 
There  has  been  progress  in  Ohio.  Any  party  that  would  declare  for 
any  such  infamous  doctrine  in  Ohio  today  would  have  no  more  chance 
of  carrying  the  State  than  a  certain  party  I  know  of  has  of  carrying 
it  this  year.  And  that  party  has  no  chance  at  all.  And  the  party  I 
refer  to  now  is  not  my  party  either.     (Laughter.) 

A  race  that  can  produce  such  men  as  Fred  Douglass,  Dr.  Derrick, 
Bishop  Campbell,  Bishop  Payne,  Bishop  Turner  and  such  men  as  our 
worthy  friend.  Brother  Arnett,  who  is  to  be  the  next  Representative 
in  the  Legislature  from  this  county  (loud  applause),  and  a  gloriously 
good  one  he  will  be— he  will  be  loyal,  I  warrant  you,  to  all  of  the 
highest  and  best  interests  of  the  State  and  of  the  colored  and  also  of 
the  white  people — a  race,  I  say,  that  can  produce  such  men  as  these, 
men  of  such  intellect,  men  of  such  character,  is  deserving  of  the 
highest  encouragement  and  must  be  successful  and  triumphant  in  all 
it  undertakes.     (Applause.) 

The  right  of  suffrage  was  put  to  the  front  m  our  plat- 
form and  in  the  campaign,  not  only  because  of  its  nature 
and  the  outrages  that  had  been  perpetrated  in  the  South, 
but  also  because  of  similar  outrages  then  recently  perpe- 
trated in  Ohio,  especially  at  the  national  election  of  1884, 
when  152  colored  voters  of  Cincinnati  were  arrested  the 
night   before   election,   thrown  into   prison   and   kept  there 


196  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

without  allowing  them  to  communicate  with  anybody  and 
without  a  mouthful  of  food  or  a  drink  of  water  in  the 
meanwhile  until  after  the  polls  were  closed  on  the  evening 
of  election  day. 

The  police  officer  under  whose  management  this  outrage 
was  committed  was  indicted,  prosecuted  and  imprisoned  for 
the  offense.  It  was  of  such  a  bold  and  inexcusable  char- 
acter that  it  gave  an  impetus  to  the  discussion  of  the  right 
of  suffrage  greater  than  had  ever  before  been  known.  It 
brought  home  to  the  voters  of  Ohio  as  never  before  the 
fact  that  to  deprive  the  colored  voters  of  the  South  of 
their  right  of  suffrage  meant  Democratic  domination  for 
the  nation,  including  Ohio  and  all  the  Northern  States,  as 
well  as  the  States  of  the  South.  It  was  not  only  in  order, 
therefore,  to  discuss  this  question,  but  there  was  a  universal 
demand  that  we  should  discuss  it. 

Our  Democratic  friends  had  made  no  answer  except  only 
to  charge  that  we  were  waving  the  "bloody  shirt,"  as  though 
it  was  a  crime  to  refer  to  this  most  hideous  of  crimes. 
I  answered  that  the  shirt  was  undoubtedly  bloody,  but  that 
the  Democratic  hoodlums  and  thugs  of  the  South  had  made 
it  so,  and  that  if  we  were  to  have  law  and  order  and  the 
protection  of  American  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
rights,  we  must  defend  those  rights  by  protesting  against 
and  finding  some  way  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  such 
outrages.  I  made  no  apology  for  discussing  the  subject. 
As  a  sample  of  what  I  said  I  quote  from  a  speech  made 
at  Belief ontaine  as  follows: 

.  .  .  The  party  of  today  believes  that  if  the  party  of  twenty 
years  ago  did  right  in  giving  to  the  colored  people  of  the  South  the 
right  to  vote,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  people  of  this  country  today  to  give 
them  protection  in  the  exercise  of  that  right.  (Applause.)  And  hence 
it  is  that,  standing  at  the  head  of  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  Spring- 
field Convention  is  the  declaration  that  Ihe  right  to  vote  is  a  sacred 
right — that  it  must  be  protected  and  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws,  and  that  every  man  who  has  the  right  to  vote  must  be 
accorded  that  right,  free  from  all  violence,  fraud  or  intimidation,  and 
that  his  ballot  when  cast  must  be  counted  as  cast.  (Applause.) 
The  platform  goes  further  than  that,  and  says  that  if  under  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  laws  as  now  existing,  it  is  not  possible  so  to  protect 
the  right  of  suffrage,  then  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  must  be  made 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  197 

so  that  the  protection  can  be  given.  (Applause.)  "Why,  my  friends, 
in  other  words,  to  the  Republican  Party  it  is  an  infamous  idea  that  the 
general  government  should  have  the  right,  as  it  unquestionably  has,  to 
cross  over  the  lines  of  the  States  and  draft  you  into  its  military 
service,  compelling  you  to  go  out  and  stand  up  for  the  flag  on  the  field 
of  battle,  and  that  when  you  have  done  this  at  the  peril  of  your  life 
and  are  mustered  out  and  have  returned  home  within  your  State, 
those  State  lines  so  easily  crossed  in  one  case  should  rise  up  so  high 
about  you  that  the  general  government  that  drafted  you  can  not  cross 
over  them  to  protect  you  in  the  enjoyment  of  your  rights.  (Loud 
applause.)  We  believe  that  a  government  that  cannot  defend  its 
defenders  and  protect  its  protectors  has  something  the  matter  with  it. 
(Loud  applause.)  We  intend  to  find  out  what  that  something  is  and 
mend  it.  We  had  a  great  contest  in  this  country  to  establish  these 
rights;  it  may  be  we  have  entered  upon  another  long  contest,  but  it  is 
one  in  which  we  are  bound  to  triumph.  Sooner  or  later  we  shall  surely 
secure  the  enforcement  of  these  rights  throughout  the  country.  Now  why 
do  I  talk  like  this?  Why  do  I  say  anything  about  the  right  of  people 
down  South  to  vote.''  There  are  a  great  many  people  North,  there  are  a 
great  many  newspapers  here  who,  when  they  hear  you  talking  about 
interference  with  the  right  of  suffrage  down  yonder,  dismiss  the  whole 
matter  by  saying,  "That  is  waving  the  bloody  shirt."  Well,  now  if  so, 
then  let  us  talk  a  little  about  the  bloody  shirt. 

Heretofore  we  have  been  electing  our  Presidents  and  Vice  Presidents 
each  time  for  twenty-four  years.  Heretofore  we  have  had  nothing  to 
do — as  hereafter  we  will  not  have — with  the  local  State  elections  in  the 
South,  and  inasmuch  as  the  national  result  has  been  favorable  to  us 
anyhow,  we  have  slipped  along,  paying  very  little  attention  to  what 
was  going  on  down  there.  But  at  last,  by  last  year's  election,  we  have 
forced  upon  us  in  a  way  we  can  understand  and  appreciate,  the  effect 
of  the  fact  that  when  a  man  deposits  his  ballot  in  Mississippi,  or 
Georgia,  or  any  other  State  in  this  nation  for  President,  he  is  voting 
not  alone  for  himself  and  the  people  of  his  State,  but  he  is  voting  for 
the  people  of  the  State  of  Ohio;  and  when  a  man  goes  to  the  ballot-box 
with  a  shotgun  to  keep  somebody  from  putting  his  ballot  in  the  box, 
he  is  interfering  with  the  expression  of  the  people  that  affects  not  only 
the  citizens  of  his  own  State,  but  the  citizens  of  Ohio  as  well.  In  other 
words,  in  the  language  of  our  platform,  as  adopted  at  Springfield,  we 
have  been  taught  that  the  right  to  vote  is  a  right  that  concerns  the 
whole  people  of  this  entire  country.  (Applause.)  It  is  our  matter. 
It  is  our  affair.  It  is  our  concern  what  they  do  down  there,  as  well 
as  their  concern  what  we  do  up  here.  Now  what  the  Republican  Party 
wants  is  of  course  that  everybody  will  vote  our  principles,  if  they  can 
make  up  their  minds  freely,  willingly,  so  to  do;  but  the  Republican 
Party  does  not  want  to  force  anybody  to  vote  our  principles.  If  the 
colored  or  the  white  people  of  the  South  want  to  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket  as  a  matter  of  preference,  as  a  matter  of  free  will  or  choice, 
the  Republican  Party  has  not  one  word  to  say.  But  what  the  Republican 
Party  does  say  is  that  every  man  shall  have  the  right  to  vote  just  as 
to  him  is  his  choice  in  that  matter.     (Loud  applause.) 


198  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

And  now  we  are  talking  about  this  because  it  is  an  open  fact,  an 
unquestioned  fact,  that  at  the  last  election,  the  one  that  made  Grover 
Cleveland  President  of  the  United  States,  there  were  forty  electoral 
votes  from  the  Southern  States  supposed  to  represent  the  Republicans 
of  the  South  that  were  not  cast,  as  they  ought  to  have  been  cast,  for 
James  G.  Blaine,  but  by  fraud  and  violence  were  diverted  from  the 
course  in  which  those  they  represented  wanted  them  to  be  cast,  and  were 
made  to  support  the  Democratic  Party.  Now  I  might  enter  into  an 
argument  here  and  make  a  statement  of  facts  to  establish  that  out  of  my 
own  mouth.  But  I  want  to  do  that  out  of  somebody  else's  mouth,  and 
above  all  things,  I  want  to  do  it  by  the  highest  Democratic  authority 
there  is  in  the  United  States,  so  that  my  Democratic  friends  can  not 
complain,  and  that  is  Grover  Cleveland.  Now  I  haven't  any  abuse  for 
Mr.  Cleveland.  He  is  the  President  of  the  United  States,  whether 
rightfully  or  wrongfully,  no  matter  now,  and  he  is  entitled  to  our 
loyalty  and  allegiance  as  President,  and  we  wiU  give  it  to  him,  unlike 
in  that  respect  the  action  of  some  people  when  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
elected  in  1860.  (Applause.)  I  have  not  any  fault  to  find  so  far  with 
Grover  Cleveland,  neither  have  I  any  special  praise  to  bestow  upon 
him.  (Laughter.)  I  think  he  is  just  about  such  a  Democratic  Presi- 
dent as  I  expected  him  to  be.  A  great  many  people  are  finding  fault 
with  him,  because  he  has  been  appointing  rebels  to  place  and  profit — 
rebels  in  the  Cabinet,  rebels  in  high  official  positions  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  rebels  to  represent  the  U.  S.  Government  at  the  courts  of  Europe. 
I  don't  like  that  any  better  than  anybody  else;  but  what  right  have 
people  to  find  fault  with  Grover  Cleveland  for  that?  Would  anybody 
expect  Grover  Cleveland  to  appoint  Republicans  to  such  positions? 
But  if  he  must  appoint  them  solely  from  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic 
Party,  how  could  he  help  appointing  at  least  a  few  rebels?  (Laughter.) 
But  what  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  is  this;  That  out  of  the  mouth 
of  this  good  man,  whom  our  Democratic  friends  have  made  President, 
I  will  prove  that  this  state  of  fraud  and  violence  does  exist;  and  I 
suppose  that  Mr.  Cleveland  has  the  confidence  of  our  Democratic 
friends  up  here.  I  am  not  sure  that  he  has  in  Cincinnati,  however 
(laughter),  for  a  day  or  two  ago  when  he  had  appointed  Mr.  Urner  to 
be  U.  S.  marshal  in  the  place  of  Lot  Wright,  I  was  talking  with  a  distin- 
guished Democratic  politician  down  there  and  I  asked  him  what  he 
thought  of  the  President.  "Well,"  he  said,  "I  wish  you  had  not  asked 
me  that  so  soon."  I  said,  "Why?"  "Well,"  he  answered,  "I  have  not 
fairly  made  up  my  mind  further  than  this.  I  know  that  we  caught  the 
animal,  but  what  it  is  I  do  not  know!"  (Great  applause.)  But  I  take 
it  that  President  Cleveland  is  good  authority  for  a  Republican  or  a 
Democrat  to  quote  with  respect  to  this  matter  of  the  bloody  shirt. 
Now  I  want  to  prove  from  him  that  there  is  this  kind  of  outrage  in 
the  South  which  deprives  people  of  the  right  to  vote. 

You  may  have  read  within  the  last  few  days  of  the  fact  that  recently 
there  was  appointed  to  be  postmaster  at  Hazlehurst,  Copiah  County, 
Miss.,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Meade;  and  that  shortly  after  he  had 
been  appointed  and  before  his  commission  had  been  issued  to  him. 
President  Cleveland  ordered  the  commission  to  be  withheld  until  he 
could  examine  into  the  character  of  Mr.  Meade;  and  then  you  may  have 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  199 

read  that  after  he  had  completed  that  examination  he  refused  to  issue 
him  the  commission,  saying  that  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  in  appointing 
Democrats  to  office  to  draw  the  line  somewhere,  and  he  had  concluded 
to  draw  it  at  murder.  (Applause.)  That  was  his  expression.  He  could 
appoint  almost  any  kind  of  a  man  to  office,  no  matter  what  he  had  done, 
until  it  came  to  murder,  and  there  he  must  draw  the  line.  (Laughter 
and  applause.) 

Well,  what  did  he  mean  when  he  used  that  significant  language? 
He  went  on  to  tell  us.  He  said  somebody  had  told  him  that  Meade 
had  been  connected  with  the  killing  of  somebody  in  Copiah  County,  Mis- 
sissippi, and  that  he  had  examined  into  the  records  to  find  out  what  the 
facts  were,  and  he  had  found  out  that  two  years  ago  a  man  by  the  name 
of  Print  Matthews  had  been  killed  at  the  ballot  box  at  Copiah  County, 
Miss.,  and  that  Print  Matthews  was  a  white  man;  that  he  was  born  and 
raised  there;  that  he  was  a  man  of  property  and  education  and  culture; 
that  he  was  a  man  of  family,  wife  and  children;  that  his  brothers  were 
about  him;  that  he  was  a  man  who  in  every  way  enjoyed  the  confidence 
and  respect  of  his  fellow  citizens  outside  of  politics,  but  that  in  politics 
he  was  a  Republican,  an  ardent  Republican.  If  the  statement  had  not 
been  made  that  he  was  born  and  raised  in  Copiah  County,  I  would  have 
believed  he  had  been  born  and  raised  in  Springfield,  Ohio.    (Laughter.) 

But  he  had  been  active  in  politics.  He  had  kept  the  colored  voters 
of  that  county  organized;  he  had  kept  the  white  Republicans  in  line; 
he  had  insisted  successfully  that  every  man  who  had  the  right  to  vote 
should  have  his  ballot  honestly  counted;  and  the  result  was  that  the 
county  was  continually  going  differently  in  politics  from  what  our 
Democratic  friends  wanted  it;  and  so  they  made  up  their  minds  that 
they  would  dispose  of  him.  All  this  Cleveland  found  out.  Accordingly 
the  Democratic  leaders  met  in  caucus  and  determined  what  should  be 
done  with  that  bad  Republican,  Print  Matthews.  He  went  to  Sunday- 
school,  too;  another  objection.  And  they  determined  that  Print  Mat- 
thews should  stop  voting;  that  he  should  not  have  anything  more  to  do 
with  politics.  And  so  they  appointed  a  committee  to  go  and  notify 
him  the  night  before  the  election  that  on  the  following  day  he  must  not 
vote,  and  that  if  he  did  he  would  do  so  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  These 
neighbors  of  Print  Matthews  rode  down  to  his  home  and  called  him 
out  from  the  bosom  of  his  family  in  the  dark,  and  told  him  what  they 
had  resolved  to  do.  Print  Matthews  could  not  believe  it  possible  that 
they  contemplated  any  such  horrible  barbarity.  And  so  the  next  morning, 
as  was  his  custom,  he  was  at  the  polls  before  six  o'clock.  And  when 
six  o'clock  came  he  was  one  of  the  first  men  to  step  up  to  the  ballot 
box  and  cast  his  ballot,  and  as  he  stepped  back  from  the  box  a  man. 
by  the  name  of  Wheeler  came  out  of  his  hiding  place,  drew  a  double 
barrelled  shotgun  and  shot  him  dead.  Up  here  we  would  hang  a  man 
for  that  and  do  it  quickly,  but  down  there  they  held  a  ratification 
meeting.  They  rang  the  bells  for  joy  and  called  the  whole  town  together 
in  the  city  hall,  and  they  elected  this  man  Meade  chairman.  Now  you 
begin  to  see  what  Cleveland  was  after.  That  meeting  passed  resolu- 
tions approving  what  Wheeler  had  done  in  shooting  Matthews,  and 
warning  all  the  balance  of  the  Matthews  family  to  keep  out  of  politics 
under  penalty   of   a  like   fate.     They   also  afterward   made   Wheeler 


goo  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

marshal  of  the  town  as  a  reward  for  shooting  that  man,  and  they  made 
a  hero  of  him  all  over  Mississippi.  As  a  reward  for  Meade  they  recom- 
mended him  for  postmaster.  Cleveland  had  ordered  him  appointed, 
when  somebody  gave  him  an  inkling  of  the  shooting  matter,  and  then 
it  was  that  Cleveland  investigated  that  matter,  and  said  that  he  must 
draw  the  line  at  murder,  and  that  he  could  not  put  such  a  man  in  office. 
Well  now,  that  suggests  two  things  to  me.  As  I  said  awhile  ago, 
we  have  it  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  highest  Democratic  authority  in 
this  country,  that  there  is  that  kind  of  violence  and  outrage  on  the 
ballot.  But  it  suggests  a  stiU  more  significant  thing.  If  it  was  right 
for  President  Cleveland  to  refuse  to  commission  Mr.  Meade  post- 
master at  Hazlehurst,  because  he  had  helped  to  outrage  the  baUot, 
whereby  Mr.  Cleveland  had  been  given  the  solid  South  and  made  Presi- 
dent, is  -it  not  right  also  for  Mr.  Cleveland  to  resign  his  office  to 
somebody  else?  (Laughter  and  applause.)  Don't  you  think  that  con- 
sistency would  require  him  to  refuse  to  enjoy  the  usufruct  of  such 
outrage.''  How  can  he  give  countenance  to  Mr.  Lamar,  who  held  his 
seat  in  the  U.  S.  Senate  as  successor  to  Blanche  K.  Bruce  simply 
because  the  Republican  State  of  Mississippi  was  made  a  Democratic 
State  by  such  methods?  Well,  now,  I  don't  expect  that  Mr.  Cleveland 
will  resign.  I  have  a  high  opinion  of  him,  but  I  don't  quite  come  up 
to  that.  But  I  tell  you  what  I  do  expect  and  what  we  had  better  do 
about  it.  I  expect  that  the  people  of  this  country  will  determine  to 
give  proper  appreciation  and  attention  to  this  matter,  and  as  a  result 
we  will  determine  that  in  1888  we  will  turn  Mr.  Cleveland  out.  We 
will  turn  him  out,  and  turn  out  the  whole  Democratic  Party  with  him. 
Let  anybody  be  President,  let  anybody  hold  any  office  that  the  people 
may  see  fit  to  elect  him  to.  It  is  not  a  personal  matter,  of  any  impor- 
tance, who  is  President  of  the  United  States.  It  is  no  great  matter 
who  holds  the  post-office  in  Hazlehurst,  Miss.,  except  to  the  one  man 
appointed;  nor  is  it  an  important  matter  who  holds  the  post-office  at 
Bellefontaine,  but  it  is  a  matter  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  whole 
American  people  that  there  shall  be  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count. 
(Enthusiastic  applause.)  It  is  of  the  highest  importance  that  human 
liberty  and  human  rights,  when  established  by  such  bloody  triumphs 
as  we  have  had  to  go  through,  shall  not  be  trampled  in  the  dust  in 
defiance  of  law  and  order.     (Loud  applause.) 

In  addition  to  national  questions,  we  had  State  issues  to 
deal  with  of  grave  importance.  Governor  Hoadly  was  in 
the  second  year  of  his  administration.  The  whole  State 
felt  outraged,  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans,  because 
of  the  scandalous  stories  of  bribery  and  corruption  connected 
with  the  election  of  Henry  B.  Payne  to  the  United  States 
Senate.  The  finances  of  the  State  had  been  unfortunately 
managed.  Grossly  extravagant  appropriations  had  been 
made  and  by  the  decision  rendered  by  the  three  Democratic 
judges,    constituting    a    majority    of    the    Supreme    Court, 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  «01 

invalidating  the  Scott  law,  a  revenue  of  two  millions  of 
dollars,  derived  from  the  taxation  of  the  liquor  traffic,  had 
been  destroyed.  All  these  questions  were  elaborately  debated 
throughout  the  campaign,  which  grew  more  earnest  and 
exciting  with  every  meeting  that  was  held. 

Challenge  for  a  Joint  Debate. 

Two  or  three  weeks  before  the  election,  while  speaking 
at  Bellevue,  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  State,  I  was 
interrupted  by  a  gentleman  who  said  he  desired  to  ask  me 
some  questions.  He  proceeded  to  propound  a  number, 
one  after  another.  They  w^ere  all  apparently  carefully 
framed.  I  at  once  suspected  that  my  inquisitor  was  a  repre- 
sentative of  my  antagonist,  or  the  State  Democratic  Com- 
mittee, carrying  out  a  pre-arranged  plan.  I  answered  him, 
however,  patiently  and  fully. 

I  was  similarly  interrupted  the  next  day  at  Defiance,  and 
again  so  interrupted  the  following  day  while  speaking  at 
Paulding.  In  the  meantime  I  had  received  information 
from  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committee, 
that  a  carefully  considered  program  had  been  agreed  upon 
by  the  Democratic  State  Committee,  according  to  which 
some  one  was  to  be  selected  at  each  place  where  I  was  to 
speak,  who  was  to  propound  to  me  a  set  of  questions,  all 
prepared  at  Democratic  headquarters,  with  the  knowledge 
and  approval  of  Governor  Hoadly,  and  that  Democratic 
newspaper  reporters  had  been  appointed  to  attend  my  meet- 
ings with  a  view  to  exploiting  the  questions  and  making 
all  the  capital  possible  out  of  my  answers.  All  these 
questions  had  reference  to  the  subject  of  temperance.  I 
was  also  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  questions  to  be  asked 
at  Paulding. 

I  expected,  therefore,  to  be  interrupted  in  the  course  of 
my  remarks,  but  had  finished  my  speech,  including  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  liquor  question,  and  was  just  taking  my 
seat,  when  a  Mr.  Cramer  called  out  to  me  from  the  audi- 
ence, saying  that  he  had  some  questions,  that  he  proceeded 
to  ask,  which  he  would  be  glad  to  have  me  answer  if  I 
had  no  objection. 


gOa  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  quote  from  the  daily  press  as  to  what  followed: 

Judge  Foraker  at  once  invited  him  (Mr.  Cramer)  to  come  forward 
to  the  platform,  or  at  least  nearer  to  it,  so  all  could  plainly  see  and 
hear  what  his  answer  should  be.  This  Mr.  Cramer  declined  to  do. 
Thereupon  Judge  Foraker  asked  him  if  he  would  be  kind  enough  to 
tell  him  where  he  got  the  questions  which  he  had  propounded  to  him. 
Mr.  Cramer  at  once  took  his  seat  under  cover  of  an  umbrella  that  hap- 
pened to  be  conveniently  raised  in  front  of  him.  Judge  Foraker  asked 
him  to  stand  up  and  answer  where  he  had  got  the  questions  he  had 
submitted.  Mr.  Cramer  declined  to  do  so.  Thereupon  Judge  Foraker 
requested  the  lady  who  had  the  umbrella  to  please  move  from  in  front 
of  Mr.  Cramer,  so  that  he  could  see  and  be  seen,  which  she  accordingly 
did.  When  Judge  Foraker  again  asked  him  to  be  kind  enough  to  stand 
up  and  "tell  the  audience  from  whom  he  had  got  the  questions,  Mr. 
Cramer  still  declined  to  do  so.  By  this  time  he  began  to  look  as 
though  he  wished  he  was  in  any  other  place  than  there,  but  he  was 
effectually  surrounded  by  a  large  audience,  who  had  gathered  as  closely 
as  possible  to  hear  what  was  coming.  Still  refusing  to  say  where  he 
had  got  the  questions.  Judge  Foraker  then  asked  him  if  it  was  not 
true  that  the  questions  had  been  furnished  him  by  the  Democratic 
State  Committee,  and  if  he  had  not  propounded  them  at  their  request. 
For  a  while  he  remained  silent,  but  Judge  Foraker,  pressing  the  ques- 
tion and  demanding  an  answer,  he  finally  admitted  that  they  had 
been  furnished  him  by  the  Democratic  State  Committee,  and  that  he 
had  presented  them  at  their  request.  Judge  Foraker  then  asked  him 
if  it  was  not  also  true  to  his  knowledge  that  the  questions  had  been 
written  by  Governor  Hoadly  himself,  and  if  the  whole  plan  of  having 
them  presented  and  answered  was  not  at  the  suggestion  of  Governor 
Hoadly  and  in  his  interest.  This,  also,  Mr.  Cramer  finally  admitted. 
Judge  Foraker  then  asked  him  if  the  questions  had  not  been  furnished 
him  in  writing  and  been  committed  to  memory  by  him.  This  also 
Mr.  Cramer  finally  reluctantly  admitted.  Thereupon  Judge  Foraker 
drew  from  his  pocket  a  paper,  and  asked  Mr.  Cramer  to  listen  while 
he  read  from  it  and  call  his  attention  to  any  differences  he  might 
discover  as  he  read  between  the  questions  he  had  propounded  orally 
and  those  that  the  Judge  should  read.  The  Judge  thereupon  read  from 
his  paper  precisely  the  same  questions,  in  the  same  order  and  in  the 
exact  words,  as  Mr.  Cramer  admitted.  The  Judge  thereupon  stated 
that  he  had  recently  received  a  letter  from  Columbus,  informing  him 
that  Governor  Hoadly  and  a  number  of  other  gentlemen  had,  in  con- 
sultation, agreed  to  have  a  man  secretly  follow  him  (Foraker)  and  at 
his  meetings  secure  some  Prohibitionist  to  ask  him  a  number  of 
questions,  among  which  were  the  ones  in  question.  The  Judge  said  he 
recognized  every  man's  right  to  ask  him  any  questions  he  might  desire 
to  ask,  pertaining  to  the  political  issues  of  the  campaign,  and  he  had 
frankly  and  fairly  answered  all  such  questions.  At  Bellevue  on  Wed- 
nesday night,  certain  questions  were  asked  of  him,  and  he  had  answered 
them  fully  and  frankly,  but  he  had  read  in  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  203 

a  garbled  report  that  tried  to  make  it  appear  that  he  had  not  done  so. 
He  said  that  also  at  Defiance  yesterday  he  was  similarly  interrogated, 
and  he  had  been  told  that  an  entirely  false  statement  had  been  tele- 
graphed to  the  Enquirer  and  other  Democratic  papers  as  to  what  had 
been  said;  that  by  this  experience  he  had  been  convinced  that  it  was 
impossible  to  both  fairly  answer  and  be  fairly  reported.  For  that 
reason  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  do  what  otherwise  he  should  not 
have  done,  and  that  was  to  take  notice  of  Governor  Hoadly's  connec- 
tion with  the  whole  matter.  He  had  intended  to  pay  no  attention  to 
Judge  Hoadly  in  connection  with  the  matter,  because  he  disliked  to  act 
upon  what  he  regarded  as  so  unworthy  of  one  holding  the  high  position 
of  dignity  and  honor  that  is  held  by  his  opponent,  saying  he  meant  by 
that  that  he  disliked  to  think  that  Judge  Hoadly  would  resort  to  such 
methods  of  political  warfare,  but  inasmuch  as  nothing  else  seemed  to 
answer,  he  would  say  to  Mr.  Cramer  as  a  Democrat,  and  to  all  others 
who  might  be  present,  whether  Democrats  or  Prohibitionists,  that  he 
would  answer  the  questions  not  as  coming  from  Mr.  Cramer,  a  Pro- 
hibitionist, but  from  Governor  Hoadly,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
re-election. 

He  thereupon  answered  the  questions  fully  and  fairly,  stating  that 
his  position  was  that  of  his  party,  as  defined  in  its  platform,  and  as  he 
had  everywhere  expressed  himself  heretofore,  and  saying  also  that 
the  letter  of  Chairman  Bushnell  expressed  exactly,  as  he  understood 
it,  the  position  of  the  Republican  Party,  and  that  he  knew  of  nothing 
inconsistent  therewith  that  had  been  said  by  Senator  Sherman.  He  there- 
upon said  further: 

"I  want  to  say  now  to  Judge  Hoadly,  as  well  as  to  this  audience, 
that  I  am  ready  to  answer  any  questions  that  anybody,  partic- 
ularly Judge  Hoadly,  may  want  to  propound,  but  that  I  do  not 
believe  in  questions  and  answers  at  long  range  that  lead  to  mis- 
understandings and  misrepresentations.  I  therefore  invite  Gov- 
ernor Hoadly  to  meet  me  on  the  same  platform  and  ask  me  any 
and  all  questions  he  may  desire  to  ask,  and  not  only  invite  him, 
but  I  here  and  now  challenge  him  to  meet  me  anywhere  in  the 
State  of  Ohio  at  such  time  or  times  as  our  respective  State  Com- 
mittees may  agree  upon,  to  discuss  all  the  questions  involved  in 
this  contest.  I  desire  that  there  may  be  no  misunderstanding 
about  this  matter.  I  therefore  place  no  limitation  on  my  chal- 
lenge, except  only  that  our  discussion  may  be  had  prior  to  the 
election.  I  shall  immediately  telegraph  the  Republican  Committee 
accordingly,  and  have  them  communicate  to  Judge  Ploadly,  either 
directly  or  through  his  committee,  what  I  have  said." 

It  is  useless  to  undertake  to  describe  the  bursts  of  enthusiasm  and 
applause  with  which  the  vast  audience  greeted  almost  every  utterance 
of  Judge  Foraker  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  scenes  that  fol- 
lowed Mr.  Cramer's  interruption.  When  Judge  Foraker  had  ceased 
to  speak  the  whole  audience,  men,  women  and  children,  rushed  with 
one  accord  to  the  platform,  seized  him,  shook  hands  with  him,  pulled 
and  hauled  him  in  every  direction  for  almost  an  hour  so  anxious  and  so 


204  JOSIEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

enthusiastic  were  they  in  their  eflForts  to  show  their  appreciation  for 
him  and  what  he  had  said.  No  such  scene  has  ever  before  been  wit- 
nessed here,  and  no  such  supreme  contempt  has  ever  been  excited  for 
anybody  as  that  which  everybody  entertains  for  Mr.  Cramer.  No 
language  can  describe  the  sneaking,  humiliating  and  cowardly  appear- 
ance and  conduct  of  Cramer  as,  under  the  burning  words  of  Judge 
Foraker,  his  false  pretense  and  hypocrisy  were  laid  open  amid  the 
cheers  and  demonstrations  of  the  immense  crowd  that  hemmed  him  in 
on  every  side  and  made  escape  impossible. 

Later:  Judge  Foraker  is  receiving  a  regular  ovation  this  evening 
by  the  people  of  Paulding  Center,  at  the  residence  of  Major  Holcomb, 
and  the  town  is  wild  with  excitement, 

I  was  extremely  fortunate  in  having  as  Chairman  of  the 
Republican  State  Committee  in  the  campaign  of  1885,  the 
Honorable  Asa  S.  Bushnell,  afterward  Governor.  He  was 
a  business  man  of  large  and  very  successful  experience. 
He  had  a  strong  intellectual  endowment  and  a  generous 
heart.  He  was  a  thoroughly  loyal  Republican.  He  had 
never  before  taken  any  part  in  politics  outside  of  his  own 
county  and  congressional  district,  but  he,  in  common  with 
all  Republicans  of  Ohio,  felt  that  the  national  election  of 
the  year  before  was  a  great  misfortune  to  the  country  and 
that  it  was  our  highest  duty  to  retrieve  what  had  been  lost. 
Accordingly,  his  whole  heart  and  soul  were  enlisted  In  this 
fight.  He  kept  constantly  In  touch  with  me  and  kept  me 
fully  informed.  He  was  a  wise  counsellor.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  kept  him  fully  informed  not  only  of  what  was 
actually  occurring,  but  also  as  to  what  was  passing  through 
my  mind.  He  knew  it  was  my  purpose  to  challenge  Gov- 
ernor Hoadly  to  a  joint  debate,  not  only  because  of  the 
manner  in  which  I  was  being  interrogated  and  then  incor- 
rectly reported,  but  also  because  Governor  Hoadly  had  said 
in  one  of  his  speeches  that  I  had  on  the  temperance  question 
one  speech  for  Oberlin,  a  prohibition  community,  and  an 
entirely  different  speech  for  the  "over-the-Rhine"  Germans 
of  Cincinnati.  When,  therefore,  I  informed  him  that  I 
had  given  the  challenge  contemplated,  he  at  once  opened 
correspendence  on  the  subject  with  General  Thomas  E. 
Powell,  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  State  Committee. 
Quite  a  number  of  letters  passed  between  them,  due  to  the 
fact    that    General    Powell,    Chairman    of    the    Democratic 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  205 

Committee,  insisted  on  inviting  Dr.  A.  B.  Leonard,  the 
Prohibition  candidate,  to  participate  in  the  debate,  and  to 
the  further  fact  that  General  Bushnell  insisted  that  one  of 
the  debates  should  be  at  Oberlin  and  the  other  at  Cincin- 
nati. It  was  finally  agreed,  however,  that  there  should  be 
two  debates,  one  at  Wheeler's  Opera  House,  in  Toledo, 
October  8,  1885,  and  the  other  at  Music  Hall,  Cincinnati, 
Saturday  evening,   October  10th. 

It  was  further  agreed  that  Governor  Hoadly  should  have 
an  hour  in  which  to  open  the  debate  at  Toledo  and  that 
I  should  have  an  hour  and  a  half  in  which  to  answer,  and 
he  should  have  half  an  hour  in  which  to  reply;  that  the 
order  should  be  reversed  at  Cincinnati.  The  election  was  to 
occur  on  the  next  Tuesday  following  the  debate,  October 
13,  1885.  The  campaign  that  had  been  stirring  throughout 
and  which  was  from  day  to  day  exciting  more  and  more 
interest,  was  given  a  stimulus  by  this  proposed  debate  that 
it  would  be  hard  to  exaggerate.  Long  before  the  hour 
named  for  the  discussion  to  commence  the  Opera  House  at, 
Toledo  was  filled  almost  to  suffocation.  Democrats  and 
Republicans  alike  were  present  from  all  over  the  State. 
Hundreds  could  not  get  nearer  to  where  the  speaking 
occurred  than  the  street  in  front  of  the  Opera  House. 
These  features  of  the  debate  were  duplicated  at  Cincinnati. 
No  such  throngs  of  people  were  ever  crowded  into  Music 
Hall  as  were  present  to  hear  the  debate  on  October  10th. 
Every  available  space, — in  the  aisles,  in  the  galleries,  on 
the  stage  and  in  the  lobbies  leading  to  the  hall — 'was 
crowded  with  enthusiastic,  shouting,  demonstrative  men  and 
women  of  both  parties.    ' 

In  his  opening  speech  at  Toledo  Governor  Hoadly  under- 
took to  turn  the  debate  into  a  discussion  of  the  relative 
merits  of  prohibition,  which  he  vigorously  opposed,  and  the 
license  system,  which  he  championed.  I  answered  him  as  best 
I  could,  not  only  as  to  these  questions,  but  as  to  the  many 
other  questions  that  had  arisen  during  the  campaign.  But 
all  he  said  and  all  that  I  said  in  these  respects  was  forgotten 
in  a  day  because  of  two  things  that  unexpectedly  cropped 
out  in  the  debate  which  took  entire  possession  of  the  minds 


JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

of  the  people  present  and  of  the  people  throughout  the 
State  who  read  in  the  morning  papers  an  account  of  the 
meeting. 

In  the  course  of  his  remarks  Governor  Hoadlj  spoke  of 
a  visit  which  he  had  recently  made  to  Glandorf  in  Putnam 
County,  which  he  termed  a  model  village.  He  told  how  the 
people  of  that  village,  after  going  to  church  in  the  morning, 
met  in  a  social  way  and  sipped  their  beer  and  wine  to  the 
great  advantage,  as  he  claimed,  of  all  concerned.  He  con- 
cluded his  account  of  this  model  village  by  saying  there 
was  not  a  single  Republican  voter  in  the  entire  village. 

I  had  never  before  heard  of  the  village  of  Glandorf,  but 
a  few  minutes  after  he  had  mentioned  it  a  gentleman  in 
the  audience  sent  me  a  note,  stating  that  he  had  lived  for 
eighteen  years  at  Ottawa,  the  county  seat  of  Putnam 
County,  within  one  mile  of  Glandorf,  and  that  there  was 
more  drunkenness  in  Glandorf  than  in  any  other  village 
of  its  size  in  Ohio,  and  that  it  was  notorious  for  petty 
crimes. 

I  commenced  by  using  this  note  to  good  advantage  in 
answering  what  the  Governor  had  said  about  his  "model 
village."  After  reading  it,  I  said,  "Now,  my  fellow  citizens, 
you  doubtless  know  why  it  is  that  there  is  no  Republican 
in  Glandorf."  The  applause  with  which  this  note  and  my 
statement  were  received  was  fittingly  described  as  "tremen- 
dous, long-continued  and  over  and  over  again  renewed." 

The  other  feature  of  the  meeting  that  is  even  yet  well 
remembered,  was  an  effort  on  his  part  to  anticipate  the 
charge,  if  I  should  see  fit  to  make  it,  that  he  had  himself 
been  a  Republican  when  most  of  the  things  for  which  he 
was  finding  fault  with  the  Republican  Party  had  been  done. 
He  sought  to  defend  his  action  in  leaving  the  party  by 
ctting  the  fact  that  other  men,  distinguished  as  Repub- 
licans, had  become  Democrats.  His  language  in  this 
respect  was: 

.  .  .  My  friends,  it  will  be  told  you  tonight  that  I  was  a  Repub- 
lican. I  was;  thank  God.  I  was,  and  thank  God,  also,  that  when  the 
time  came,  and  that  party  had  fulfilled  its  mission,  and  had  no  longer 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  207 

any  call  to  live,  except  the  call  to  induct  its  members  into  office,  I,  who 
cared  nothing  for  office,  had  the  grace  to  leave  that  party.  (Applause.) 
I  can  not  speak  from  personal  observation  of  these  recent  years  of 
the  Republican  Party,  but  in  the  days  when  Salmon  P.  Chase,  who 
died  a  Democrat,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  died  a  Democrat,  and 
Chas.  Sumner,  whose  last  wish  was  that  the  emblems  of  victory  should 
be  removed  from  our  flag,  and  Horace  Greeley,  who  died  a  Democrat, 
and  a  thousand  other  leaders  of  the  Republican  Party  who  came  within 
the  fold  of  the  Democratic  Party  before  they  died,  were  the  leaders  of 
that  party,  that  party  would  never  go  before  the  people  and  present 
itself  for  their  favor,  dodging  an  important  issue. 

After  disposing  of  the  Glandorf  statement,  I  then  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  Governor  Hoadly  had  made  so 
many  mistakes  in  his  public  statements  that  it  had  become 
a  common  remark,  "That  is  another  of  Hoadlj's  mistakes." 
I  then  told  the  audience  that  his  statement  that  Lincoln 
had  died  a  Democrat  was  not  true ;  it  was  only  another  of 
"Hoadly's  mistakes;"  that  I  felt  it  my  duty  as  it  was  my 
great  pleasure  to  tell  him  that  Lincoln  had  not  died  a 
Democrat,  but  only  by  the  hand  of  a  Democrat.  The 
applause  and  cheers  and  uproarious  demonstrations  with 
which  this  statement  was  received  almost  broke  up  the 
meeting.  It  was  a  long  time  before  the  audience  could  be 
quieted  down  so  that  I  could  proceed  with  my  speech. 

When  Governor  Hoadly  came  to  reply  he  said: 

I  am  sorry  the  Judge  (referring  to  me)  is  growing  deaf.  I  wish  he 
were  not;  but  not  a  man  in  this  audience  heard  me  say  Mr.  Lincoln 
died  a  Democrat.  (Hisses  and  cries  of  "Oh,  yes,  oh,  yes.")  No,  sir, 
not  one.  (Renewed  cries  of  "Yes,  yes,"  and  hisses.)  Not  one.  (Cries 
of  "Yes,  yes.")  But  I  tell  you  what  I  will  say.  (Hisses  and  cries  of 
"Dodged  again.")  I  will  say  this  (voice,  "Nixie!")  that  if  Abraham 
Lincoln  had  lived  six  months  longer  he  would  have  been  driven  out  of 
his  party  as  Seward  was.  (Renewed  hisses.)  Keep  still,  my  friends; 
do  not  be  angry  because  the  men  hissed.  It  don't  disturb  me  any. 
I  know  what  I  am  about.  I  am  not  going  to  lose  my  temper  or  my 
presence  of  mind.  If  Abraham  Lincoln  had  not  died  when  he  did, 
he  would  have  been  driven  out  of  his  party.  History  records  that  his 
scheme  of  reconstruction  was  identical  with  the  one  for  adopting  which 
Andrew  Johnson  was  driven  from  the  Republican  Party.    (Applause.) 

When  Judge  Hoadly  came  to  answer  me  at  Cincinnati 
he  commenced  his   remarks  by  saying: 

My  friends,  .  .  .  you  have  heard  much  of  Hoadly's  mistakes.  I 
made  one  at  Toledo.     Intending  there  to  say  that  William  H.  Seward 


mS  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

died  a  Democrat,  inadvertently  and  without  my  knowledge,  a  moment 
later,  or  at  the  time,  I  used  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  When 
called  on  afterward,  I  denied  it  in  perfect  good  faith,  but  the  consum- 
mate art  of  the  stenographer  has  convinced  me  that  I  was  wrong;  that 
I  did  make  the  mistake;  but  I  desire  now,  through  the  reporters  here 
present,  to  apologize  to  my  Toledo  audience  and  to  Judge  Foraker  for 
calling  his  statement  and  their  contradiction  in  question.  I  undoubt- 
edly made  the  mistake.     (A  voice:  "Bravo!") 

The  Glandorf  incident  in  the  Toledo  debate  evidently 
troubled  him  somewhat;  at  least  I  judged  so  from  the  fact 
that,  further  along  in  his  Cincinnati  speech  he  said,  refer- 
ring to -his  remarks  about  Glandorf: 

I  have  been  in  another  model  town  since  then.  I  have  been  in 
Auglaize  County,  a  county  that  gave  me  2,122  majority,  and  where 
the  people  are  only  uneasy  for  fear  thej'-  may  not  get  rid  of  that  1 
and  get  another  2  in,  so  as  to  make  it  2,222.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
In  that  county  is  Jackson  township,  which  gave  me  444  votes,  and 
Judge  Foraker  9  votes.  (Laughter.)  In  that  township  there  are  just 
as  many  saloons  as  there  are  Republicans,  one  apiece;  nine  saloons. 
(Laughter  and  cheers.)  In  that  township  is  the  village  of  Minster, 
with  a  population,  in  1883,  of  1,123.  Now,  with  444  Democrats  to 
9  Republicans,  with  nine  saloons,  how  many  legal  prosecutions  do 
you  suppose  have  been  necessary  to  keep  the  peace  in  Jackson  town- 
ship and  Minster  village  during  the  last  three  years?  Just  one.  Just 
one.  (Cheers.)  And  that  one  assault  and  battery,  committed  within 
the  last  thirty  days  by  a  woman  that  had  just  moved  into  the  town- 
ship. (Laughter  and  cheers.)  Do  those  people  need  any  law,  any 
Scott  law,  any  Pond  law,  any  prohibitory  law,  any  Smith  law,  to  keep 
them  in  order?  No.  They  are  self-controlling,  self-mastered,  Demo- 
cratic people.     (Applause.) 

I  make  this  statement  on  the  authority  of  the  prosecuting  attorney 
of  Auglaize  County,  over  whose  books  I  went  this  morning  before  I 
left  Wapakoneta,  to  verify  the  facts.  That  is  the  kind  of  villages  and 
townships  we  need  in  Ohio.     We  don't  need  prohibitory  laws. 

I  quote  from  my  reply  as  follows: 

Governor  Hoadly  commenced  by  admitting  and  explaining  a  mistake. 
He  said  that  at  Toledo  he  had  made  the  mistake  of  saying  that  Lincoln 
had  died  a  Democrat.  He  wanted  to  correct  that  by  telling  us  that 
he  did  not  mean  Lincoln,  but  he  meant  to  say  that  Seward  had 
died  a  Democrat.  Let  me  say,  in  answer  to  Governor  Hoadly,  that  he 
is  just  as  much  mistaken  when  he  says  Seward  died  a  Democrat  as 
when  he  said  that  Lincoln  died  a  Democrat.  (Great  and  prolonged 
applause  and  cheers.)  I  want  to  say,  however,  more  than  that,  as  to  the 
mistake  which  he  has  corrected.  He  not  only  made  a  mistake  in  saying 
that  Seward  died  a  Democrat,  but  doubtless  he  made  the  mistake  from 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1885  209 

the  same  cause  that  probably  induced  him  to  make  the  other  mistake 
which  he  was  endeavoring  to  explain;  for,  as  it  was  with  Lincoln,  so, 
too,  with  Seward,  while  one  Democrat  was  killing  Lincoln  another 
was  trying  to  kill  William  H.  Seward.     (Cheers  and  great  applause.) 

As  to  what  he  said  about  Jackson  Township,  in  Auglaize 
County,  I  quote  from  my  answer  as  follows: 

Now,  I  want  to  correct  another  mistake.  The  Governor  gave  us,  at 
Toledo,  an  account  of  a  model  village  by  the  name  of  Glandorf.  He 
has  now  given  us  an  account  of  a  model  township  in  Auglaize  County. 
He  has  told  us  of  a  township  that  gave  him  444  votes,  and  gave  me 
only  9;  a  township  in  which  there  are  nine  saloons  and  the  people  of 
which  have  a  great  many  virtues,  of  which  he  has  told  us.  I  want 
to  tell  the  Governor  that  I  was  in  Auglaize  County  two  years  ago, 
during  my  canvass  of  that  year,  and  I  heard  of  that  township.  They 
told  me  it  was  the  stronghold  of  Democracy,  and  they  told  me  this, 
also,  of  it:  that  while  it  had  the  saloons  and  the  Democratic  majority 
he  speaks  of,  yet  it  also  had  in  the  whole  township  not  a  single,  solitary 
schoolhouse.  (Long  continued  applause.)  Now,  one  other  thing. 
I  have  had  a  note  sent  up  to  me  from  the  audience.  Judge  Hoadly 
told  us  there  was  no  disorder  or  violation  of  law  in  that  township.  A 
gentleman  has  sent  me  from  the  audience  the  following — a  man  who 
lives  there  and  who  knows  more  about  it  than  the  Governor  could  learn 
by  stopping  off  for  only  half  an  hour,  to  examine  the  books.  The  note 
is  as  follows:  "There  is  more  drunkenness  in  Jackson  township,  Auglaize 
County,  and  more  disorder,  and  the  records  of  criminal  prosecutions 
in  the  last  ten  years  will  show  more  violations  of  law  than  any  other 
township  in  the  county."  (Tremendous  applause  and  a  voice:  "Tell  us 
whose  name  is  signed  to  it.")  T.  W.  Brotherton.  (The  same  voice: 
"There  is  no  such  man  living  in  that  county.")  Theodore  W.  Brother- 
ton  is  as  high-minded  and  reputable  a  man  as  lives  in  the  State  of  Ohio, 
and  that  he  is  such,  and  that  he  does  live  there,  I  can  prove  by  Governor 
Hoadly  himself.  (Applause.)  Now,  like  conditions  always  give  like 
results.  That  is  the  kind  of  place  to  which  we  look  for  Democrats. 
(Great  applause.) 

These  debates  were  reported  in  full  and  have  been  pub- 
lished as  a  separate  document.  There  were  other  features 
of  them  that  might,  with  propriety,  be  specially  mentioned, 
but  at  this  late  date  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  points 
mentioned  were  those  that  seemed  to  fasten  themselves  on 
the  minds  of  the  people  and  to  create  an  impression  so 
favorable  to  myself  and  my  candidacy  as  to  help  my  cause 
very  greatly  at  the  election  a  few  days  later.  The  vote 
was:  For  Hoadly,  341,830,  Foraker,  359,281;  Leonard, 
28,081;  Northrop,  2,001;  my  plurality,  18,451. 


glO  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  closed  my  Inaugural  Address  January  11,  1886,  with 
the  following: 

Governor  Hoadly,  always  kind  and  generous,  was  never  more  so 
than  he  has  been  to  his  successor.  It  would  be  a  pleasure  to  thank 
him  for  this  under  any  circumstances,  but  it  is  especially  so  when  it 
is  recalled  that  notwithstanding  we  have  opposed  each  other  in  two 
heated  political  contests,  not  a  single  unkind  or  offensive  word  has  yet 
been  uttered  by  either  of  the  other.  The  friendship  of  years  seems  to 
have  been  made  only  the  stronger  by  the  tests  to  which  it  has  been 
subjected,  and  no  one  more  earnestly  than  I  entertains  the  hope  that 
there  are  in  store  for  my  distinguished  predecessor  many  years  of  life, 
health  and  happiness  to  be  spent  in  wider  fields  of  usefulness  and  honor 
than  any  he  has  heretofore  occupied. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

1886 
MY  FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR. 

I  WAS  inaugurated  on  the  eleventh  day  of  January, 
1886.  It  happened  to  be  the  coldest  day  of  the 
winter, — 11  degrees  below  zero, — thus  verifying  the  state- 
ment made  by  Governor  Hoadly  in  one  of  his  speeches  that 
"it  would  be  a  cold  day  when  Foraker  was  inaugurated." 
He  meant,  of  course,  that  I  would  not  be  inaugurated  at  all, 
but  his  prediction,  accepted  according  to  the  language  used, 
was  literally  true.  Notwithstanding  the  severity  of  the 
weather,  thousands  were  present  to  witness  the  ceremony. 

My  first  official  action  was  to  appoint  a  private  secretary 
and  his  assistants,  an  Adjutant  General  and  a  military  staff. 
For  my  private  secretary  I  appointed  the  Honorable 
Charles  1.,.  Kurtz,  and  for  his  assistants,  Mr.  Charles  E. 
Prior  and  Mr.  George  A.  Beaton,  both  capable,  efficient, 
reliable  men,  who  performed  their  duties  faithfully  and 
creditably  under  all  circumstances. 

I  had  become  acquainted  with  Mr.  Kurtz  at  the  Chicago 
Convention,  where  he  appeared  as  Senator  Sherman's  special 
representative,  and  where  he  worked  very  faithfully  with 
Mr.  Hanna  and  myself,  winning  the  good  opinion  and 
warm  friendship  of  both  of  us.  In  1885  he  was  secretary 
of  the  campaign  committee,  in  which  position  his  labors 
were  tireless  and  very  useful.  In  this  position  he  was  the 
co-laborer  of  General  Bushnell,  who  was  the  chairman  of  the 
committee.  This  co-operation  made  them  close  and  lifelong 
friends. 

During  the  four  years  I  was  in  the  executive  office  he 
was  faithful  and  efficient  in  the  highest  sense  of  the  word. 
He  had  a  natural  aptitude  for  politics  and  displayed  his 
abilities  in  that  respect  on  many  occasions,  notably  at  the 
Zanesville  Convention  of  1895,  where  he  was  a  sort  of  Grand 

211 


21^  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Field  Marshal  in  charge,  when  Governor  Bushnell  was  nomi- 
nated and  Mr.  Hanna  suffered  a  defeat  that  made  him  Mr. 
Kurtz's  enemy  for  life,  but  without  causing  Mr.  Kurtz  any 
serious  distress  of  mind,  either  then  or  ever  afterward. 

I  was  fortunate  also  in  the  selection  of  an  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral. I  appointed  Henry  A.  Axline  of  Zanesville.  He  had 
been  a  soldier  during  the  last  year  of  the  Civil  War,  when 
he  was  only  fifteen  years  of  age.  He  had  been  assistant 
Adjutant  General,  with  the  rank  of  Colonel,  under  Governor 
Foster.  He  had  a  natural  liking  for  military  life.  He 
was  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  National  Guard,  and 
popular  with  all  its  officers  and  men.  He  was  pleased  and 
worthy  to  have  conferred  upon  him  the  rank  of  Major 
General  and  Chief  of  Staff.  He  was  most  efficient  through- 
out the  four  years  he  held  that  office,  not  only  as  to  the 
organization  as  such,  but  as  to  all  the  office  work  that 
was  imposed  upon  him,  chief  of  which  was  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  official  roster  of  the  soldiers  of  Ohio  during 
the  Civil  War.  He  was  ably  assisted  by  Col.  William 
S.  Wickham,  whom  I  appointed  assistant  Adjutant  General. 

General  Bushnell  had  served  so  successfully  as  chair- 
man that  I  was  anxious  to  recognize  him  in  some  fitting 
way,  and  would  have  given  him  any  kind  of  appoint- 
ment he  might  have  desired  that  it  was  in  my  power  to 
give.  When  I  told  him  how  I  felt  and  asked  him  to  let 
me  know  if  there  was  anything  he  wanted  for  himself  he 
told  me  there  was  nothing  "except  only  the  privilege  of 
supporting  my  administration  as  he  had  supported  my 
candidacy."  I  concluded  to  appoint  him  Quartermaster 
General.  He  declined  to  accept  but  finally  yielded  assent 
when  I  insisted  that  it  was  due  me  that  he  should  accept 
some  kind  of  recognition,  and  that  I  would  feel  gi'eatly 
obliged  to  him  if  he  would  act  in  that  capacity.  I  shall 
have  more  to  say  of  General  Bushnell  when  I  come  to  speak 
of  him  as  Governor,  to  which  office  he  was  elected  in  1895. 

Another  member  of  the  staff  was  the  Honorable  Asa 
W.  Jones  of  Mahoning  County,  a  prominent  lawyer,  who  had 
actively  participated  in  the  campaign,  making  a  number  of 
very  effective  speeches.     He  did  not  want  any  recognition, 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR         213 

but  lit  my  urgent  request  accepted  the  office  of  Judge  Advo- 
cate General.  He  was  later,  in  1895,  elected  Lieutenant 
Governor,  on  the  same  ticket  with  Governor  Bushnell. 

In  addition  to  these  Generals  the  law  provided  for  ten 
Colonels  on  the  Governor's  Staff.  I  appointed  to  these 
places  George  L.  Couch  of  Wellington,  Lowe  Emerson 
and  Arthur  L.  Fogg,  and  later  Samuel  W.  Trost  of  Cincin- 
nati, Charles  E.  Groce  of  Circleville,  Harry  E.  Meade  of 
Dayton,  Moses  H.  Neil  of  Columbus,  J.  L.  Pierson  of  Paines- 
ville,  Harry  C.  Sherrard  of  Steubenville,  George  P.  Waldorf 
of  Lima,  and  Henry  B.  Wilson  of  Ironton.* 

These  were  all  splendid,  active,  fine  looking  men,  who, 
in  connection  with  official  and  public  occasions,  responded 
to  the  call  of  duty  promptly,  wore  their  uniforms  and  mili- 
tary trappings  modestly,  discharged  their  duties  creditably, 
bore  the  assaults  of  ridicule  bravely,  enjoyed  the  title  of 
"Colonel"  immensely,  and  were  on  all  occasions  a  happy  and 
agreeable  family.  Most  of  them  are  dead  now,  but  my 
skirts  are  clear, — none  of  them  died  in  battle. 

I  have  for  all  of  them  the  most  grateful  recollection, 
because  of  the  friendship,  zeal  and  fidelity  they  manifested 
in  all  their  relations  to  me  then  and  afterward. 

Cincinnati  Election  Frauds. 
During  the  campaign,  commencing  with  the  platform 
adopted  at  Springfield,  we  had  kept  the  question  of  a  free 
ballot  and  a  fair  count  at  the  front.  In  my  inaugural 
address  I  gave  the  same  subject  first  place.  This  was  due 
not  only  to  the  fact  that  the  suppression  of  the  Republican 
vote  throughout  the  Southern  States  had  been  emphasized 
by  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Blaine  and  the  fact  that  election 
frauds  in  those  States  seemed  to  be  year  by  year  becoming 
worse,  but,  also  to  the  fact  that  for  several  years  prior 
to  the  campaign  of  1885,  the  city,  state  and  national  elec- 
tions in  Cincinnati  had  been  attended  by  frauds,  commit- 
ted in  the  interest  of  the  Democrats,  by  a  gang  of  un- 
scrupulous scoundrels  who  outraged  the  sensibilities  of  not 
only  all  Republicans,  but  also  of  the  great  majority  of 
Democrats.      Repeating,   stuffing  ballot  boxes,   false   count- 

•  Dr.  H.  J.  Herrick  of  Cleveland  was  appointed  and  served  as  Sur- 
geon General  during  my  first  term,  and  Dr.  A.  E.  Jones  of  Cincinnati 
succeeded  liim   as   Surgeon   General   during  my  second   term. 

In  addition  to  tlie  Colonels  mentioned  in  the  text  the  following 
were  appointed  to  fill  vacancies,  most  of  them  for  my  second  term: 
William  C.  Haskell  of  Ashtabula,  John  D.  Stuckey  of  Washington 
C.  H.,  Charles  F.  Baldwin  of  Mt.  Vernon,  Cortland  L.  Kennan  of  Nor- 
walk,  and  Floyd  L.  Smith  of  Portsmouth. 

These  names  were  all  inadvertently  omitted  in  the  first  edition. 


214  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

ing  and  a  general  "doctoring"  of  the  returns  were  only 
some  of  the  evils  commonly  practiced.  In  consequence  of 
these  frauds  almost  every  election  day  was  a  day  of  dis- 
order, violence,  and  more  or  less  of  rioting  and  bloodshed. 
These  practices  had  been  so  open,  flagrant,  and  notorious 
that  in  1878  the  Republicans  applied  to  the  United  States 
Court  for  the  appointment  of  a  supervisor  of  elections,  to 
serve  at  the  approaching  October  State  election,  to  super- 
vise the  election  of  congressmen  who  were  to  be  chosen 
at  the  same  time. 

Without  any  knowledge  that  any  such  thing  was  con- 
templated, I  was  appointed  by  the  United  States  Court 
to  act  as  Chief  Supervisor.  Most  reluctantly  I  accepted 
the  trust  and  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  its  duties. 
They  were  burdensome,  exacting  and  responsible,  but  they 
proved  a  good  preparation  for  what  was  to  come  after- 
ward. I  learned  from  this  practical  experience  that  the 
appointment  for  each  voting  place  of  supervisors,  chosen 
equally  from  the  best  men  of  both  parties,  was  a  good 
preventive  of  fraud.  The  election  held  that  year  was 
freer  from  violence  and  violations  of  the  law  than  any  for 
some  time  prior  thereto,  due  to  this  fact  more  than  to 
anything    else. 

At  that  time  we  had  no  registration  system  and  no  kind 
of  secret  ballot.  The  results  of  that  election  were  so  sat- 
isfactory and  so  universally  acquiesced  in  without  com- 
plaint, that  we  hoped  our  city  would  not  again  be  disgraced 
by  such  practices;  but  as  we  approached  the  date,  October 
14th,  for  the  State  election  of  1884,  unmistakable  indica- 
tions cropped  out  of  a  contemplated  renewal  of  these  elec- 
tion  outrages. 

Both  the  Mayor  and  the  County  Sheriff  were  Democrats. 
In  consequence,  both  the  police  force  of  the  city  and  the 
Deputy  Sheriffs,  of  whom  the  Sheriff  could  appoint  any 
number  he  saw  fit,  were  under  Democratic  control.  The 
police  force  of  that  period  had  a  bad  reputation.  There 
were  some  good  men  on  the  force,  but  many  who  were  not. 
Among  them  were  some  who  had  been  convicted  of  crimes, 
and  others  who  were  known  to  be  professional  gamblers  and 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  gl5 

associates  of  the  criminal  classes, — ^pickpockets,  thieves, 
bawdy  house  keepers,  etc.  They  were  charged  not  only 
with  connivance  at  crime  but  with  actual  commission  of 
crime  while  on  duty,  wearing  their  uniforms.  A  notable 
instance,  and  one  about  which  columns  were  published  in 
all  the  newspapers  of  the  city,  was  the  case  of  a  hold-up 
and  robbery  of  a  citizen  in  the  shadow  of  a  church  by  two 
officers  who  were  on  duty  at  the  time.  They  were  believed 
to  have  been  in  actual  league  with  the  perpetrators  of  elec- 
tion frauds  at  some  of  the  elections  previously  held  and 
also  to  be  in  actual  league  with  such  offenders  as  to  the 
frauds  contemplated  at  the  approaching  election.  The 
deputy  sheriffs  to  be  appointed  might,  of  course,  be  good 
or  bad,  but  it  was  feared  and  believed  by  Republicans  that 
they  would  be  bad,  very  bad. 

It  was  Presidential  year,  and  on  that  account  the  October 
election  involved  not  only  the  choice  of  congressmen  and 
State  officials,  which  of  itself  made  it  important,  but  it  was, 
also,  calculated  to  exert  a  strong  influence  on  the  election 
of  Presidential  electors  in  November.  Having  become  sat- 
isfied that  preparations  were  being  made  for  a  revival  of  the 
old-time  evil  practices,  and  that  they  had  no  protection 
except  such  as  the  United  States  might  be  able  and  willing 
to  give,  the  Republicans  asked  the  United  States  Court 
for  the  appointment  of  a  Chief  Supervisor,  and  asked  the 
United  States  marshal  for  the  appointment  of  deputy 
United  States  marshals,  to  support  the  Chief  Supervisor 
and  his  assistant  supervisors  in  the  supervision  of  the  elec- 
tion of  congressmen  and  to  assist  in  the  protection  of  all 
who  ♦had  a  right  to  vote  and  to  arrest  all  who  might  attempt 
to  vote  illegally  or  who  might  commit  any  other  violation 
of  law. 

William  H.  Taft  was  appointed  and  acted  as  Chief  Super- 
visor. Notwithstanding  he  had  the  protection  of  deputy 
marshals,  the  frauds  committed  at  that  election  were  not 
only  open  and  notorious,  but  in  some  respects  unprecedented, 
and,  in  a  large  measure,   successful. 

Among  these  frauds  was  the  arrest  and  imprisonment, 
already   mentioned,    of   one   hundred    and   fifty-two   colored 


gl6  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

voters,  who  were  held  under  arrest  and  in  imprisonment 
from  the  night  before  the  election  until  after  the  close  of 
the  polls.  This  outrage  on  the  rights  of  duly  qualified 
electors  brought  home  to  the  people  of  Ohio,  as  nothing 
before  had  done,  a  realization  of  the  outrages  so  commonly 
practiced  in  some  of  the  Southern  States,  and  aroused  a 
determination  to  secure  in  Ohio,  at  least,  a  free  ballot 
and  an  honest   count. 

At  that  time  the  National  House  of  Representatives  was 
Democratic.  The  Honorable  John  F.  Follett  was  a  Demo- 
cratic member  representing  the  First  District  of  Ohio.  Not- 
withstanding the  frauds  that  were  practiced,  he  was  defeated 
by  the  Honorable  Benjamin  Butterworth  by  a  majority  of 
about  sixteen  hundred  votes ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  facts 
were  as  above  indicated,  the  cry  was  at  once  raised  that  the 
election  had  been  carried  by  the  Republicans  by  frauds  and 
intimidations  at  the  hands  of  the  deputy  United  States 
marshals. 

Mr.  Follett  asked  for  and  secured  the  appointment  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  a  committee  of  investiga- 
tion, of  which  the  Honorable  William  M.  Springer  of  Illi- 
nois was  the  chairman. 

This  committee  came  to  Cincinnati  and  spent  several  days 
in  the  examination  of  numerous  witnesses,  both  Democrats 
and  Republicans.  The  procedure  was  in  the  nature  of  an 
investigation  of  the  Honorable  Lot  Wright,  the  United 
States  marshal,  who  had  appointed  the  deputy  marshals. 

At  the  request  of  Major  Butterworth  and  others  I  acted 
as  one  of  the  counsel  for  Mr.  Wright. 

There  was  much  testimony  to  show  that  there  were"  Re- 
publican irregularities  of  one  kind  and  another,  but  none 
whatever  to  show  that  any  Democratic  voter  had  been  intim- 
idated or  that  any  Republican  fraud  of  any  kind  had  been 
committed.  On  the  other  hand,  a  great  many  Democratic 
irregularities  and  evil  practices  were  established  in  addi- 
tion to  the  one  mentioned. 

Among  the  many  witnesses  called  was  William  H.  Taft, 
the  Chief  Supervisor.  Looking  back  to  his  testimony  it 
would  seem,  in  the  light  of  the  surrounding  circumstances, 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  ^17 

that  he  was  somewhat  mortified  by  the  irregularities,  frauds 
and  crimes,  that  had  prevailed  and  that  he  attributed  them 
in  part,  at  least,  to  the  character  of  the  deputy  United 
States  marshals  who  had  been  appointed,  and  the  location 
and  distribution  of  them  for  service  on  election  day.  At 
any  rate,  in  view  of  his  subsequent  career,  it  is  interesting 
to  quote  from  the  daily  press  reports  of  the  investigation 
the   following: 

Supervising  Inspector  of  Elections  Will  Taft  testified  that  he  made 
John  J.  Gleason  get  out  of  the  Nineteenth  Ward  polls.  He  was  not 
drunk,  but  was  trying  to  arrest  a  deputy  sheriff  who  was  on  the  inside. 
He  said,  "I  arrest  you  on  the  authority  of  the  United  States."  The 
deputy  sheriff  said,  "I'll  be  d— d  if  you  do."  The  sheriff  was  the 
largest  man,  and  Gleason  didn't  arrest  him.  When  I  saw  him  he  was 
much  excited  because  the  authority  of  the  United  States  had  been  dis- 
puted. He  did  not  know  that  people  had  been  intimidated  by  marshals 
until  the  Honorable  Jeremiah  Mulroy  told  him  so  in  the  evening.  On 
cross-examination  he  said  that  in  the  wards  where  the  marshals  were 
most  needed  they  were  of  no  avail,  and,  as  one  of  his  supervisors 
informed  him,  "They  were  not  worth  three  hurrahs  in  hell."  Mr. 
Springer  asked  him  if  Lot  Wright  had  given  him  the  list  of  deputy 
marshals,  as  directed  by  law. 

Mr.  Taft  said  he  had  not. 

It  was  hoped  that  the  exposure  so  made  of  these  evil 
practices  would  serve  as  a  deterrent  for  the  future,  but  the 
election  of  1885  was  worse,  in  some  respects,  than  any  ever 
before  held.  In  fact,  bad  as  was  what  had  gone  before,  the 
frauds  attempted  and  practiced  by  the  Democrats  of  Cin- 
cinnati at  that  election  exceeded  anything  ever  before  heard 
of  in  our  State.  They  were  so  bad  that  Governor  Hoadly, 
in  a  speech  made  at  a  farewell  banquet  given  him  by  the 
Democracy  of  Hamilton  county  on  the  occasion  of  his 
departure  from  Cincinnati  to  locate  in  New  York,  there 
to  engage  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  took  occasion  to  say 
to  his   fellow   Democrats: 

One  trouble  with  the  Democracy  of  Hamilton  County  is  that  they 
have  learned  the  trick  of  changing  the  ballots  after  they  have  been 
put  in  the  box.  The  Democracy  of  Hamilton  County  must  take  a  new 
departure.  I  am  going  to  speak  right  out  in  meetin'  here,  too.  (Cry 
of  "Go  ahead.")  Never  again,  never  again  allow  an  honorable  man 
to  contemplate,  as  I  had  to  do  with  shame,  my  name  accredited  with 


nS  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

926  votes  I  never  received  in  the  Fourth  Ward,  and  my  friend  Judge 
Foraker,  in  Precinct  A,  Fourth  Ward,  accredited  with  forty-six  only, 
when  he  certainly  received  nearly  two  hundred. 

What  Governor  Hoadly  said  was  true  not  only  of  Cin- 
cinnati, 'but  in  greater  or  less  degree  of  other  places,  par- 
ticularly Columbus.  A  striking  example  of  the  many- 
bold,  audacious,  criminal  things  that  were  done  was  the 
changing  in  the  returns  of  the  figure  7  into  a  9  in  the 
Fourth  Ward  of  Cincinnati  and  the  changing  of  a 
figure  2  into  a  5  in  the  returns  from  one  of  the  precincts 
in  Columbus,  by  which  in  the  one  case  200  votes  and 
in  the  other  300  votes  were  added  to  the  Democratic 
column  and  counted  as  so  many  votes  cast,  notwithstand- 
ing the  footings  so  made  were  manifest  and  glaring  for- 
geries and  inconsistent  with  the  tallies. 

The  aggregate  of  the  forgeries  and  frauds  consum- 
mated in  one  way  and  another  were  sufficient  to  add  many 
hundreds  to  the  apparent  Democratic  vote  and  to  change 
in  that  way  the  election  of  ten  Republican  Representatives 
and  four  Republican  Senators  in  Hamilton  County  to  an 
apparent  election  of  the  opposing  Democratic  candidates. 
It  appearing  on  the  face  of  the  returns  that  the  four 
Democratic  candidates  for  Senator  and  the  ten  Democratic 
candidates  for  Representative  had  a  majority  of  the  votes, 
the  election  officials  were  about  to  return  them  as  duly 
elected,  when  a  suit  was  brought  to  enjoin  such  action. 
This  case  was  decided  against  the  Democratic  candidates 
in  the  lower  court,  but  in  the  Supreme  Court  that  decision 
was  reversed  on  the  ground  that  the  right  of  each  House 
to  determine  the  qualifications  of  its  members  was  the  sole 
and   exclusive    remedy    against    the   off^enses    charged. 

In  consequence  of  this  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
the  names  of  the  ten  Democrats  from  Hamilton  County 
were  placed  on  the  roll  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  the  names  of  the  four  Democratic  Senators  were  placed 
on  the  roll  of  the  Senate. 

The  total  membership  of  the  Senate  was  thirty-seven, 
and  the  total  membership  of  the  House  one  hundred  and 
ten.      Excluding    the    four    Republican    Senators    and    the 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  ^19 

ten  Republican  Representatives  from  Hamilton  County  and 
seating  their  Democratic  opponents,  the  temporary  roll 
stood,  in  the  Senate,  Democrats,  20,  Republicans,  17;  in  the 
House,  Republicans,  58,  Democrats,  52.  In  other  words,  not- 
withstanding the  ten  Democratic  Representatives  fraudu- 
lently returned  were  allowed  to  participate  in  the  organ- 
ization of  the  House,  yet  the  Republicans  were  able  to 
muster  a  constitutional  majority  and  elect  a  Speaker,  and 
a  Clerk,  and  all  the  other  officers. 

It  was  different,  however,  in  the  Senate.  The  consti- 
tutional majority  necessary  to  organize  that  body  was  nine- 
teen; consequently  the  Democrats  had  one  more  vote  than 
was  necessary  for  organization,  while  the  Republicans  had 
two  votes  less.  The  result  was  a  Republican  organization 
in  the  House  and  a  Democratic  organization  in  the  Senate. 

Immediately  after  the  organization  of  the  House,  the 
contest  over  the  ten  Hamilton  County  seats  was  referred 
to  a  committee,  which,  after  '^pending  a  few  days  taking 
testimony,  made  to  the  House  a  majority  report  in  favor 
of  the  contestants  and  a  minority  report  in  favor  of  the 
contestees. 

As  stated,  I  was  inaugurated  on  the  11th  day  of  Jan- 
uary. Two  days  later,  on  the  13th,  the  Republican  major- 
ity in  the  House  forced  a  vote  upon  the  adoption  of  these 
reports  with  the  result  that  the  Democrats  were  ousted 
and  the  Republicans  were  given  their  seats  in  time  to  vote 
for  John  Sherman,  who  on  that  same  day  was  re-elected  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  without  any  Republican 
opposition,  receiving  every  Republican  vote,  both  in  the 
Senate  and  in  the  House.  It  was  a  great  day  for  Ohio 
Republicans. 

Unseating  the  four  fraudulently  returned  Democratic 
Senators  was  a  much  more  difficult  matter  than  that  which 
the  House  so  promptly  and  so  successfully  solved.  The 
difficulty  was  that  on  every  question  affecting  the  contest 
the  Democratic  Senators  from  Hamilton  County  insisted 
upon  voting,  notwithstanding  the  disqualification  of  self- 
interest.  The  presiding  officer  ruled  that  all  four  were  in 
the  same  situation  and  that  what  affected  one  affected  all 


JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

and  that  self-interest  was  a  disqualification  for  all,  on 
account  of  which  none  had  a  right  to  vote.  Had  there 
been  only  one  contestee  it  would  have  been  clear  beyond 
argument  that  the  presiding  officer  was  correct,  for  such, 
is  the  universal  rule  of  parliamentary  bodies  with  respect 
to  such  questions.  The  contestees  and  their  Democratic 
colleagues  contended  further  that  notwithstanding  the 
cases  and  rights  of  all  four  were  exactly  alike,  yet  each 
contestee  had  a  right  to  have  his  case  heard  and  passed 
upon  separately  from  the  others  and  that  the  other  three 
should  be  allowed  to  vote  for  the  colleague  whose  seat  was 
at  stake;  the  Republicans  claimed  that  all  coming  from 
the  same  county,  and  all  being  affected  alike  by  the  same 
testimony,  all  stood  in  the  same  relation  and  that  the  dis- 
qualification extended  to  the  entire  group  as  a  group.  If 
the  Democratic  contention  had  been  sustained  there  would 
have  been  on  each  vote  to  unseat  nineteen  Democratic  Sen- 
ators against  seventeen  Republican  Senators,  or  a  full  con- 
stitutional Democratic  majority  of  two  over  the  Republic- 
ans; or  in  other  words,  disposing  of  their  cases  separately, 
meant  that  all  would  hold  their  seats,  and,  the  Supreme 
Court  having  ruled  there  was  no  other  remedy,  fraud 
would  have  been  triumphant  by  the  help  of  fraud. 

Notwithstanding  the  ruling  of  the  presiding  officer  the 
Democratic  Clerk  insisted  upon  calling  the  names  of  the 
contestees  on  every  question  that  from  time  to  time  arose 
affecting  their  right  to  their  seats,  as  well  as  upon  other 
questions  and  upon  announcing  the  result  so  reached.  The 
Lieutenant  Governor,  as  presiding  officer,  in  every  such 
instance  overruled  him  by  deducting  from  the  vote  cast 
the  votes  of  the  contestees  and  announcing  the  result 
accordingly. 

This  sort  of  thing  went  on  during  all  the  time  the  com- 
mittee to  which  the  contest  had  been  referred  was  making 
its  investigation.  As  time  passed  public  feeling  with  respect 
to  the  matter  became  more  and  more  intense.  When  finally 
the  committee  made  its  report,  April  29th,  the  Democratic 
members  favored  the  contestees  and  the  Republican  mem- 
bers favored  ousting  them  and  seating  the  Republican  con- 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  821 

testants.  These  two  reports  were  set  down  for  hearing 
on  the  fifth  day  of  May  following.  When  that  order  of 
business  was  reached  the  entire  Democratic  membership 
of  twenty  failed  to  appear.  It  was  soon  learned  and  an- 
nounced that,  foreseeing  the  ruling  on  final  vote  of  the 
Lieutenant  Governor  that  all  were  in  the  same  boat  and 
none  could  vote,  they  had  not  only  vacated  their  seats  to 
break  a  quorum,  but  had  decamped  during  the  night,  and, 
fugitive-like,  had  fled  into  Kentucky,  beyond  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  State,  so  that  they  could  not  be  reached  by  the 
sergeant-at-arms,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  all  fur- 
ther proceedings  against  the  contestees. 

The  journal  of  the  Senate  showed  there  was  no  quorum 
present  on  the  5th.  It  showed  the  same  thing  for  the 
6th  and  the  7th,  but  on  the  8th  it  showed  only  that  the 
Senate  convened,  the  reports  of  the  committees  were  con- 
sidered and  acted  upon,  the  result  reached  and  announced, 
that  the  contestees  had  been  wrongfully  returned  as  elected, 
and  that  the  Republican  contestants  had  been  elected  and 
were  entitled  to  be  sworn  and  take  their  seats,  all  of  which 
was   accordingly    done. 

The  Legislature  continued  in  session  until  the  19th  day 
of  May,  when  it  adjourned  until  January,  1887.  During 
all  this  period  and  until  the  adjourned  session,  the  Dem- 
ocratic absentees  remained  away  not  so  much  because  they 
were  ashamed  to  return  to  occupy  even  those  seats  that 
were  uncontested,  as  because  they  wanted  to  prevent  legis- 
lation affecting  the  liquor  traffic,  the  finances  of  the  state, 
and  the  abolition  of  a  number  of  municipal  boards  they 
desired  to  continue.  This  plan  was  fully  unfolded  when, 
meanwhile,  a  suit  was  brought  to  test  the  validity  of  the 
Dow  law  that  was  enacted  during  their  absence  on  the  ground 
that  the  Republican  Senators  from  Hamilton  County  were 
unlawfully  inducted  into  office,  and  that  in  consequence  the 
statute  had  been  passed  in  the  Senate  without  the  requisite 
constitutional  majority.  The  Supreme  Court  upheld  the 
validity  of  the  act  on  the  ground  that  it  could  not  go  be- 
hind the  record  as  given  in  the  journal;  and  that  record 
being  silent   on   the   subject  it  was  bound  to   assume  that 


222  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

there  was  a  quorum  present,  in  the  absence  of  anything  in 
the  record  to  the  contrary. 

In  this  way  unblushing  frauds  were  brought  to  naught 
and  the  action  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor  and  the  Repub- 
lican Senators  was  upheld;  and  all  was  done  legally,  for  the 
Senate  was  not  required  to  show  by  its  journal  how  many 
Senators  were  present,  and  the  court  correctly  held  it  was 
bound,  in  the  absence  of  anything  in  the  record  to  the  con- 
trary, to  assume  that  it  had  a  quorum.  An  opposite  ruling 
would  have  conflicted  with  the  precedents  and  been  an  aid 
to   fraud. 

General  Kennedy,  the  Republican  Lieutenant  Governor, 
distinguished  himself  throughout  this  long  controversy  by 
a  fearless  and  intelligent  discharge  of  the  duties  that 
devolved  upon  him  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate.  He 
was  roundly  denounced  and  abused  by  the  Democrats.  There 
was  hardly  any  offensive  name  that  could  be  thought  of 
that  was  not  applied  to  him.  He  was  called  a  tyrant,  a 
usurper,  a  king,  an  autocrat,  a  czar,  and  everything  else 
that  indicated  an  ar'bitrary  and  dictatorial  use  of  power 
and  authority.  When  finally  he  emerged  from  the  con- 
troversy triumphant  he  found  himself  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  title  of  "King  Bob,"  but  it  was  applied  to  him  then, 
not  by  way  of  reproach,  but  in  complimentary  allusion  to 
the  distinguished  and  courageous  service  he  had  so  fear- 
lessly and  honorably  rendered  the  state.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Democratic  Senators,  likewise,  were  the  subjects  of 
criticism,  denunciation  and  ridicule.  Many  names  were 
applied  to  them,  but  the  one  that  seemed  to  stick,  because 
it  met  with  common  acceptation  and  approval,  was  that 
of  "squaw  senators."  Just  why  this  particular  name  should 
have  been  given  them  was  not  quite  clear,  but,  neverthe- 
less, it  was  popular.  When  finally  those  whose  seats  were 
uncontested  did  return  at  the  adjourned  session  they  came 
back  not  in  triumph,  but  shorn  of  the  power  of  the  major- 
ity and  compelled  to  be  content  with  the  humbler  rights 
and  privileges  of  a  minority,  to  which  alone  from  the  first 
they  had  been  entitled.  The  newspapers  of  the  day  teemed 
with  attentions  to  them.     A  few  of  them,  not  many,  were 


1886— FIRST  YEAK  AS  GOVERNOR  223 

humorous.  One  worthy  of  preservation,  that  went  the 
rounds  of  all  the  papers,  both  inside  and  outside  the  State, 
was  the  following: 

7-(_0=:9 

The  evening  shades  were  settling  down. 
As  the  Bourbon  gang  in  Columbus  town 
Marched  into  the  Senate,  all  in  line 
Under  this  banner  of  strange  design: 

7-  o  ^  5^  og 

The  struggle  was  short — ^their  cause  was  weak. 
And  as  out  of  the  chamber  all  did  sneak. 
They  raised  a  dismal,  pitiful  whine — 
"Seven  plus  naught — equals  nine." 

Referring  now  to  my  inaugural  address,  what  I  said 
about  the  necessity  for  legislation  to  secure  honest  elec- 
tions was  prompted  by  the  character  of  events  mentioned. 
I  have  taken  the  trouble  to  mention  these  events  to  show 
that  the  time  had  come  for  resolute  action  and  that  nothing 
was  said  or  done  beyond  what  was  necessary  and  urgently 
demanded  if  we  were  to  have  anything  like  satisfactory  and 
successful  popular  government. 

Exaction  Laws  Amended. 

I  recommended  that  provision  be  made  for  the  appoint- 
ment in  the  large  cities  of  non-partisan  boards  of  election, 
consisting  of  four  members  each,  not  more  than  two  of 
whom  should  belong  to  the  same  political  party;  and  that 
these  boards  of  election  should  appoint  equally  from  the 
two  leading  parties,  judges,  clerks,  etc.,  to  conduct  the 
election. 

In  accordance  with  this  recommendation,  the  Legislature 
promptly  enacted  what  was  known  at  the  time  as  the  Pugsley 
law,  named  after  its  author,  the  Honorable  Jacob  J.  Pugsley, 
State  Senator  from  the  Highland  County  Senatorial  Dis- 
trict. This  law  applied  to  the  cities  of  Cincinnati,  Cleve- 
land, Columbus,  and  Toledo,  and  one  of  its  requirements 
was  that  the  Governor  should  appoint  the  boards  author- 
ized, on  or  before  the  first  day  of  March  then  next  ensu- 


^24  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

ing;  the  purpose  of  this  provision  being  to  put  the  law 
into  operation  in  time  for  the  Spring  municipal  elections. 
The  requirements  of  the  law  were  complied  with  and  the 
law  operated  so  successfully  that  it  virtually  marked  the 
end  of  election  frauds  in  Ohio.  Later  another  advance  step 
was  taken  when,  at  the  same  session,  the  Legislature  enacted 
a  law  requiring  registration  in  the  cities  of  Cincinnati 
and  Cleveland;  and  still  another  important  advance  step  was 
taken  upon  the  recommendation  of  my  successor.  Governor 
Campbell,  when  the  Australian  ballot  was  adopted.  From 
time  to  time  our  election  laws  have  been  amended,  until  they 
are  today  as  nearly  perfect  as  it  seems  possible  to  make 
them.  I  always  recall,  with  great  satisfaction,  that  I  had 
an  important  part  in  the  inauguration  of  this  much  needed 
reform. 

The  early  months  of  my  administration  were  busy  months. 
We  not  only  had  the  election  contests  to  deal  with,  in  rela- 
tion to  which  there  was  some  new  development  almost  every 
day  until  the  fraudulently  returned  Senators  were  finally 
ousted,  that  gave  us  concern,  worriment  and  work,  but  we 
had  also  to  elect  a  United  States  Senator.  This  election, 
although  unattended  with  controversy,  yet  required  time, 
attention  and  consideration  to  conduct  it  in  accordance 
with   required    formalities. 

The  Dow  Law 

In  addition  to  these  two  matters,  we  had  the  framing 
and  enacting  of  the  election  laws,  already  mentioned,  and 
also  the  redemption  of  our  pledge  that  there  should  be 
a  re-enactment  of  a  statute  for  the  regulation  of  the  liquor 
traffic  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  Scott  law. 
All  Republicans  were  united  upon  this  general  proposition, 
but  there  was,  naturally,  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to 
the  details  and  much  care  was  necessary  in  drafting  the 
measure  to  avoid  the  objections  to  the  Scott  law  and  the 
Pond  law,  on  account  of  which  those  statutes  had  been 
held  invalid  by  the  Supreme  Court.  It  was  impossible  to 
enact  any  such  statute  until  by  the  unseating  of  the  four 
fraudulently  returned  Democratic  Senators  we  secured  a 
majority  in  the   Senate.      Then,   on  the  fourteenth   day   of 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  2^5 

May,  1886,  what  was  called  the  Dow  law,  in  honor  of 
Senator  Dow,  its  author,  was  duly  enacted.  That  statute 
provided  for  the  taxation  and  regulation  of  the  liquor 
traffic  together  with  local  option  prohibition.  It  was  a 
complete  redemption  of  the  promises  we  had  made  in  our 
platform  and  in  the  campaign.  It  was  from  time  to  time 
amended  by  increasing  the  tax,  and  in  other  respects,  but 
without  in  any  regard  changing  the  principles  involved. 
This  law,  having  been  attacked,  was,  as  already  noted, 
upheld  by  the  Supreme  Court.  In  its  original  and  amended 
forms  it  continued  to  be  the  law  of  Ohio  for  a  quarter  of  a 
century  and,  it  may  be  safely  said,  thoroughly  vindicated 
by  its  results  the  wisdom  of  the  party  that  enacted  it. 

The  Legislature  passed  another  act  which  our  Democratic 
friends  were  very  anxious  to  defeat  and  which  had  much 
to  do  with  the  Senators  absenting  themselves  in  an  effort 
to  blockade  all  legislation.  This  was  an  act  undoing 
a  gerrymander  of  the  Congressional  districts  which  had  been 
passed  by  the  previous  Legislature.  We  restored  the  dis- 
tricts as  created  in  1882  on  the  basis  of  the  census  of 
1880. 

In  all  this  busy  time  and  with  respect  to  all  this  im- 
portant legislation  and  the  troublesome  questions  that 
arose  I  was  fortunate  in  having  the  help  of  a  number  of 
good  men  in  both  the  Senate  and  the  House;  among  these 
Senator  Pugsley,  Senator  Pavey,  Senator  Dow,  and  Sen- 
ator Pringle  were  especially  helpful  in  the  Senate;  as  were 
the  Speaker,  John  C.  Entrekin ;  the  Speaker  pro  tem,  Daniel 
J.  Ryan ;  Col.  C.  L.  Poorman  of  Belmont ;  George  G. 
Washburn  of  Lorain ;  Seth  W.  Brown  of  Warren ;  E.  L. 
Lampson  of  Ashtabula;  William  S.  Matthews  of  Gallia, 
and  David  M.  Barrett  of  Highland,  in  the  House.  All 
these  were  very  able  and  very  efficient  legislators.  They 
would  have  held  high  rank  in  the  national  Congress,  where, 
later,  a  number  of  them  did  serve  with  credit  and  distinc- 
tion. 

State's  Finances. 

On  the  day  I  was  inaugurated  Governor  Hoadly  told  me 
I  would  have  trouble  on  account  of  the  financial  condition 


a«6  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

of  the  state.  I  found  it  so  unsatisfactory  that  I  concluded 
to  deal  with  it  in  a  special  message  sent  to  the  Legislature 
on  the  sixth  of  April,  1886.  In  this  message  I  not  only 
set  forth  the  state  of  the  treasury,  which  was  practically 
empty,  but  also  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  were 
gross  inequalities  in  the  valuations  of  property  for  taxa- 
tion, both  real  and  personal,  and  that  there  should  be  pro- 
vision made  for  correcting  the  same.  I  also  called  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  for  some  reason  there  had  been  a 
decline  during  my  predecessor's  administration  in  the  aggre- 
gate valuation  for  taxation  of  the  personal  property  of  the 
state,  amounting  for  the  first  year  to  fourteen  millions  of 
dollars,  and  for  the  second  year  eighteen  millions  of  dol- 
lars. At  the  same  time  there  was  this  decline  there  was 
a  large  increase  of  expenditures  on  account  of  which  we 
were  confronted  by  a  deficit  that  made  it  necessary  to 
borrow  $500,000. 

I  recommended  that  this  loan  be  authorized,  and  that 
in  some  suitaible  way  provision  should  be  made  for  the 
appointment,  instead  of  the  election,  of  the  tax  assessors 
in  the  municipalities,  the  constitution  requiring  their  elec- 
tion in  the  townships ;  the  purpose  being  to  secure  greater 
independence  on  the  part  of  those  fixing  values  than  they 
could  have  if  dependent  on  the  suffrages  of  their  neighbors 
for  election  and  re-election  to  their  offices. 

This  message  excited  much  discussion,  not  only  in  the 
Legislature,  but  throughout  the  state.  The  result  was 
good.  In  time  some  of  the  evils  complained  of  were  rem- 
edied by  law,  but  instantly  there  was  an  improvement  in  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  various  taxation  officials. 
When  the  returns  for  the  year  were  made  up  it  was  dis- 
closed that  not  only  had  the  decline  in  the  aggregate  val- 
uation of  the  taxable  personal  property  been  arrested,  but 
there  had  been  an  increase  for  the  year,  over  the  last  pre- 
ceding year,  of  about  $19,000,000.  From  that  time  for- 
ward the  tax  duplicate  had  a  healthy  growth,  and  through 
the  help  of  the  Dow  law,  and  in  other  ways,  the  revenues 
were  increased  until,  before  I  went  out  of  office,  instead  of 
a  deficit,  we  had  a  surplus. 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  2^7 

Refunding  Bonded  Debt. 

During  Governor  Hoadly's  administration  an  effort 
was  made  to  refund  the  bonded  debt  of  the  state,  amount- 
ing to  $2,240,000.  The  outstanding  bonds  representing 
this  amount  bore  six  per  cent  interest  per  annum  and  ma- 
tured December  31,   1886. 

A  tentative  contract  had  been  entered  into  during  the 
last  year  of  Governor  Hoadly's  administration,  with  his 
approval,  providing  for  the  refunding  of  this  debt  at  the 
rate  of  3.65  per  cent  per  annum.  I  declined  to  consum- 
mate this  contract  and  succeeded  in  negotiating  another 
for  the  refunding  of  the  debt  at  3  per  cent  with  a  sale  of 
the  3  per  cents  at  a  premium  that  made  the  net  rate  of 
interest  2.72,  the  lowest  rate  the  state  had  ever  realized, 
and  a  lower  rate  than  the  United  States  government  had 
up  to  that  time  ever  realized,  and  a  lower  rate  than  the 
British  government  had  ever  up  to  that  time  realized.  This 
was  regarded,  and  justly  so,  as  a  very  successful  transac- 
tion and  one  for  which  I  was   given  much  credit. 

Board  of  Public  Affairs  for  Cincinnati. 

During  Governor  Hoadly's  administration  legislation  had 
been  enacted  providing  for  the  pavement  with  granite  of 
the  principal  streets  of  Cincinnati,  at  an  expenditure  that 
was  authorized,  of  four  millions  of  dollars.  The  duty  of 
supervising  this  work  and  expending  this  money,  according 
to  this  legislation,  was  devolved  upon  what  was  then  called 
the  Board  of  Public  Works  of  that  city.  There  was  much 
dissatisfaction,  not  only  among  Republicans,  but  among 
Democrats  also,  with  the  personnel  of  this  board.  In  con- 
sequence, on  the  seventeenth  day  of  May,  while  the  Dem- 
ocratic Senators  were  still  absent  in  Kentucky,  the  Legisla- 
ture passed  a  law  abolishing  the  Board  of  Public  Works 
and  providing  for  a  new  board  to  be  called  the  Board  of 
Public  Affairs  to  be  its  successor.  This  board  was  to  con- 
sist of  five  members,  who  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  Gov- 
ernor. At  the  time  when  I  was  called  upon  to  appoint  this 
board  we  were  all  much  exasperated  by  the  persistent  and 


JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

determined  fight  our  Democratic  friends  were  making  to 
hold  their  fraudulently  secured  seats  in  the  Senate;  not 
simply  that  they  might  occupy  these  seats,  but  in  order 
that  they  might  defeat  all  kinds  of  legislation  of  a  par- 
tisan character,  and  especially  all  legislation  affecting  the 
liquor  traffic  or  affecting  their  control  of  any  of  the  munic- 
ipal boards  of  the  state,  and  also,  whether  intentional  or 
not,  the  ordinary  appropriation  bills  necessary  to  protect 
the  public  credit  and  carry  on  the  government  of  the  state. 
In  consequence  of  this  feeling,  I  appointed  five  Republi- 
cans, instead  of  three  Republicans  and  two  Democrats,  as 
I  should  have  done,  and  have  always  regretted  I  did  not 
do.  The  men  I  appointed  were  good,  honorable  men,  who 
faithfully  and  efficiently  discharged  their  duties,  but  I  have 
always  thought  it  would  have  looked  better,  and  would  have 
been  better,  so  far  at  least  as  the  moral  effect  was  con- 
cerned, if  I  had  given  a  proper  minority  recognition  on 
the  board.  At  the  same  time  I  thus  criticise  myself,  I  feel 
that  I  have  a  right  to  say  that  I  had  unusual  provocation, 
so  much  that  I  had  publicly  announced  before  the  board 
was  authorized  that  except  required  by  law  I  would  not 
appoint  any  Democrat  to  any  kind  of  office  until  the 
fugitive  Senators,  who  were  trying  to  disrupt  the  state 
government,  should  return  to  Columbus  and  resume  their 
duties.  I  made  this  announcement  not  only  because  of 
the  punitive  effect  of  such  a  policy,  but,  also,  because  I 
hoped  thereby  to  expedite  the  return   of  the   absentees. 

It  is  better  for  one  holding  so  dignified  and  important  an 
office  as  that  of  Governor  to  absolutely  control  his  temper 
at  all  times  and  never  allow  himself  to  act  under  the  im- 
pulse of  excitement,  resentment  or  any  kind  of  passion. 

I  should  say,  further,  with  respect  to  these  appointments, 
that  the  results  were  of  the  most  satisfactory  character. 
The  expenditures  authorized  were  honestly  made  and  the 
work  done  for  the  city  was  up  to  the  highest  standard  and 
of  the  most  durable  and  beneficial  character.  The  streets 
paved  by  that  board  are  with  only  ordinary  repairs  in  as 
good  condition  today   as  when  they   were  constructed. 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR         ^28 

Removal  of  Cincinnati  Police  Boabd. 

One  other  disagreeable  duty  was  thrust  upon  me  within 
a  few  days  after  my  inauguration.  Certain  citizens  of 
Cincinnati  filed  with  me  charges  against  the  pohce  board 
then  in  office  and  in  control  of  the  pohce  force.  That 
board  consisted  of  two  Democrats  and  one  Republican,  all 
known  to  me  personally  and  all,  outside  of  politics  and 
their  official  positions,  friendly  and  cordial  in  their  rela- 
tions to  me.  These  charges  were  that  they  had  appointed 
improper  men  on  the  force,  as  heretofore  recited,  and  that 
they  had  kept  men  on  the  force  who  had  connived  at  fraud 
and  crimes  and  offenses   of  one  kind  and  another. 

I  served  them  with  notice  that  these  charges  had  been 
filed  and  furnished  each  with  a  copy  of  the  same,  and  fixed 
a  time  at  which  they  should  have  the  privilege  of  appear- 
ing to  answer,  or  otherwise  be  heard,  in  their  defense. 
When  the  date  for  the  hearing  arrived  they  appeared  by 
counsel  who  sought  to  raise  technical  points  and  secure 
delays.  It  is  sufficient,  without  going  into  detail,  to  state 
that  it  appeared  from  the  papers  filed  by  them — answers, 
affidavits,  etc.,  that  enough  was  admitted  to  justify  and 
demand,  in  my  opinion,  an  order  of  removal.  I  thought  it 
best  upon  this  state  of  facts  established  to  act  at  once, 
and  immediately  made  such  an  order.  I  appointed  two 
Republicans  and  one  Democrat  to  succeed  them  until  the 
Legislature  authorized  me  to  appoint  a  new  non-partisan 
board  of  four  members.  No  act  of  my  official  careeer  gave 
more  satisfaction  .to  the  people  of  Cincinnati,  Democrats 
as  well  as  Republicans,  than  this,  and  no  act  of  my  official 
career  was  to  me  personally,  because  of  my  acquaintance 
with  the  men  removed,  more  disagreeable.  The  new  board 
promptly  reorganized  the  police  force  and  made  it,  in  truth 
and  in  fact,  "the  finest."  It  has  ever  since  remained  a 
faithful,  efficient,  well  organized,  well  disciplined  body  of 
men,  a  credit  to  the  city  and  to  all  concerned. 

One  of  the  last  official  duties  of  the  year  that  was  out 
of  the  ordinary  and  worthy  of  mention  was  the  transfer 
to  the  United  States  of  the  Muskingum  river  improvement 
in  accordance  with  an  act  of  Congress  and  an  act  of  the 


«32  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

when  he  was  most  discouraged  by  disappointments  or  when  he  was 
most  flushed  with  success,  you  will  find  him  ever  the  same  calm,  faith- 
ful, trusting  Christiai^  gentleman,  true  to  all  the  social  and  domestic 
duties  and  relations  of  life,  ever  zealously  devoting  himself  to  religious 
and  charitable  works,  and  basing  and  squaring  all  his  actions  in 
accordance  with  divine  precepts. 

In  this  most  solemnly  important  respect  his  life  and  character  are 
pre-eminently  worthy  of  emulation. 

It  was  natural  for  such  a  man  to  champion  the  oppressed  and 
become  a  leader  for  their  cause  in  the  great  stormy  contest  through 
which  he  passed;  and  natural,  too,  for  him  to  endear  himself  to  the 
great  mass  of  his  countrymen,  and  particularly  to  the  people  of  this 
State,  to  whom  he  was  known,  as  I  have  indicated,  not  only  as  one  of 
the  greatest  and  most  honored  sons,  but  also  as  one  of  the  most  kind, 
lovable  and  Christian-like  of  men. 

It  is,  therefore,  with  hearts  full  of  affectionate  reverence  for  his 
memory,  as  well  as  jealous  pride  for  his  lasting  fame,  that  we  receive 
and  welcome  his  ashes  to  Ohio. 

Many  other  duties  are  entirely  unofficial  yet  regarded 
by  common  consent  as  due  the  public,  such  as  attending  and 
addressing  county  fairs,  soldiers'  reunions,  pioneer  cele- 
brations, political  assemblages,  and  other  public  meetings 
of    similar   character. 

G.  A.  R.  Encampment  at  Cleveland,   1886. 

In  the  discharge  of  one  of  these  unofficial  duties  I 
attended  the  State  Encampment  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  held  at  Cleveland  that  year  during  the  last  days 
of  April.  Many  distinguished  ex-army  officers  and  Union 
soldiers  were  present,  not  only  from  our  own  State  but  from 
other  States.  Ex-President  Hayes,  Governor  Alger  of 
Michigan,  General  Leggett,  and  many  other  distinguished 
ex-soldiers  were  in  attendance.  Several  thousand  soldiers 
marched  in  the  procession,  and  the  camp  fire,  held  in  Music 
Hall,  was  attended  by  a  surging  crowd  of  people  who 
occupied  every  foot  of  available  space.  I  was  assigned 
the  duty  of  making  a  speech  of  welcome  on  behalf  of  Ohio 
to  our  visiting  comrades  from  other  States.  On  my  way 
to  Cleveland  I  read  in  the  morning  papers  of  a  great  Con- 
federate reunion  held  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  'the  day 
before,  attended   by   JeflPerson   Davis. 

The  papers  gave  a  glowing  account  of  the  cordial  wel- 
come extended  to  the  ex-President  of  the  Confederacy,  and 

/ 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  231 

the  House  of  Representatives  to  commit  the  remains  to  the 
officials  of  Ohio.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks,  after  giv- 
ing a  brief  sketch  of  the  life  and  services  of  the  dis- 
tinguished dead,  speaking  of  his  remains,  he  said : 

They  were  accompanied  hither  by  a  representative  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  by  a  committee  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  including  the  Chief  Justice,  by  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  by  members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
by  representatives  of  the  National  Treasury  Department  and  of  the 
War  Department,  by  a  committee  of  the  Washington  bar,  by  colored 
citizens  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  friendship  of  the  late  Chief 
Justice,  by  prominent  journalists  and  other  citizens.  It  is  not  my 
purpose  to  speak  of  the  life  or  services  of  Chief  Justice  Chase.  Others 
will  do  that.  Our  mission  is  accomplished.  To  you.  Governor  Foraker, 
as  Governor  of  Ohio,  and  the  representative  of  all  the  people  of  Ohio, 
we  now  commit  this  casket,  which  contains  the  ashes  of  our  illus- 
trious dead. 

I  said  in  response: 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee: — I  express  the 
sentiment  of  all  the  people  of  this  State  when  I  say  they  feel  greatly 
gratified  and  highly  honored  by  this  day's  work.  They  justly  regard 
themselves  as  deeply  indebted  to  Mr.  Chase  for  many  important  and 
distinguished  public  services  in  their  behalf. 

As  a  lawyer,  as  the  compiler  of  our  statutes,  as  the  Governor  of  our 
State,  and  as  our  representative  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
he  did  much  for  us  that  was  not  only  of  great,  but  of  lasting  good. 
While  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  he  served  us,  in  common  with  the  whole  nation,  with  such  con- 
spicuous ability  and  fidelity  as  to  place  us  under  the  obligations  of 
an  everlasting  debt  of  gratitude. 

But,  sirs,  the  name  of  Salmon  P.  Chase  is  suggestive  to  the  people 
of  this  State,  among  whom  he  lived  and  to  whom  he  was  so  well  known, 
of  much  more  than  the  highest  order  of  ability  as  a  lawyer,  a  states- 
man and  a  jurist. 

For  his  splendid  services  in  all  these  relations  they  honor  his  name 
and  will  forever  hold  his  memory  in  grateful  recollection.  But  that 
does  not  indicate  all.  It  should  be  added  that  they  loved  him  in  life 
and  think  of  him  now  with  an  affectionate  regard  because  of  the  broad 
humanity,  the  very  genial  nature  and  the  sincerely  religious  character 
of  the  man. 

Our  country  has  produced  many  men  of  genius  and  of  intellectuality. 

Every  generation  has  had  its  great  leaders,  who  have  challenged 
admiration  by  the  earnestness  and  the  efficiency  with  which  they  have 


28«  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

served  their  country  and  the  cause  of  good  government;  but  not  since 
Washington  has  America  produced  a  great  public  man  the  superior 
of  Mr.  Chase  in  the  matter  of  an  exemplary  private  life.  No  matter  to 
what  period  in  his  career  you  may  address  your  attention,  whether 
when  he  was  most  discouraged  by  disappointments  or  when  he  was 
most  flushed  with  success,  you  will  find  him  ever  the  same  calm,  faith- 
ful, trusting  Christian  gentleman,  true  to  all  the  social  and  domestic 
duties  and  relations  of  life,  ever  zealously  devoting  himself  to  religious 
and  charitable  works,  and  basing  and  squaring  all  his  actions  in 
accordance  with  divine  precepts. 

In  this  most  solemnly  important  respect  his  life  and  character  are 
pre-eminently  worthy  of  emulation. 

It  was  natural  for  such  a  man  to  champion  the  oppressed  and 
become  a  leader  for  their  cause  in  the  great  stormy  contest  through 
which  he  passed;  and  natural,  too,  for  him  to  endear  himself  to  the 
great  mass  of  his  countrymen,  and  particularly  to  the  people  of  this 
State,  to  whom  he  was  known,  as  I  have  indicated,  not  only  as  one  of 
the  greatest  and  most  honored  sons,  but  also  as  one  of  the  most  kind, 
lovable  and  Christian-like  of  men. 

It  is,  therefore,  with  hearts  full  of  affectionate  reverence  for  his 
memory,  as  well  as  jealous  pride  for  his  lasting  fame,  that  we  receive 
and  welcome  his  ashes  to  Ohio. 

Many  other  duties  are  entirely  unofficial  yet  regarded 
by  common  consent  as  due  the  public,  such  as  attending  and 
addressing  county  fairs,  soldiers'  reunions,  pioneer  cele- 
brations, political  assemblages,  and  other  public  meetings 
of  similar  character. 

G.  A.  R.  Encampment  at  Cleveland,  1886. 

In  the  discharge  of  one  of  these  unofficial  duties  I 
attended  the  State  Encampment  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  held  at  Cleveland  that  year  during  the  last  days 
of  April.  Many  distinguished  ex-army  officers  and  Union 
soldiers  were  present,  not  only  from  our  own  State  but  from 
other  States.  Ex-President  Hayes,  Governor  Alger  of 
Michigan,  General  Leggett,  and  many  other  distinguished 
ex-soldiers  were  in  attendance.  Several  thousand  soldiers 
marched  in  the  procession,  and  the  camp  fire,  held  in  Music 
Hall,  was  attended  by  a  surging  crowd  of  people  who 
occupied  every  foot  of  available  space.  I  was  assigned 
the  duty  of  making  a  speech  of  welcome  on  behalf  of  Ohio 


1886~-FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  233 

to  our  visiting  comrades  from  other  States.  On  my  way 
to  Cleveland  I  read  in  the  morning  papers  of  a  great  Con- 
federate reunion  held  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  the  day 
before,  attended  by  Jefferson  Davis. 

The  papers  gave  a  glowing  account  of  the  cordial  wel- 
come extended  to  the  ex-President  of  the  Confederacy,  and 
told  how  the  choicest  roses  and  flowers  of  spring  time 
were  strewn  in  his  path  wherever  he  went  and  how  his 
room  was  literally  a  bower  of  roses,  and  then  gave  an 
account  of  the  speech  he  made,  and  quoted  him  as  saying 
that  the  demonstration  in  his  honor  indicated  to  him  that 
"the  spirit  of  liberty  was  not  dead  in  the  South."  The 
newspapers  told  how  enthusiastically  his  remarks  were  re- 
ceived by  the  audience  he  was  addressing,  and  how,  by  other 
speakers,  he  was  extolled  and  lauded  as  "a  great  patriot 
who  would  rank  in  history  with  George  Washington." 

In  the  course  of  my  remarks  I  took  occasion  to  refer  to 
this  demonstration  and  condemned  it  as  unpatriotic  and  con- 
demned also,  and  especially,  the  suggestion  that  Jefferson 
Davis  was  to  rank  as  a  patriot  with  Washington  in  history. 
In  connection  with  this  I  said  that  "if  the  spirit  of  liberty 
is  not  dead  in  the  South,  neither  is  it  dead  in  the  North." 

A  few  days  before  this  I  had  been  appointed  by  the 
Board  of  Bishops  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  to 
attend  the  then  approaching  conference  of  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church  South,  to  be  held  at  Richmond,  Virginia, 
as  a  fraternal  lay  delegate.  My  remarks  at  Cleveland  were 
carried  by  the  Associated  Press  to  the  newspapers  all  over 
the  country.  At  once  there  came  through  the  columns 
of  the  Southern  papers  and  the  papers  of  the  North  that 
were  in  sympathy  with  them  a  general  protest  against 
my  attending  the  conference  at  Richmond.  I  was  flooded 
with  letters  and  telegrams  on  the  subject  that  came  to  me 
from  every  part  of  the  South,  most  of  them  bitter  and 
ugly  and  abusive,  manifesting  anything  but  a  Christian 
or  religious  spirit.  All  such  protested  against  my  attend- 
ing the  conference.  Some  of  my  friends  advised  me  to 
pay  no  attention  to  what  had  been  said.     I  had   already, 


«d4  JOSEPH   BENSON    FORAKER 

immediately  upon  receipt  of  a  notice  of  my  appointment, 
written  to  our  Board  of  Bishops  advising  them  that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  me  to  accept  the  appointment  and 
attend.  I  contented  myself  with  giving  out  the  following 
interview : 

So  far  as  attending  the  conference  is  concerned,  I  wrote  our  Board 
of  Bishops  as  soon  as  notified  of  my  appointment  that  other  engage- 
ments would  prevent  my  going  to  Richmond  as  a  delegate.  So  far  as 
what  I  said  about  Jeff  Davis  is  concerned,  I  have  no  apologies  to  make. 
Much  of  the  feeling  that  seems  to  have  been  aroused  is  due,  no  doubt, 
to  the  fact  that  only  a  misleading  extract  of  my  remarks  seems  to 
have  been  published  in  the  Eastern  and  Southern  papers.    .    .    . 

But  here  is  what  I  said  on  the  subject  in  question.  You  can  use 
it  or  not,  as  you  like:  "I  have  never  yet  seen  the  time,  since  the  war 
or  before  the  war  closed,  when  outside  of  the  hostile  lines  I  could  not 
clasp  hands  with  and  have  respect  for  the  brave  man  who  could  take  his 
life  in  his  hand  and  battle  for  his  convictions,  though  they  were  ever 
so  wrong;  therefore,  it  is  that  I  can  understand  why  the  people  of 
the  South  can  honor  those  men  who  were  led  into  that  contest,  but  I 
cannot  understand  why  they  should  ever  honor  men  such  as  Jefferson 
Davis,  who,  knowing  better,  misled  them  to  their  ruin  in  the  attempt 
to  destroy  the  best  government  that  the  good  Lord  ever  permitted  a 
people  to  have.  Whatever  others  may  represent,  this  man,  Jeff  Davis, 
who  talks  about  liberty,  represents  only  human  slavery,  the  degra- 
dation of  labor,  the  treason  of  secession  and  rebellion,  the  horrors  and 
infamies  of  Libby  and  Andersonville — all,  in  short,  that  is  most 
malicious,  vicious  and  damnable  in  American  history.  To  talk  of  him 
as  an  illustrious  statesman  and  patriot,  who  is  to  be  honored  with 
Washington  in  history  is  to  insult  every  sentiment  of  loyalty  and 
decency  in  this  great  country  he  wickedly  did  so  much  to  destroy." 

Charleston  Eaethquake. 

This  storm  had  scarcely  subsided  when  the  city  of 
Charleston,  S.  C,  was  almost  destroyed  by  an  earthquake. 
Hundreds  of  homes  were  made  untenantable  and  thousands  of 
the  citizens  of  that  city  were  left  homeless  and  helpless.  In 
the  same  dispatches  that  announced  the  disaster  an  appeal 
was  made  to  the  people  of  the  whole  country  for  assistance. 
The  Legislature  had  adjourned  and  I  had  no  authority  to 
act  in  such  a  matter,  but  I  telegraphed  the  Mayor  of 
Charleston  tendering  the  use  of  five  hundred  tents  of  the 
National  Guard  and  promptly  received  a  very  appreciative 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR  S35 

acceptance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  tents,  the  closing  par- 
agraph of  which  was  very  gratifying.     It  read  as  follows: 

.  .  .  What  a  grand  thing  it  is  to  be  part  of  this  magnificent 
Union  of  States,  and  surrounded  by  a  population  whose  hearts  are  in 
full  sympathy  with  our  distress.  Thank  the  people  of  Ohio  for  all  they 
have  done,  and  accept  my  warm  thanks  for  your  prompt  help. 

W.  A.  CouRTENAY,  Mayov. 

Within  a  few  hours  the  tents  were  loaded  and  on  their 
way  to  the  stricken  city.  They  reached  there  almost  before 
any  other  important  outside  help  had  come  ^o  hand.  They 
were  most  cordially  welcomed  and  were  pitched  and  used 
to  shelter  the  homeless  until  the  emergency  was  passed. 
Mr.  Cleveland  was  then  President.  He  was  appealed  to  for 
help,  but  answered  that  he  had  no  authority  to  grant  the 
assistance  requested.  His  action  was  a  sore  disappoint- 
ment to  the  people  of  the  South  generally,  especially  when 
contrasted  with  mine.  This  disappointment  was  empha- 
sized by  the  fact  that  on  the  very  day  Ohio's  tents  reached 
Charleston  a  shipment  of  tents,  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  passed  through  Charleston  on  their  way  from  Wash- 
ington to  Florida,  where  they  were  to  be  used  to  shelter 
a  lot  of  Apache  Indians,  who  had  been  captured  on  the 
frontier  and  taken  there  to  be  held  as  prisoners. 

My  action  was  not  prompted,  as  was  unkindly  charged, 
by  the  protests  of  the  M.  E.  Church  South,  or  any  of  the 
people  of  the  South,  against  my  attending  the  conference 
at  Richmond  as  a  fraternal  lay  delegate,  nor  because  of  any 
of  the  other  criticisms  that  had  been  made  on  account  of  the 
fact  that  in  the  campaign,  from  which  I  had  so  recently 
emerged  successfully,  I  had  vigorously  championed  a  free 
ballot  and  a  fair  count,  or,  in  the  language  of  that  day, 
had  "waved  the  bloody  shirt,"  and  done  a  lot  of  other 
things  that  displeased  the  Democrats  of  the  South.  If 
there  had  not  been  any  such  campaign  and  had  not  been 
any  such  criticisms  I  should  have  done  with  respect  to  the 
earthquake  at  Charleston  precisely  what  I  did. 

I  was  not  thinking  of  their  good  or  ill  will,  but  only  of 
the  claims  of  humanity. 


235a  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  received  repeated  invitations  to  visit  Charleston.  The 
Mayor  wrote  me  a  number  of  beautiful  letters  in  that  be- 
half. I  long  had  it  in  mind,  on  some  suitable  occasion,  to 
give  myself  the  pleasure  of  meeting  the  people  who  had 
been  so  unfortunate  and  who  had  shown  so  much  grateful 
appreciation  for  what  I  had  done  in  the  hour  of  their  dis- 
tress, but  there  was  always  something  to  prevent ;  and  now, 
after  this  long  lapse  of  years,  I  fear  I  shall  never  have 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  that  city  and  meeting  with  its  gen- 
erous and  chivalric  citizens. 

When,  finally,  my  first  year  in  office  ended,  much  had 
been  done  and  most  of  it  so  successfully  that  I  was  justified 
in  feeling  well  satisfied  with  the  record  made. 

Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Home. 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendations  and  appeals  of 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  other  ex-Union  sol- 
diers, the  Legislature  authorized  the  construction  of  a  Sol- 
diers' and  Sailors'  Home  by  Act  passed  April  30,  1886,  to 
supplement  the  work  of  the  National  Military  Homes  in 
taking  care  of  the  needy  and  deserving  veterans  of  the 
Union  Army. 

In  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  this  statute  I  ap- 
pointed as  the  first  Board  of  Trustees  General  R.  B.  Brown 
of  Zanesville,  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Paxton  of  Cincinnati,  Hon. 
Isaac  F.  Mack  of  Sandusky,  Hon.  William  P.  Orr  of  Piqua, 
and  Hon.  Thomas  T.  Dill  of  Mansfield.  They  located  and 
constructed  at  Sandusky,  Ohio,  and  there  successfully  inaug- 
urated the  work  of  one  of  the  most  creditable  public  insti- 
tutions of  our  State. 

My  old  colleague  of  the  Superior  Court,  Gen.  Manning 
F.  Force  was  chosen  by  the  Board  of  Trustees  to  be  the 
first  Superintendent.  He  took  great  pride  and  found  great 
delight  in  caring  for  his  comrades,  who  were  thus  entrusted 
to  him. 

Working  Home  For  the  Blind. 

At  the  same  session  of  the  General  Assembly  an  Act  was 
passed  authorizing  the  Governor  to  appoint  a  board  of  three 


1886— FIRST  YEAR  AS  GOVERNOR        235b 

Trustees  to  establish,  construct  and  put  into*operation  a  work- 
ing home  for  the  blind.  To  execute  this  trust  I  appointed 
John  O.  Winship  of  Cleveland,  James  B.  Wallace  of  Milford, 
and  H.  De  Crow  of  Galion. 

My  part  in  this  work  was  in  the  nature  of  a  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  the  blind  friend  of  my  boyhood,  Alfred  Skeen. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1887 
MOCCASIN  TRACKS. 

MY  second  year  as  Governor  ran  along  smoothly  so  far 
as  my  official  duties  were  concerned.  The  adjourned 
session  of  the  Legislature  was  not  attended  with  anything 
of  an  extraordinary  character. 

I  had  become  familiar  with  the  public  institutions  and 
there  were  no  new  boards  to  appoint. 

There  were,  however,  some  occurrences  that  may  be  men- 
tioned. In  the  first  place  I  struck  a  responsive  chord  in  the 
South  by  the  following  paragraph  from  my  annual  message 
to  the  Legislature,  January  4,  1887: 

CONFEDEEATE    GrAVES    IN    OhIO. 

You  will  find  in  the  Adjutant  General's  report  some  correspondence 
with  the  Quartermaster  General  of  the  United  States  Army  at  Wash- 
ington relative  to  the  care  of  the  Confederate  Cemetery  near  Columbus 
(Camp  Chase),  and  you  will  learn  from  it  that  the  United  States 
authorities  are  without  funds  (appropriated)  to  care  for  this  place. 
The  title  to  it  is  in  the  United  States,  and  that  government  should  care 
for  these  graves,  but  it  seems  to  have  overlooked  them.  The  fence  that 
encloses  the  lot  is  in  a  dilapidated  condition,  and  the  entire  burial  place 
is  overgrown  with  weeds  and  thistles  and  briars.  It  is  recommended 
that,  unless  the  United  States  Government  can  be  induced  to  do  so, 
an  appropriation  be  made  to  rebuild  the  fence  and  clean  up  the  grounds 
and  put  them  in  orderly  repair  and  condition. 

The  same  should  be  done  for  the  last  resting  place  of  about  two 
hundred  Confederate  dead  who  are  buried  on  Johnson's  Island.  The 
hatred  and  detestation  that  all  loyal  people  must  and  should  ever 
entertain  for  the  destructive  political  doctrines  that  these  men  fought 
for  ought  not  to  stand  in  the  way  of  either  a  cordial  feeling  toward  the 
living  who  have  abandoned  such  heresies,  or  a  proper  regard  and  Chris- 
tian respect  for  the  graves  of  the  dead  who,  although  wrong,  yet 
heroically  and  valorously  contended  for  the  convictions  they  entertained. 

Appointment  of  Judge  Taft. 

Next  in   order  of  time  at  least  was  the   appointment   of 
William   H.    Taft   to   fill   a   vacancy   on  the   bench   of   the 
236 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  aST 

Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati,  occasioned  by  the  resignation 
of  my  former  colleague,  Judson  Harmon,  afterward  Attor- 
ney General  of  the  United  States  during  Mr.  Cleveland's 
second  administration,  and  later  still,  twice  Governor  of 
Ohio  and  prominently  considered  for  the  Democratic  nom- 
ination for  the  Presidency  in  1912. 

He  came  to  Columbus  before  tendering  his  resignation  to 
tell  me  of  the  contemplated  step. 

In  the  conversation  that  followed  we  naturally  talked  about 
the  appointment  of  a  suitable  successor.  A  number  of 
prominent  Cincinnati  lawyers  of  wide  experience  and  excel- 
lent qualifications  were  considered  and  discussed,  but  we 
finally  favored  William  H.  Taft,  for  whom  Judge  Harmona 
expressed  a  preference. 

Although  Mr.  Taft  was  then  only  twenty-nine  years  of 
age,  and  although  he  had  not  as  yet  had  much  experience 
in  the  practice,  I  knew  him  well  enough  to  know  that  he 
had  a  strong  intellectual  endowment,  a  keen,  logical, 
analytical,  legal  mind,  and  that  all  the  essential  founda- 
tions for  a  good  Judge  had  been  well  and  securely  laid. 

When  the  vacancy  occurred  I  gave  him  the  appointment. 
Judge  Harmon  may  have  given  him  some  intimation  of 
what  might  possibly  happen,  but  I  had  not  given  to  him, 
or  anybody  else,  any  information  on  the  subject.  The 
appointment  went  to  him,  therefore,  without  any  applica- 
tion or  the  filing  of  any  of  the  usual  reconmiendations  that 
are  made  in  such  cases. 

The  following  correspondence  speaks  for  itself: 

CiKciNKATi,  Ohio,  January  29,  1887. 
Dear  Governor: — Mr.  Gessner's  dispatch  this  noon  conveyed  to  us 
the  very  welcome  news  of  my  brother's  appointment  to  the  Superior 
Court  bench.  It  is  a  high  honor  and  I  hasten  to  say  to  you  that  I 
appreciate  it  to  the  fullest  extent.  He  is  young  but  has  the  strength, 
the  determination  and  the  ability,  I  think,  to  meet  the  requirements  of 
the  situation.  I  trust  you  shall  have  no  cause  to  regret  making  this 
appointment.  Very  truly  yours, 

Chaeles  p.  Taff. 
To  Governor  J.  B.  Forakee, 
Columbus,  Ohio, 


S38  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

HoK.  Joseph  B.  Foraker,  Cincikkati,   January  81,  1887. 

Governor  of  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Sir: — I  write  to  express  my  sincere  thanks  to  you  for  the 
honor  you  have  conferred  upon  me.  You  have  told  me  a  number  of 
times  that  you  were  in  favor  of  young  men.  I  little  expected  to  have 
so  strong  and  to  myself  so  gratifying  a  proof  of  your  convictions  on 
that  head.  Considering  the  opportunity  so  honorable  a  position  offers 
to  a  man  of  my  age  and  circumstances,  my  debt  to  you  is  very  great. 
The  responsibility  you  assume  for  me  in  making  this  appointment  will 
always  be  a  strong  incentive  to  an  industrious  and  conscientious  dis- 
charge of  my  duties.    With  renewed  assurances  of  my  thanks,  I  am 

Your  obedient   servant, 

Wm.  H.   Tatt. 


Ci2?rciK2TATi,  January  81,  1887. 
lHy  Dear  Governor: — I  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  I  am  very 
much  gratified  with  the  appointment  of  my  son,  William,  to  the  bench 
of  the  Superior  Court,  and  I  wish  to  express  my  sincere  and  cordial 
thanks  for  your  kind  consideration  of  his  merits.  I  hope  that  he  will 
so  discharge  the  responsible  and  delicate  duties  of  the  office  that  you 
may  not  have  any  occasion  to  regret  your  choice. 

I  am  cordially  yours, 

Alphokso  Taft. 


It  seems  that,  in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  letter 
from  William  H.  Taft,  I  took  the  liberty  of  advising  him 
to  quit  the  bench  after  the  service  of  one  term.  I  am 
unable  to  find  a  copy  of  my  letter,  but  at  any  rate  I 
received  from  him  a  letter  from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

Crrr's  Solicitob's  Offick. 

Hoir.  Joseph  B.  Forakeb,  Cikcinnati,  February  9,  1887. 

Governor  of  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Governor: — .  .  .  I  wish  to  thank  you  for  the  very  kind 
words  of  your  letter  in  regard  to  my  appointment.  When  I  showed  your 
letter  to  my  father,  he  said,  *'That  is  good  advice.  Be  sure  and  follow 
it."  I  shall  hope  to  express  to  you  my  thanks  and  obligations  for  your 
great  kindness  in  person  this  week.         Sincerely  yours, 

William  H.  Taft. 


I  must  have  had  this  thought  earnestly  in  mind,  for  I 
find  that  when,  in  April,  1888,  he  was  elected  to  succeed 
himself  as  my  appointee,   I  wrote  him  as   follows: 

April  8,  1888. 
My  Dear  Judge: — Accept  my  hearty  congratulations  on  your  well- 
earned  success. 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  £39 

Don't  forget  the  advice  I  gave  you  to  quit  the  bench  at  the  end  of 
the  time  for  which  you  have  now  been  elected. 

You  will  then  be  of  mature  age  and  experience,  and  so  established 
in  the  confidence  of  the  people  that  all  other  things  will  come  naturally. 
Much  prosperity  is  in  store  for  you,  I  am  sure. 

Hastily  but  very  truly  yours, 
HoK.  William  H.  Tapt,  J.  B.  Forakeb. 

Cincinnati. 


To  which  he  answered  as   follows: 

Hon.  Joseph  B.  Forakeb,  April  6,  1888. 

Governor  of  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  have  received  your  very  kind  note  of  con- 
gratulation and  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  it.  Of  course,  it  goes 
without  saying  that  I  should  never  have  been  mentioned  for  the  place 
except  for  the  fact  that  you  had  appointed  me  to  fill  the  vacancy.  But 
more  than  that,  it  was  owing  to  your  friends  who  knew  your  kind  interest 
in  the  matter,  that  the  nomination  came  as  it  did.  I  am  anxious  to 
express  to  you  how  highly  I  appreciate  your  kindness  and  how  much  I 
value  the  opportunity  you  have  afforded  me.  I  shall  certainly  follow 
your  advice  as  to  making  this  coming  term  my  last.  I  hope,  my  dear 
Governor,  that  you  are  enjoying  good  health,  and  that  this  will  always 
be  yours  in  the  most  prominent  and  honorable  life  which  is  so  clearly 
before  you;  indeed,  is  already  here.  Sincerely  your  friend, 

Wm.   H.  Taft. 


In  view  of  the  relations  so  established,  I  was  not  sur- 
prised when,  later,  I  received  from  him  the  following  letter. 
It  will  perhaps  prove  interesting,  to  Judge  Dickson*  at  least, 
who  is  now,  and  has  been  for  many  years,  in  honorable 
service  on  the  bench  in  Hamilton  County,  to  learn  from 
this  letter  and  my  answer,  possibly  for  the  first  time,  of 
these  expressions  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by 
both  of  us: 

Personal. 
Hon.  Joseph  B.  Foraker,  June  7,  1888 . 

Governor  of  Ohio. 

My  Dear  Governor : — Will  Dickson  was  a  classmate  of  mine  at  Yale, 
and  we  have  been  close  friends  ever  since,  so  that  I  know  whereof  I 
am  about  to  write.  He  is  a  fellow  of  unusual  ability,  and  well  fitted 
to  fill  the  position  of  Prosecuting  Attorney  of  this  county.  He  has  a 
facility  in  speaking  which  will  make  him  a  valuable  aid  in  the  campaign 
next  fall.    He  is  very  industrious  and  conscientious  in  the  discharge  of 

•  Since  this  was  dictated  Judge  Dickson  has  departed  this  life. 


£40  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

every  duty.  For  the  good  of  the  public  and  the  party,  whose  ticket  he 
would,  if  nominated,  certainly  strengthen,  I  am  exceedingly  anxious  to 
help  him  in  every  way  that  I  can  to  secure  the  nomination.  He  has 
said  to  me  that  he  thinks  that  I  could  help  him  materially  by  writing 
to  you  what  I  know  of  him  and  his  qualifications.  He  is  such  an 
honorable  and  genial  man,  that  if  you  ever  become  better  acquainted 
with  him,  I  am  sure  that  you  will  realize  the  truth  of  what  I  say.  Any 
aid  you  may  find  it  consistent  with  your  ideas  of  propriety  to  render 
him  will,  I  am  certain,  be  in  the  interest  of  good  government  and  bene- 
ficial to  Republicanism.  I  hope  that  you  are  enjoying  good  health,  my 
dear  Governor.  I  only  wish  you  could  join  my  wife  and  me  in  our  trip 
to  Europe  this  summer.  If  you  think  that  I  should  not  have  written 
this  letter  to  you,  pay  no  attention  to  it.  You  are  doubtless  harassed 
with  many  suggestions.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

William  H.  Taft. 

I  answered: 

June  8,  1888. 

My  Dear  Judge: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  7th  inst.  I  sympathize 
with  you  in  your  good  opinion  of  Mr.  Dickson,  not  only  on  his  own 
account,  but  also  on  account  of  his  father,  who  has  always  been  very 
kind  to  me.  I  do  not  know,  however,  to  what  extent,  if  at  all,  I  can 
be  of  assistance  to  him.  I  have  it  in  mind  to  find  out  about  the  situa- 
tion as  to  candidates  for  the  oflfice  he  seeks,  and  if  I  find  matters  in 
such  shape  that  I  can  aid  him,  it  will  give  me  pleasure  to  do  so.  Of 
course  you  understand  it  is  but  little  I  can  do  in  such  matters  with 
propriety. 

I  sincerely  wish  you  a  happy  trip  abroad  and  a  safe  return.  Do  not 
get  drowned.  That  would  spoil  the  programme  I  have  in  mind  for  you, 
and  if  you  knew  how  much  store  I  place  by  it,  you  would  certainly 
understand  what  a  serious  disappointment  it  would  be. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 
HoK.  William  H.  Taft,  J.  B.  Fosakkb. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 


The  Rebel  Flag  Ordee. 

My  growing  popularity  with  the  South  was  short-lived; 
or  rather  it  was  suddenly  and  rudely  interrupted;  but, 
fortunately  for  me,  I  gained  as  much  as  I  lost  in  Ohio 
and  most  of  the  Northern  States. 

This  happened  when  the  newspapers  published  telegrams 
from  Washington  announcing  that  President  Cleveland  had 
ordered  a  return  "to  the  Confederate  States"  of  their  cap- 
tured battle  flags,  including  those  in  the  custody  of  the 
different  States. 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  ^41 

Inasmuch  as  the  Congress  had  not  authorized  anything 
of  the  kind,  and  President  Cleveland  had  not  himself  been 
a  soldier,  his  action  in  voluntarily  taking  such  a  step  was 
severely  criticised. 

The  resentment  and  the  criticisms  were  stronger  than 
they  otherwise  would  have  been  because  of  the  numerous 
veto  messages  of  private  pension  bills  that  President  Cleve- 
land had  written  in  language  that  showed  lack  of  sympathy 
with  the  pensioners,  and  because  also  of  his  refusal  to 
make  any  remarks  on  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg  on  the 
occasion  of  an  official  visit  he  had  made  there;  and  because 
again,  and  more  particularly,  of  his  apparent  Intentional 
offense  to  the  patriotic  public  sentiment  of  the  country  in 
going  fishing  on  Decoration  Day. 

In  consequence  of  all  these  things,  and  a  number  of 
others  not  necessary  to  be  here  mentioned,  the  announce- 
ment from  Washington  aroused  intense  excitement  among 
all  classes  of  patriotic  people,  and  especially  among  the 
ex-Union  soldiers  of  the  country. 

They  rushed  Into  print,  and  used  the  mails  and  telegraph 
to  register  their  protests  against  what  was  proposed. 

I  received  a  perfect  shower  of  such  communications. 
Among  others  a  telegram  came  from  Captain  Erskine 
Carson  of  Hlllsiboro,  with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted.  He 
had  been  a  soldier  In  the  73rd  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry, 
and  was  severely  wounded  in  the  second  battle  of  Bull  Run. 
It  bad  been  necessary  for  him  to  dress  his  wound  twice  a 
day   ever   since   he   received   it. 

I  knew  him  so  well  and  knew  him  to  be  such  a  worthy, 
deserving,  intelligent,  public-spirited  man  and  citizen  that 
I  thought  he  was  entitled  to  an  assurance  that  would  give 
him  peace  of  mind.  Accordingly,  when  I  heard  from  him, 
I  telegraphed  an  answer. 

I  knew  that  anything  said  or  done  with  respect  to  the 
matter  by  one  in  authority  would  receive  attention,  but  I 
was  quite  surprised  when  the  next  morning  both  his  tele- 
gram and  my  answer  found  a  conspicuous  place  on  the 
first  page  of  every  prominent  newspaper  in  Ohio  and  prac- 
tically all  the  newspapers  of  the  United  States. 


242  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  mention  this  occurrence  and  insert  copies  of  the  tele- 
grams that  passed  between  us,  not  so  much  because  they 
J  are   important,    as   because   they   illustrate   how   events   that 

are  in  and  of  themselves  unimportant  will  sometimes  unex- 
pectedly receive  attention,  be  widely  exploited  and  have 
decided  effects  upon  the  fortunes  of  a  public  man. 

The  telegram  from  Captain  Carson  was  as  follows: 

Gov.  J.  B.  FoRAKER,  HiLLSBoao,  June  16,  1887. 

Columbus,  Ohio. 
The  old  soldiers  of  Hillsboro  hope  you  will  not  give  up  any  captured 
*>'        rebel"  flags  in  the  State  House  at  Columbus     Intense  feeling  here  among 
the  boys  who  wore  the  blue.  E.  Cabson. 

To  which  I  answered: 

Executive  Chascber. 

E.  Carson,  Esq.,  Columbus,  Ohio,  June  15,  1887. 

Hillsboro,  Ohio. 
»/   t  No  rebel  flags  will  be  surrendered  while  I  am  Governor. 

J.    B.    FoRAKER. 

In  the  political  literature  of  the  campaign  of  that  year 
when  I  was  a  candidate  for  re-election,  these  two  telegrams, 
printed  with  an  artistic  arrangement  of  the  flag,  held  an 
important  place.  It  seemed  as  though  practically  every 
Republican  voter  wanted  a   copy. 

Gettysburg  Monuments. 

The  Legislature  passed  an  act  during  the  early  days  of 
my  administration,  creating  a  Gettysburg  Memorial  Com- 
mission and  authorizing  it  to  spend  such  amount  as  might 
be  necessary,  not  exceeding  thirty-five  thousand  dollars, 
with  which  to  erect  on  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg  suit- 
able monuments  to  mark  and  commemorate  the  points  at 
which  nineteen  different  Ohio  organizations  had  fought  in 
that  battle. 

This  commission,  having  completed  its  work,  designated 
the  fourteenth  day  of  September,  1887,  as  the  date  on 
which  they  would  officially  and  formally  present  the  results 


CAMPAIGN   DOCUMENT,    CAMPAIGN    188^ 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  US 

of  their  labors  to  the  State  of  Ohio,  which  in  turn  would 
officially  transfer  them  to  the  Battlefield  Memorial  Asso- 
ciation of  Gettysburg. 

The  date  was  fixed  with  reference  to  the  Centennial 
Celebration  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  on  the  fifteenth, 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  days  of  September  of  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  which  all 
the  States  were  asked  to  take  part  and  were  asked  to  send 
a  suitable  military  organization  to  participate  in  a  grand 
military  display,  which  was  to  be  made  on  the  second  day 
of   the    celebration. 

This  invitation  had  been  accepted  and  the  Legislature 
had  authorized  the  expenditures  necessary  to  be  incurred 
both  for  the  memorial  exercises  at  Gettysburg  and  the 
celebration  at  Philadelphia.  Both  occasions  were,  there- 
fore, official  in  character. 

The  Gettysburg  Commission  of  Ohio  was  composed  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Auditor  of  State  and  the 
Adjutant  General. 

A  program  of  exercises  was  arranged  by  the  commis- 
sioners in  accordance  with  which  General  J.  S.  Robinson, 
Secretary  of  State  and  Chairman  of  the  Memorial  Com- 
mission, was  to  act  as  the  presiding  officer  of  the  day. 
General  Axline,  the  Adjutant  General,  was  to  act  as  Grand 
Marshal,  and  General  Robinson,  as  President  of  the  Com- 
mission, was  to  officially  deliver  to  me  as  Governor  of  the 
State  the  monuments  the  commission  had  erected,  and  I 
in  turn  was,  as  the  Governor  of  the  State,  to  transfer  them 
to  the  Battlefield  Memorial  Association  of  Gettysburg,  of 
which  association  Governor  James  A.  Beaver  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, was  the  ex  officio  President. 

This  program  was  to  be  carried  out  on  the  battlefield 
and  the  speeches  made  in  connection  with  the  occasion  were 
to  be  delivered  from  the  forum  erected  there  for  use  on 
such  occasions. 

In  order  that  the  day  might  be  suitably  honored  I  attended 
with  my  entire  military  staff,  and  directed  the  Adjutant 
General  to  have  present  there  on  the  occasion  the  Fourteenth 


U4i  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKEK 

Regiment  of  the  Ohio  National  Guard,  of  which  Colonel 
George  D.  Freeman  was  the  commander. 

It  was  for  a  National  Guard  regiment  a  splendidly 
drilled,  equipped  and  disciplined  body  of  men.  We  invited 
all  citizens  of  Ohio  desiring  to  witness  the  ceremonies, 
especially  all  surviving  ex-soldiers  of  the  different  com- 
mands from  our  State  who  had  participated  in  the  battle, 
to  be  present.  Railroads  granted  excursion  rates.  In 
consequence  there  was  a  tremendous  throng  present  at  the 
ceremonies.  Many  citizens,  especially  ex-soldiers,  were 
present. from  Ohio,  and  thousands  were  present  from  Penn- 
sylvania   and   other   States. 

In  accordance  with  the  program  previously  arranged, 
General  Robinson  presided  and  in  suitable  words  formally 
presented  to  me  as  Governor  of  the  State  the  monuments 
which  until  that  moment  had  been  under  their  control.  In 
turn  I  presented  them  to  the  Battlefield  Memorial  Asso- 
ciation of  Gettysburg. 

My  remarks  on  the  occasion  were  as   follows: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Gettysburg  Memorial  Association: — Plymouth 
Rock,  Jamestown  and  Gettysburg  are  three  of  the  most  important 
points  in  American  history.  They  mark  respectively  the  beginning  of 
free  and  slave  institutions  and  the  triumph  of  the  one  over  the  other. 
Until  the  march  of  time  and  progress  brought  us  to  this  field,  free, 
popular  government  was  indeed  but  an  experiment,  menaced  by  a 
doubtful,  as  well  as  an  irrepressible,  conflict.  Here  was  found  the 
beginning  of  the  end.  The  struggle  that  commenced  with  American 
civilization  grew  continually  stronger  and  fiercer  until  Pickett  charged. 
As  his  columns  reeled  backward  in  defeat  the  cause  of  human  bondage 
began  to  pale  and  the  tide  of  rebellion  to  recede.  Fropi  Gettysburg  to 
Appomattox  was  a  long  march,  stained  with  blood  and  strewn  with  the 
dead,  but  the  bravery  with  which  it  was  resisted  was  but  the  sullen 
obstinacy  of  despair;  for  here  the  prestige  of  the  slave  power  had  been 
broken.  On  this  field  the  cause  of  liberty  and  union  gained  a  positive 
and  permanent  triumph.  When  the  retreating  battalions  of  Lee  marched 
out  of  Pennsylvania  it  was  already  virtually  determined  that  the 
American  Union  was  indissoluble;  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  the  organic  law  of  the  people;  that  no  State  had  a  right  to 
defy  the  national  power;  that  slavery  must  perish;  that  the  whole  land 
should  be  dedicated  to  human  liberty;  that  we  should  have  but  one 
government,  one  flag  and  one  destiny  for  the  whole  American  people. 
Almost  a  quarter  of  a  century  has  passed.  The  moving  columns, 
glittering  bayonets,  flashing  sabers  and  charging  squadrons  of  that 
fearful  time  are  gone  forever.    The  rattling  musketry  and  the  roaring 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  245 

cannon  of  the  mighty  struggle  are  hushed.  WTiere  was  the  carnage  of 
war  is  now  only  peace. 

Quiet  and  beauty  reign  over  these  historic  heights  and  pleasing 
plains.  Men  who  met  here  in  the  shock  of  battle  as  foes  have  since 
met  here  to  clasp  hands  as  friends  and  fellow  citizens  of  a  reunited 
country.  If  there  be  any  one  thing  for  which  we  should  be  more 
thankful  than  we  are  for  the  success  of  our  arms,  it  is  that  through 
the  mercy  of  God  we  have  been  spared  to  see  the  day  when  the  men 
who  battled  so  valiantly  to  destroy  the  Union  are  beginning  to  realize 
how  utterly  wicked  and  unjustifiable  was  their  cause,  and  how  inde- 
scribably great  was  the  blessing  to  them,  as  well  as  to  us,  of  their 
defeat.  As  the  years  go  by,  appreciation  for  this  blessing  will  be 
strengthened.  The  day  can  not  be  long  delayed  when  the  Lost  Cause 
will  have  lost  its  last  mourner;  when  all  will  recognize,  with  profound 
thankfulness  for  the  result,  that  the  war  was  waged,  not  for  destruc- 
tion, but  for  preservation;  not  for  sectionalism,  but  for  nationality; 
that  we  might  go  forward  with  a  common  pride  to  a  common  destiny. 

It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of  the  consequences 
of  the  heroism  and  sacrifice  of  life  that  were  here  witnessed.  We  have, 
as  a  result,  not  only  an  imperial  domain  of  territory,  capable  of 
accommodating  the  hundreds  of  millions  who  are  coming  with  the  years 
of  the  future,  but  we  have  also  civil  and  religious  liberty  for  all; 
we  have  civil  and  political  equality  for  all ;  we  •  have  a  satisfactory 
Constitution  and  theory  of  government  for  all;  we  have  a  common 
interest  for  all.  Our  success  has  been  felt  beyond  our  own  shores. 
It  has  cheered  all  mankind.  Ireland  is  not  the  only  land  where  there 
is  a  struggle.  In  England,  France,  Germany  and  every  other  civilized 
country  the  people  are  demanding  and  receiving  recognition  and  a  voice 
in  government.  Their  inspiration  has  been  imparted  by  our  achieve- 
ments.   We  have  thrown  the  beaming  rays  of  liberty  around  the  globe. 

Gettysburg  was  more,  therefore,  than  a  mere  battle.  It  was  more 
than  the  turning  point  of  a  great  war.  It  was  an  epoch  in  the  history 
of  the  world — a  crowning  triumph  for  the  human  race. 

There  are  other  reasons  that  endear  this  place  to  the  hearts  of  our 
countrymen.  Here  was  fought  the  greatest  single  combat  of  the  war. 
On  no  other  field  was  there  such  equality  of  numbers,  or  a  more  dis- 
tinguished display  of  American  valor.  Almost  every  State  of  the  Union 
was  here  represented.  The  blood  of  all  sections  was  here  commingled. 
Yonder  lie  Reynolds  and  the  brave  men  who  fell  and  sleep  with  him, 
and  here  Lincoln  stood  and  made  a  speech  as  immortal  as  his  own 
undying  fame.  Verily,  this  is  consecrated  ground.  Throughout  all  the 
ages,  until  Time  shall  be  no  more,  so  long  as  heroic  endeavor,  patriotic 
sacrifice  and  human  welfare  shall  be  appreciated,  this  will  be  a  hallowed 
spot  for  the  children  of  men. 

Ohio  has  a  just  pride  in  the  conspicuous  part  her  sons  wrought  in 
this  great  work.  She  manifests  it  by  erecting  here  these  enduring 
monuments.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  them  in  her  name  to  the  high 
purposes  they  are  intended  to  subserve.  In  formally  transferring  them 
to  your  keeping,  it  is  not  necessary  to  recount  the  exploits  or  vaunt  the 
deeds  they  are  intended  to  commemorate.  The  monuments  themselves 
do  that  more  eloquently  than  any  language  that  can  be  spoken.     The 


^46  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

positions  they  mark  were  the  forefront  of  the  battle.  But  Ohio  has 
not  erected  them  in  a  spirit  of  pride  alone.  They  are  intended  also  to 
express  her  gratitude  and  to  teach  lessons  of  patriotism.  She  acknowl- 
edges in  this  way  her  everlasting  indebtedness  to  the  men  who  were 
willing  to  give  life  that  the  heresy  of  secession  might  perish,  and  at 
the  same  time  tells  posterity  of  the  priceless  blood  that  has  been  shed, 
and  of  the  daring  deeds  that  have  been  done  that  our  government 
might  live.  It  was  to  subserve  such  purposes  that  Ohio  appointed  the 
commission  who  have  labored  so  long  and  satisfactorily  to  accomplish 
the  task  intrusted  to  them.  I  know  their  work  has  been  a  labor  of 
love.  Nevertheless,  on  behalf  of  the  people  whom  they  have  repre- 
sented, I  give  them  thanks  for  the  zeal  they  have  manifested,  the  good 
judgment  they  have  displayed  and  the  success  they  have  achieved. 
It  is  with  the  hope  and  belief  that  they  have  not  worked  In  vain  that 
I  now  intrust  to  you,  gentlemen  of  the  Gettysburg  Memorial  Associa- 
tion, the  custody  and  care  of  Ohio's  monuments  to  her  soldiers  who 
fought  on  this  field.  So  long  as  loyalty  is  appreciated  and  treason 
despised,  so  long  as  it  is  an  honor  to  fight  for  the  Union  and  a  crime 
to  fight  against  it,  we  beseech  you  to  jealously  guard  them  and  care  for 
their  preservation.  Should  there  come  a  time  when  they  do  not  teach 
this,  then  let  them  crumble. 

The  day  was  a  memorable  one,  and  full  of  honor  to  all 
concerned.  The  memorials  erected  to  mark  the  respective 
places  occupied  by  the  different  regiments  and  batteries 
from  Ohio  were  exceptionally  suitable  for  the  purpose  and 
compared  most  favorably  with  similar  memorials  erected 
for  the  same  purpose  by  other  States, 

The    Philadelphia    Centennial    Celebeation. 

From  Gettysburg  we  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  where  we 
participated  in  the  celebration. 

On  the  sixteenth  I  rode  in  the  military  procession  at  the 
head  of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  accompanied  by  my  staff. 
We  were  reviewed  by  President  Cleveland,  with  whom,  on 
the  reviewing  stand,  were  a  great  many  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished men  of  the  nation. 

The  streets  over  which  we  marched  were  lined  by  tens  of 
thousands  of  spectators.  On  account  of  the  rebel  flag  inci- 
dent and  some  criticisms  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  in  which  I  had 
indulged  in  some  of  the  speeches  I  had  been  making  in 
Ohio,  there  was  an  apprehension  that  there  might  be  some 
unpleasantness  connected  with  our  meeting.     All  who  were 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  247 

expecting  anything  of  the  kind  were  disappointed,  at  least, 
so  far  as  the  President  and  myself  were  concerned. 

I  saluted  him  as  we  passed  in  review  and  he  properly 
returned  the  salute. 

The  following  from  the  pen  of  F.  D.  Mussey  is  in  sub- 
stantial accord  with  all  the  other  descriptive  accounts  of 
this    incident: 

There  were  two  significant  incidents  of  the  parade.  One  was  when 
Governor  Foraker  came  riding  up  surrounded  by  his  staff  and  leading 
the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  and  he  and  President  Cleveland  saw  each 
other  for  the  first  time.  As  each  of  the  Governors  rode  by  at  the  head 
of  their  State  contingents,  and  followed  by  their  gorgeous  staffs,  they 
were  liberally  applauded.  When  Foraker  came  up  the  situation  evi- 
dently caught  the  people  and  the  applause  deepened  into  a  tremendous 
roar  and  thunder  of  cheers. 

Thousands  of  eyes  were  on  the  President  as  Foraker,  ...  on  his 
prancing  horse,  removed  his  hat  and  saluted  the  President.  ...  A 
moment's  hush  and  then  slowly  the  President's  hand  went  up  to  his; 
hat  and  he  uncovered,  but  he  did  not  bow  as  he  did  slightly  to  the 
other  Governors. 

It  is  a  fact  that  nobody  can  deny  that  no  man  during  the  day,  includ- 
ing the  President  himself,  was  so  loudly  cheered  as  Foraker,  and  next 
to  the  greeting  given  him  was  the  tribute  paid  Sheridan  as  he  rode  by 
at  the  head  of  and  in  command  of  the  entire  parade. 

The  President  was  not  the  only  one  whom  the  news- 
papers were  watching.  Mrs.  Cleveland  fairly  divided  hon- 
ors with  him.  They  started  a  gossiping  story  to  the 
effect  that  she,  who  occupied  a  seat  on  the  balcony  of 
the  La  Fayette  Hotel,  triangularly  opposite  the  review- 
ing stand,  as  a  sign  of  displeasure  turned  her  back  to 
the  procession  while  the   Ohio  part   of  it   was   passing. 

Later  in  the  day  I  called  with  my  entire  staff  upon  the 
President  and  was   cordially   received  by  him. 

That  evening  we  attended  a  reception  in  the  Academy 
of  Music,  given  in  honor  of  Mrs.  Cleveland.  The  Pres- 
ident received  with  her.  When  Mrs.  Foraker  and  I  passed 
the  President  he  spoke  to  both  of  us  and  shook  hands 
very  cordially ;  but  some  of  the  newspapers  stated  that 
Mrs.  Cleveland  found  it  convenient  to  turn  and  chat  with 
some  other  ladies  who  were  standing  near  until  after  both 


248  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

of  us  had  passed;  others  said  she  stiffly  bowed,  but  did 
not  offer  to  shake  hands,  as  she  did  with  others.  I  did  not 
know  that  discourtesy  was  intended  until  I  saw  the  dif- 
ferent versions  cf  what  had  occurred  exploited  in  the 
newspapers. 

It  may  be  that  Mrs.  Cleveland  intended  to  be  thus 
impolite,  but  I  preferred  to  doubt  it.  I  thought  it  might 
have  beeen  accidental,  for  I  had  had  enough  such  ex- 
periences to  know  how  easy  it  is  on  such  occasions  for 
something    of   that    kind   to    happen. 

Whatever  the  fact  may  be,  neither  Mrs.  Foraker  nor 
myself  suffered  seriously  on  account  of  it;  even  from  the 
coarse,  unpleasant  and  impolite  comments  published  in  un- 
friendly newspapers,  all  of  which  seemed  to  assume  that, 
of  course,  the  story  as  told  was  strictly  true. 

They  seemed  to  think  that  Mrs.  Cleveland,  then  only 
recently  married  to  the  President,  was  more  spirited 
than  he;  or,  at  least,  not  being  under  the  official  restraint 
that  he  was  under,  thought  it  her  duty  to  show  in  some  way 
her  resentment  of  what  I  had  seen  fit  to  say  about  her  dis- 
tinguished husband.  Her  alleged  action  was  commonly 
spoken   of   as    a   "snub." 

New   York   Lincoln   Day    Speech. 

Before  speaking  of  my  nomination  for  re-election  and 
the  campaign  that  followed,  it  is  in  order  now  to  mention 
that  on  Lincoln's  birthday,  the  l^h  of  February,  the 
Republican  club  of  New  York  gave  an  annual  dinner  to 
which  practically  all  the  leading  Republicans  of  the  United 
States — at  least  of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  West  States 
— ^were  invited.  Mr.  Blaine,  Senator  Sherman,  Senator 
Evarts,  were  all  invited,  but  they  sent  regrets.  There 
were,  however,  an  imposing  array  of  other  Republican 
leaders  present.  Among  them  Senator,  afterward  Presi- 
dent, Benjamin  Harrison  of  Indiana;  Governor  Richard  J. 
Oglesby  of  Illinois;  Chauncey  M.  Depew  of  New  York; 
all  of  whom  were  on  the  regular  speakers'  program  of 
the    evening. 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  M9 

I  had  accepted  an  invitation  to  respond  to  the  toast: 
"The  Republican  Party." 

Speaking  of  the  occasion  in  a  general  way  it  was  emi- 
nently successful.  The  speeches  were  all  good,  especially 
the  speeches  made  by  Senator  Harrison,  Mr.  Depew  and 
Governor  Oglesby.  My  speech  came  after  most  of  the 
others  had  beeen  heard.  There  was  nothing  pretentious 
about  it.  I  did  not  undertake  to  indulge  in  any  sopho- 
morical  sentences,  or  any  flights  of  oratory ;  but  simply 
to  tell  a  plain,  unvarnished  story  of  the  achievements  of 
the  Republican  party — its  great  victories,  its  great  men, 
its  great  purposes,  with  a  view  to  showing  that  while 
it  was  out  of  power  it  was  not  out  of  existence,  and  that 
by  contrast  with  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration,  which 
was  then  in  progress,  it  appeared  to  such  exceptional 
and  distinct  advantage  that  it  would  undoubtedly,  if  only 
true  to  itself,  return  to  power  at  the  next  Presidential 
election. 

I   closed   as   follows: 

Republicanism  never  gained  anything  in  the  past  by  mincing  words 
and  compromising  attitudes,  and  it  never  will  gain  anything  that  way 
in  the  future.  We  are  too  old,  have  had  too  much  experience,  fought 
too  many  fights  and  stand  charged  with  too  many  grave  responsibilities 
to  waste  time  listening  to  impracticable  teachings  about  theoreticalisms. 
Let  the  long-haired  men  and  the  short-haired  women  go  to  the  rear 
while  the  lines  move  on  to  victory  (applause),  and  as  we  go  forward 
let  every  man  defiantly  rejoice  that  he  belongs  to  a  party  which  today, 
as  in  the  past,  represents  the  loftiest  purposes  and  the  noblest  ambitions 
and  aspirations  of  the  American  people.     (Applause.) 

The  speech  was  so  well  received  that  the  New  York  papers 
gave  it  more  prominence  than  they  gave  to  any  other 
speech  of  the  evening.  Governor  Oglesby,  who  came 
after  me,  took  occasion  to  speak  in  terms  of  high  com- 
pliment of  what  I  had  said,  and  in  that  connection  made 
some  statement  that  was  understood  to  mean  that  in  his 
opinion  I  would  be  a  good  candidate  for  the  Republicans 
to   nominate   for  the   Presidency   in    1888. 

His  remarks  were  so  much  applauded  that  the  news- 
paper   men    not    only    interpreted    the    outburst    to    be    in 


ftSO  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

the  nature  of  approval,  but  to  amount  to  a  decided  boom 
in    my    behalf. 

All  this  was  commented  on  most  elaborately  in  the 
morning  papers,  and  these  comments  were  telegraphed 
all   over  the    country. 

By  the  time  I  returned  to  Ohio  two  or  three  days  later 
everyone  was  discussing  the  possibilities  of  my  nomina- 
tion. The  newspapers  throughout  the  country  were  do- 
ing the  same  thing. 

Pittsburg  Geant  Speech. 

Later,  April  27th,  I  attended  a  banquet  given  in  Pitts- 
burg by  the  Americus  Club  in  honor  of  the  anniversary 
of  General  Grant's  birthday.  "Grant"  was  the  theme 
assigned  me.  It  was  impossible  to  speak  justly  of  his 
careeer  to  a  Republican  audience  without  exciting  great 
enthusiasm.  What  had  happened  at  New  York  a  few 
weeks  before  paved  the  way  for  a  repetition  of  what  had 
happened  there.  All  this  was  very  flattering  to  me  and 
in  that  sense  gratifying,  but  it  was,  nevertheless,  embar- 
rassing,   and   the    beginning    of    trouble. 

Sherman  Sentiment  in  Ohio. 

I  had  supported  John  Sherman  for  the  Presidency  in 
1884  because  I  thought  he  'was  pre-eminently  well  qual- 
ified for  the  executive  office,  and  because  I  thought  he  was 
entitled  to  the  support  of  his  own  State. 

He  had  in  his  letters  following  that  convention  shown 
warm  friendship  and  sincere  regard  for  me,  both  person- 
ally and  politically.  As  a  result  our  friendship  had  been 
all  the  while  growing  stronger.  In  the  campaign  of  1885 
I  had  supported  him  most  zealously  for  re-election  to 
the  Senate,  where,  In  the  meanwhile,  he  had  been  adding 
to  his  claims  for  leadership  and  to  his  renown  as  one  of 
the  foremost  statesmen  of  America.  Therefore  It  was  that, 
although  I  was  very  friendly  to  Mr.  Blaine,  yet,  as  from 
time  to  time,  it  cropped  out  from  expressions  dropped  by 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS 

I  had  accepted  an  invitation  to  respond  to  the'  toast; 
"The  Republican  Party." 

Speaking  of  the  occasion  in  a  general  way  it  was  emi- 
nently successful.  The  speeches  were  all  good,  especially 
the  speeches  made  by  Senator  Harrison,  Mr.  Depew  and 
Governor  Oglesby.  My  speech  came  after  most  of  the 
others  had  beeen  heard.  There  was  nothing  pretentious 
about  it.  I  did  not  undertake  to  indulge  in  any  sopho- 
morical  sentences,  or  any  flights  of  oratory ;  but  simply 
to  tell  a  plain,  unvarnished  story  of  the  achievements  of 
the  Republican  party — its  great  victories,  its  great  men, 
its  great  purposes,  with  a  view  to  showing  that  while 
it  was  out  of  power  it  was  not  out  of  existence,  and  that 
by  contrast  with  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration,  which 
was  then  in  progress,  it  appeaj*ed  to  such  exceptional 
and  distinct  advantage  that  it  wbuld  undoubtedly,  if  only 
true  to  itself,  return  to  power  at  the  next  Presidential 
election. 

I  closed  as  follows:  /    \ 

Republicanism  never  gained  anything  in  the  past  by  mincing  words 
and  compromising  attitudes,  and  it  never  will  gain  anything  that  way 
in  the  future.  We  are  too  old,  have  had  too  much  experience,  fought 
too  many  fights  and  stand  charged  with  too  many  grave  responsibilities 
to  waste  time  listening  to  impracticable  teachings  about  theoreticalisms. 
Let  the  long-haired  men  and  the  short-haired^  women  go  to  the  rear 
while  the  lines  move  on  to  victory  (applause),  and  as  we  go  forward 
let  every  man  defiantly  rejoice  that  he  belongs  to  a  party  which  today, 
a&  in  the  past,  represents  the  loftiest  purposes  and  the  noblest  ambitions 
and  aspirations  of  the  American  people.     (Applause.) 

The  speech  was  so  well  received  that  the  New  York  papers 
gave  it  more  prominence  than  they  gave  to  any  other 
speech  of  th^  evening.  Governor  Oglesby,  who  came 
after  me,  took  occasion  to  speak  in  terms  of  high  com- 
pliment of  what  I  had  said,  and  in  that  connection  made 
some  statement  that  was  understood  to  mean  that  in  his 
opinion  I  would  be  a  good  candidate  for  the  Republicans 
to   nominate   for  the   Presidency   in    1888. 

His  remarks  were  so  much  applauded  that  the  news- 
paper men  not  only  interpreted  the  outburst  to  be  in 
/ 


g50  \    JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

the  nature  olj  approval,  but  to  amount  to  a  decided  boom 
in    my    behalK 

All  this  waV  commented  on  most  elaborately  in  the 
morning  papers),  and  these  comments  were  telegraphed 
all   over  the   counVy.  / 

By  the  time  I  returned  to  Ohio  two  or  three  days  later 
everyone  was  discus$jing  the  possibilities  of  my  nomina- 
tion. The  newspapers^  throughout  the  country  were  do- 
ing the  same  thing.     \  / 

PlTTSBURoXGEAiTT     SPEECH. 

Later,  April  S7th,  I  attended  a  banquet  given  in  Pitts- 
burg by  the  Americus  Club\in  honor  of  the  anniversary 
of  General  Grant's  birthday;  "Grant"  was  the  theme 
assigned  me.  It  was  impossible  to  speak  justly  of  his 
careeer  to  a  Republican  audience  without  exciting  great 
enthusiasm.  What  had  happened  at  New  York  a  f&w 
weeks  before  paved  the  way  for  k^  repetition  of  what  had 
happened  there.  All  this  was  vert  flattering  to  me  and 
in  that  sense  gratifying,  but  it  W8^,  nevertheless,  embar- 
rassing,   and   the    beginning    of   trouole. 

/  V 

SnmMAN  Sentiment  in  ynio. 

I  had  supported  John  Sherman  for  ^the  Presidency  in 
1884  because  I  thought  he  'was  pre-emitiently  well  qual- 
ified for  the  executive  office,  and  because  %  thought  he  was 
entitled  to  the  support  of  his  own  State. 

He  had  in  his  letters  following  that  cd|ivention  shown 
warm  friendship  and  sincere  regard  for  me^  both  person- 
ally and  politically.  As  a  result  our  friendship  had  been 
all  the  while  growing  stronger.  In  the  campaign  of  1885 
I  had  supported  him  most  zealously  for  i^-elisction  to 
the  Senate,  where,  in  the  meanwhile,  he  had  been  adding 
to  his  claims  for  leadership  and  to  his  renown  as  one  of 
the  foremost  statesmen  of  America.  Therefore  it  was  that, 
although  I  was  very  friendly  to  Mr.  Blaine,  yet,  as  from 
time  to  time,  it  cropped  out  from  expressions   dropped  by 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  251 

Mr.  Sherman  or  his  friends,  that  he  probably  would  be 
a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  again  in  1888,  I  felt 
sympathy  with  the  proposition.  In  a  number  of  in- 
stances where  there  was  occasion  to  speak  on  the  subject 
I  had  so  expressed  myself. 

There  was  for  him  at  that  time  in  Ohio  perhaps  a 
stronger  sentiment  that  he  was  entitled  to  a  nomination  in 
1888  than  there  had  been  ever  before  among  the  Re- 
publicans of  his  own  state  when,  on  previous  occasions, 
he  had  been  a  candidate,  and  this  was  true  notwithstand- 
ing the  popularity  of  Mr.  Blaine  was  also  greater  than 
ever  before. 

I  had  no  thought  whatever  of  being  a  candidate  against 
him.  I  did  not  even  want  to  be  renominated  for  Gover- 
nor. It  was  my  preference  inasmuch  as  I  had  made  two 
campaigns  to  treat  the  single  term  I  was  serving  as  a 
vindication  and  in  accordance  with  the  rule  generally 
obtaining  in  such  matters  retire  from  political  and  public 
life  in  order  that  I  might  resume  the  practice  of  my  pro- 
fession and  make,  while  I  yet  had  life  and  strength,  some 
suitable  provision  for  my  family,  but  I  had  not  yet  made 
any  public  announcement  when,  shortly  before  the  New 
York  speech,  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer  published  a  rather 
sensational  article  in  which  there  was  set  forth  a  great 
deal  of  misinformation,  in  connection  with  which  it  stated 
that  such   was   my   purpose. 

This  brought  the  matter  to  the  front  so  suddenly  and 
promptly  that  I  found  it  necessary  to  make  some  kind 
of   answer    and    gave    out   the    following: 

The  Enquirer  article  is  without  any  foundation  except  as  to  the  state- 
ment that  I  do  not  intend  to  be  a  candidate  again.  I  did  not  suppose 
that  was  news  to  anybody.  All  my  friends  have  known  all  along  that 
I  have  never  at  any  time  desired  a  renomination.  I  prefer  to  return  to 
my  law  practice,  which  needs  my  attention,  and  that  is  all  there  is 
about  it. 

This  Enquirer  article,  and  my  interview  in  answer  to 
it,  started  a  general  discussion  in  the  newspapers  which 
was  in  progress  and  at  its  height  at  the  time  of  the  New 


252  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

York  meeting.  Almost  without  exception  the  Republican 
press  of  the  state  in  the  most  complimentary  manner 
expressed  the  hope  that  I  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  dis- 
regard my  preference  not  to  be  a  candidate  and  accept  a 
renomination. 

This  seemed  to  be  the  desire  of  the  rank  and  file  every- 
where throughout  the  state.  On  every  hand  there  seemed 
to  be  only  friendship  and  good-will. 

Chilly   Winds   Begin   to    Blow. 

But  on  my  return  to  Columbus  from  New  York  it  was 
plainly  evident  that  so  far  as  the  most  ardent  at  least 
of  Mr.  Sherman's  supporters  were  concerned  they  were 
less  enthusiastic  than  they  had  been.  They  showed  un- 
mistakable  signs   of   cooling   off. 

The  reception  accorded  me  at  Pittsburg  and  the  fav- 
oraible  comments  with  which  the  newspapers  abounded 
made  matters  worse,  but  the  climax  was  reached  when 
the  rebel  flag  incident  filled  the  whole  country  with  a  blaze 
of   enthusiastic   comment. 

It  was  not  long  until  it  was  manifest  that  an  effort  was 
being  put  forth  to  counteract  the  effect  of  the  New  York 
and  Pittsburg  speeches,  not  in  the  newspapers  so  much 
as  by  "quietly  passing  the  word  down  the  line."  They 
were  disparaged  as  "exaggerated,"  and  "not  meaning  any- 
thing anyhow,"  and  "undignified,"  especially  the  New 
York  speech  in  which  I  "had  grossly  offended  good  taste 
by  speaking  of  long-haired  men  and  short-haired  women," 
and  as  a  "premeditated  effort  to  help  Mr.  Blaine  and  se- 
cure for  myself  the  Vice  Presidency,"  and  so  on  for  quan- 
tity. Inasmuch  as  I  had  committed  no  offense,  except  to 
legitimately  and  accidentally  acquire  some  special  popu- 
larity, I  was  loth  to  believe  what  I  heard  and  slow  to  real- 
ize what   was   going   on. 

I  do  not  know  how  many  people  were  at  the  time  dis- 
cussing the  situation  with  Mr.  Sherman  and  exciting  appre- 
hension in  his  mind  that  I  might  become  a  candidate,  but 
the   following   letters    show   that    before   I   had    occasion    to 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  253 

think  of  anything  of  the  kind,  he  had  some  anxiety  about 

the   situation : 

United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

February  12,  1887. 
My  Dear  Sir: — I  cut  from  the  Enquirer  a  paragraph  which  I  hardly 
think  it  worth  while  to  notice.  Still,  I  do  not  like  to  have  such  false 
statements  made  that  affect  others  without  correcting  them.  As  a 
matter  of  course  the  Enquirer  does  not  speak  for  me  in  any  case.  I 
have  never  said  about  Major  Butter  worth  what  it  imputes  to  me,  nor 
have  I  in  the  slightest  degree  called  in  question  your  perfect  candor 
or  hesitated  to  express  the  utmost  confidence  in  you,  which  I  have  done 
whenever  the  subject  was  mentioned  in  my  presence.  Tell  friend 
Geghan  that  he  need  not  bother  himself  about  such  reports,  or  he  will 
be  in  hot  water  all  the  time. 

I  hope  to  be  able  to  see  you  before  you  make  any  definite  announce- 
ment in  regard  to  your  candidacy  for  Governor. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 
Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker.  John  Sherman. 


February  20th  he  wrote  a  mutual  friend,  the  Reverend 
Robert  McMurdy,  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  a  retired  Episcopal 
clergyman,    as    follows: 

United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

February  20,  1887. 
My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  note  of  the  17th  is  received.  I  heartily  concur 
with  you  in  your  opinion  of  the  relative  duties  of  Gov.  Foraker  and 
myself.  I  read  with  great  pleasure  his  speech  in  New  York  and  have 
repeatedly  given  it  the  highest  praise.  Some  days  since  and  before  the 
speech  was  made  I  wrote  a  letter  to  him,  correcting  false  imputations 
attributed  to  me  by  the  Enquirer,  and  urging  him  not  to  withdraw  from 
the  canvass  for  Governor.  He  has  a  brilliant  future  before  him  if  he 
will  only  await  the  natural  order  of  events,  but  his  mention  for  the 
office  of  Vice  President  is  not  in  his  interest,  but  only  for  the  interest 
of  others  tending  to  divide  the  Republicans  of  Ohio.  If  he  will  steadily 
pursue  the  course  he  has  commenced  of  securing  for  me  a  solid  and 
nearty  delegation  in  the  National  Convention,  he  will  open  the  way 
for  the  highest  honors  of  the  country  in  their  due  and  orderly  time. 
I  will  cordially  assist  him  in  his  canvass  this  faU  and  can  effectively 
aid  him  in  the  future.  What  we  want  now  is  unity  and  confidence. 
Nor  do  I  wish  any  unseemly  contest  with  Blaine.  In  common  with 
nearly  all  the  leading  Republicans  in  public  life,  I  do  not  think  it  wise 
to  press  his  nomination.  Time  must  be  given  to  heal  the  asperities  and 
divisions  in  our  ranks.  If  my  nomination  would  tend  to  this,  then  I 
hope  it  will  be  made.    If  not,  some  one  else  should  be  nominated  and  I 


254  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

will  cheerfully  support  the  nominee.     The  short  article  in  the  Dayton 
Journal  states  this  position  admirably. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 
R.  McMuBDT.  JoHx  Shesmak. 

He  never  said  anything  to  me  about  not  being  a  can- 
didate for  renomination  in  writing  or  otherwise  except  in 
the  last  sentence  of  his  letter  of  February  12th,  where 
he  says,  "I  hope  to  be  able  to  see  you  before  you  make 
any  definite  announcement  in  regard  to  your  candidacy 
for  Governor." 

Therefore,    he    must    of   necessity    have    referred   to   this 
sentence    when    in    his    letter    of    February    20th    to    Dr. 
McMurdy  he  says:     .     .     "I  wrote  a  letter  to  him 
urging  him  not  to  withdraw  from   the   canvass   for  Gover- 
nor." 

His  sentence  as  quoted  hardly  sustains  the  statement 
that  he  indulged  in  any  "urging,"  and  yet  it  was  soon  man- 
ifest that  quite  generally  among  the  men  active  in  support 
of  Mr.  Sherman  there  were  many  who  "urged"  me  to 
become   a  candidate   only   in  the   same  mild  way. 

One  step  followed  another.  It  was  soon  clear  that  there 
was  a  well  defined  fear  that  the  "boom"  started  at  New 
York  might  develop  enough  strength  to  make  me  a  serious 
competitor,  especially  if  I  should  be  renominated  at  the 
approaching    state    convention. 

FACTiONAii  Lines. 

Almost  by  magic  in  spite  of  all  that  could  be  done  to 
prevent  it,  factional  lines  were  drawn  between  so-called 
Sherman   men   and   Foraker   men. 

On  all  occasions  I  spoke  out  unqualifiedly  in  favor  of 
Senator  Sherman's  candidacy,  and  against  the  considera- 
tion of  my  name  in  any  such  connection. 

I  was  in  all  this  perfectly  sincere,  for  while  I  did  not 
lack  appreciation  for  the  distinction  of  being  talked  about 
as  a  Presidential  possibility,  yet  I  had  that  high  regard  for 
Mr.  Sherman  as  a  man  and  that  profound  respect  for  him 
as    a    statesman    of   wide    experience,    thoroughly    equipped 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  255 

for  the  White  House,  that  I  could  not,  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, think  of  myself  as  sufficiently  qualified  and 
equipped  to   compete   with   him   for  the   honor. 

As  this  discussion  increased  the  point  was  soon  reached 
where  I  felt  compelled,  not  only  for  the  good  of  the  party, 
but  for  my  own  protection  within  the  party,  to  yield  my 
consent  to  become  a  candidate  for  re-election  as  Governor, 
if  a  majority   of  the   party   continued  to  insist  upon  it. 

Indorsement  of  Shekman  by  State  Convention. 

This  quickly  brought  the  announcement  that  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Sherman  would  demand  at  the  approaching  state 
convention  the  adoption  of  a  plank  in  the  platform  pledg- 
ing the  delegates  from  Ohio  to  the  next  national  conven- 
tion to  support  Mr.  Sherman  as  Ohio's  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  The  purpose  of  this  was  so  manifest  that 
nobody  could  be  deceived. 

If  I  should  be  renominated  and  re-elected  without  any 
such  pledge  in  the  platform  I  might  then  with  propriety 
become  a  candidate,  and  with  things  going  as  they  were 
my  candidacy  might  be  formidable;  but  with  such  a  pledge 
in   the   platform   I   would   be   thereby   cut   off. 

It  was  shrewd  politics  to  raise  the  question  and  force 
the  issue  at  a  time  and  under  circumstances  that  compelled 
me  to  acquiesce,  for  if  I  should  be  the  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor I  could  not  afford  to  jeopardize  my  election  by 
alienating   the    support    of   his    followers. 

So  far  as  cutting  myself  off  from  becoming  a  candi- 
date by  agreeing  to  the  adoption  of  such  a  resolution  I 
did  not  care;  for  I,  for  reasons  already  given,  preferred 
to  support  Mr.  Sherman  if  I  might  be  allowed  to  do  so 
consistently  with  my  self  respect;  moreover  I  did  not  then 
know  w'hat  was  to  be  the  course  of  events,  and  that  I  would 
have  a  chance  when  the  time  came  to  secure  the  nomination 
if  left  free  to  seek  or  accept  it.  I  did  not,  however,  like 
the    proposition. 

My  objection  to  it  was  two-fold.  I  did  not  like  the 
idea    of   being    forced    under    the    duress    of    circumstances 


S56  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

to  submit  a  year  in  advance  to  being  bound  hand  and  foot 
so  that  no  matter  what  might  arise  I  would  not  have  left 
to  me  any  freedom  of  choice,  either  as  to  myself  or  any- 
body  else. 

In  the  second  place  I  feared  it  would  hurt  the  party  in 
the  campaign,  upon  which  we  were  entering.  There  was 
always  a  strong  and  enthusiastic  support  for  Mr.  Blaine 
/among  the  Republicans  of  Ohio.  It  had  divided  our  del- 
egation in  1884.  His  defeat  by  a  narrow  margin  unfairly 
secured  had  intensified  the  devotion  and  largely  increased 
the  number  of  his  followers. 

The  feeling  was  almost  universal  among  his  followers 
that  he  was  entitled  to  another  chance  under  circumstances 
that  would  insure  his   election. 

To  undertake  in  1887,  a  year  in  advance  of  the  Presi- 
dential nominating  convention,  to  pledge  Ohio  to  oppose 
him,  for  that  was  what  indorsement  of  Sherman  meant, 
was  calculated,  I  thought,  to  offend  the  Blaine  men  and 
make  them  not  only  indifferent  as  to  the  result  of  the 
state  election,  but  actively  hostile  to  Mr.  Sherman  as  the 
cause  and  thus  again  divide  the  delegation  to  the  national 
convention  and  thus  destroy  whatever  chance  he  might 
otherwise  have.  Accordingly,  when  the  proposition  that 
he  should  be  indorsed  by  our  state  convention  was  an- 
nounced,   I    did    not   hesitate   to    express    dissent. 

I  did  it  kindly  and  for  the  reason  that  I  thought  it 
unwise  to  thus  prematurely,  as  it  seemed,  undertake  to 
forestall  the  natural  and  regular  course  of  events. 

At  the  same  time  that  I  announced  my  opinion  that 
the  proposition  was  unwise  for  the  reason  given  I  also 
proclaimed  my  fealty  to  Mr.  Sherman  and  my  willingness 
to  waive  my  objection  to  the  resolution  of  indorsement 
if  Mr.  Sherman,  after  full  consideration,  should  still  deem 
its  adoption  wise   and   desirable. 

I  soon  discovered  that  the  statement  that  I  would  ac- 
quiesce if,  "after  full  consideration,"  Mr.  Sherman  should 
still  desire  the  convention  to  indorse  him  was  a  mistake, 
but  having  made  it  I  adhered  to   it   with  fidehty. 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  ^57 

The  mistake  consisted  in  the  fact  that  I  thus  allowed 
myself  to  be  forced  into  a  position  where  I  was  in  honor 
bound  to  aid  in  the  carrying  out  of  plans  that  had  been 
adopted,  and  were  afterward  carried  out,  in  a  spirit  of 
political  hostility,  accompanied  with  an  offensive  mani- 
festation of  distrust  of  the  self-denial  that  would  be  in- 
volved under  circumstances  that  might,   and   did,   arise. 

Most  of  the  Republican  members  of  Congress,  while  in 
a  general  way  friendly  to  me,  were  naturally  more  friendly 
to  Mr.  Sherman,  with  whom  they  were  associated  in  the 
public  service  at  Washington.  Mr.  Hanna,  with  whom, 
since  the  convention  of  1884,  I  had  been  on  terms  of  warm 
friendship,  had  all  the  while  cherished  the  hope  that  our 
failure   then  might  be  made   a   success   in   1888. 

Most,  also,  of  the  older  Sherman  newspaper  men  of  the 
state   felt   the   same   way. 

Among  these  was  Richard  Smith  of  the  Commercial 
Gazette,  He  had  been  for  a  generation  personally  ac- 
quainted with  Mr.  Sherman  and  had  always  been  active  in  his 
support.  He  had  justly  come  to  regard  him  as  one  of  the 
greatest  men  of  the  nation,  and  as  one  of  the  wisest  and 
safest  of  all  our  great  statesmen. 

It  was  hard  for  him  to  imagine  that  anybody  else  in 
Ohio  could  be  seriously  and  honestly  preferred  to  Mr. 
Sherman,  especially  a  youngster  like  me  who  belonged 
to  a  later  political  generation.  The  mere  suggestion  was 
to  his  notion  a  sort  of  political  crime. 

As  it  was  with  Mr.  Smith,  so  it  was  with  many  others 
who,  as  to  everything  else,  were  personally  and  editorially 
of    friendly    disposition. 

It  might  have  been  impossible,  if  I  had  refused  to  assent 
to  such  indorsement,  to  escape  a  contest  in  which  all  these 
very  strong  influences  would  have  been  against  me,  and 
might  have  defeated  me,  although  Mr.  Sherman  said  at 
one  time  that  he  would  not  insist  if  I  continued  to  dis- 
sent, but  it  seemed  unwise  and  disagreeable  to  have  a  con- 
test on  such  a  point  when  Mr.  Sherman  was,  under  all  the 
circumstances,    my     own    preference.     Therefore,    while    I 


St58  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

thought  it  bad  politics,  as  the  sequel  showed  it  was,  yet 
I  deemed  it  best  to  acquiesce. 

My  acquiescence  was  in  good  faith  and  I  urged  all  my 
friends  and  followers  also  to  acquiesce  and  conform  to 
that  program. 

My  acquiescence,  however,  did  not  end  the  controversy, 
but  for  a  time  at  least  rather  embittered  it;  for  I  had 
many  friends  who  openly  resented  the  proposition  and  per- 
sisted in  arguing  against  it.  This,  of  course,  excited 
counter  statements  and  arguments.  Most  of  the  news- 
papers were  careful  and  considerate,  but  Mr.  Smith,  of 
the  Commercial  Gazette^  published  a  number  of  editorials 
that  were  based  on  false  premises  and  were  exceedingly 
offensive. 

I  had  known  him  for  many  years.  I  was  not  sur- 
prised when  he  showed  a  disposition  to  favor  Mr.  Sher- 
man, for  I  thought  that  natural;  I  favored  him  myself; 
but  I  was  surprised  when  he  persisted  in  making  state- 
ments that  were  misrepresentations,  and  drawing  deduc- 
tions therefrom  that  were  calculated  to  displease  me  and 
all  my  friends.  He  stirred  up  so  much  bad  blood  that 
I  finally  took  the  matter  up  by  correspondence  with  him. 
At  the  same  time  I  was  in  correspondence  on  the  same 
subject   with    Mr.    Sherman. 

I  am  unable  at  this  late  date  to  find  any  of  my  letters 
from  Mr.  Smith,  except  one  of  July  11th,  but  in  my 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Sherman  the  nature  of  my  cor- 
respondence with   Mr.    Smith   is    sufficiently   shown. 

During  the  period  prior  to  the  Toledo  Convention  I 
met  Mr.  Sherman  at  Findlay,  Ohio,  where  we  met  in 
attendance  upon  a  celebration  of  the  discovery  of  natural 
gas.  The  character  of  our  conversation  is  disclosed  by 
what  is  said  in  the  following  correspondence.  It  will  be 
noted  that  it  was  started  by  a  newspaper  publication  to 
which  Mr.  Sherman  took  exception,  but  for  which  I  had 
no   responsibility. 

It  is  somewhat  peppery,  but  as  I  thought  then  and 
still  think,  no  more  so  on  my  part  than  the  situation  jus- 
tified   and   demanded. 


1887--MOCCASIN  TRACKS  259 

It  shows  that  throughout  the  whole  matter  I  acted  with 
entire  frankness  and  with  absolute  sincerity,  and  that  I 
was  not  responsible  for  any  of  the  misunderstandings 
that   occurred. 

Senate    Chamber, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

May  28,  1887. 
My  Dear  Sir: — As  the  enclosed  letter  in  the  New  York  Sun  refers 
to  you  and  Mr.  Blaine  as  having  received  letters  of  mine,  I  concluded 
to  send  it  to  you.  The  writer  is  so  unjust  and  unfair  that  I  would  like 
to  learn  from  you,  if  possible,  his  animus  if  you  know  him.  His  state- 
ment about  my  writing  letters  beseeching  people  to  vote  for  me  is; 
absolutely  false,  and  if  any  letters  of  that  character  have  been  sent  to» 
you,  I  should  like  very  much  to  see  them.  Soon  after  my  return  from 
Springfield  I  hope  we  can  meet  each  other  and  put  a  stop  to  such 
foolish  letter  writers  as  Gessner.  I  know  the  effect  is  very  injurious, 
for  this  letter  has  been  sent  to  me  by  many  persons  in  different  parts 
of  the  State,  who  have  been  angered  by  its  tone  and  contents. 

Very  truly  yours, 

HOK.    J.    B.    FOEAKEB.  JOHN   ShEBMAK. 


To  this  I  answered: 

May  81,  1887. 

Dear  Senator: — In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  28th  inst.  I  enclose 
a  clipping  from  the  Commercial  Gazette  of  the  26th  inst.  I  can  only 
repeat  that  I  know  nothing  about  Mr.  Gessner's  telegram,  but  I  think 
he  only  meant  in  a  thoughtless  way  to  reproduce  the  sensational  gossip 
that  seems  to  be  in  circulation,  without  other  motive  than  to  supply  a 
Democratic  newspaper  with  a  readable  article. 

There  has  been  considerable  talk,  however,  of  the  character  of  his 
letter.  I  have  been  greatly  annoyed  by  it,  and  it  was  with  reference 
to  such  stories  that  I  invited  you  in  my  last  letter  to  come  here  after 
Congress  adjourned  and  be  my  guest  for  a  day  or  two.  I  thought  that 
would  be  the  best  way  to  end  it.  Inasmuch  as  you  did  not  make  any 
response  to  the  suggestion,  I  feared  you  did  not  appreciate  it.  Allow 
me  to  renew  the  invitation,  and  to  add  that  I  think  I  have  a  right  to 
an  opinion  as  to  what  is  to  your  interest,  and  that  it  will  not  harm  you 
to  at  least  listen  to  it. 

I  want  you  to  note,  however,  that  I  do  not  wish  to  obtrude  upon 
you  any  view  I  may  have  about  anything,  and  that  I  have  no  personal 
ends  of  any  kind  to  serve.  Much  less  do  I  wish  to  bec6me  in  any  sense 
responsible  for  your  cause  in  Ohio.  I  shall  be  quite  content  to  aid  it 
in  any  way  I  can,  all  the  while  preferring,  especially  in  view  of  what 
has  been  said  and  done,  that  its  management  should  remain  in  the  hands 
to  which  I  understand  it  has  been  entrusted. 

I  may  be  mistaken,  and  I  hope  I  am,  but  I  think  I  detect,  in  the  tone 
of  your  letter,  that  which  leads  me  to  add  that  I  have  no  secrets,  about 
anything,  and  do  not  intend  to  have  any,  and  that  I  always  aim  to  say 


260  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

exactly  what  I  mean,  and  mean  precisely  what  I  say,  and  I  will  not 
have  anything  to  do  with  anybody  about  anything  unless  this  is  conceded 
in  all  the  fullness  and  frankness  that  can  be  commanded  by  a  complete 
self-respect.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.  B.    FoRAKER. 

HoK.  John  Sherman, 
Mansfield,  Ohio. 


Mansfield,  Ohio,  June  4,  1887. 

My  Dear  Oovemor: — Upon  my  return  from  the  West  last  evening 
I  found  your  letter  of  the  31st  with  enclosure.  On  my  way  out  I  saw 
your  remarks  about  Gessner's  telegram,  and  regretted  that  I  had  bothered 
you  about  it.  It  is  natural  that  our  Democratic  friends  should  try  and 
make  coldness  between  us,  but  his  letter  surprised  me.  As  to  your  invi- 
tation to  spend  a  day  with  you,  I  suppose,  when  received  I  saw  that  the 
time  for  acceptance  was  remote,  and  I  did  not  answer  for  that  reason. 
Now  I  am  at  home  for  most  of  the  summer  and  very  cheerfully  accept 
your  invitation.  I  have  two  engagements,  one  to  visit  Findlay  next 
Wednesday,  which  will  occupy  two  days — another  to  visit  East  Liver- 
pool the  week  following  to  see  the  "Potters."  Subject  to  these,  I  c€in 
call  at  Columbus  at  a  time  most  convenient  to  you.  If  you  go  to 
Findlay  I  can  return  with  you. 

I  think  it  important  that  we  confer  freely  with  each  other,  and  I 
assure  you  in  advance  with  the  utmost  sincerity  that  I  am  as  anxious  for 
your  re-election  as  any  one  can  be — wiU  do  as  much  or  more  for  that 
object  as  any  one  else,  and  feel  for  you  a  hearty  friendship  and  respect. 
Though  not  demonstrative,  I  have  from  our  first  acquaintance  felt  that 
you  would  be  my  natural  associate  and  successor,  and  wish  frankly 
and  loyally  to  speak  and  act  with  a  view  to  preserve  the  most  cordial 
and  friendly  relations.  When  I  hear  from  you  again  I  will  fix  a  time 
for  a  visit  to  you,  or  you  may  name  a  date  subject  to  the  engagements 
stated.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

John  Sherman. 

Gov.   J.   B.    FOBAKBB. 


Before  Mr.   Sherman  had  a  chance  to  visit  me  as   sug- 
gested I  received  from  him  the  following: 

Mansfield,  Ohio,  June  28,  1887. 
My  Dear  Sir: — I  have  just  read  a  ridiculous  and  foolish  story  in  the 
Cleveland  Plain  Dealer  of  today,  containing  a  pure  invention  of  a  con- 
versation at  Canton  which  never  occurred.  Hardly  worth  while  to  so 
advise  you,  but,  as  I  leave  in  an  hour  or  two,  to  be  absent  most  of  this 
week,  I  thought  it  better  to  do  so.  My  visit  was  a  social  and  agreeable 
one,  and  there  was  nothing  of  the  kind  talked  by  anyone. 

Very  truly  yours, 
Hoir.  J.  B.  Forakeb.  John  Sherman. 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  «61 

I  had  seen  the  article  and  supposed  it  was  a  fabrica- 
tion, for  it  did  not  seem  possible  such  things  as  were 
stated   could   be   true.     I   answered   accordingly: 

July  5,  1887. 

My  Bear  Senator: — ^You  need  not  have  bothered  yourself  to  write 
me  about  the  article  in  the  Plain  Dealer.  I  knew  there  was  no  truth 
in  it,  and  did  not  give  it  a  thought. 

Capt.  Donaldson  showed  me  a  letter  from  you  a  few  days  ago  in 
regard  to  your  attendance  at  the  State  Convention.  He  asked  me  to 
write  you  my  view  of  the  matter  as  to  whether  you  should  attend  or  not. 

I  yesterday  saw  Gen.  Grosvenor,  who  told  me  he  would  see  you 
last  night.  I  told  him  to  tell  you  I  thought  if  I  were  in  your  place  I 
should  attend  the  Convention.  I  do  not  Think  it  possible  for  anything 
to  arise  that  can  occasion  any  embarrassment  to  you.  There  may  be 
here  and  there  a  few  demonstrations  like  that  at  Lima  (where  a  resolu- 
tion to  endorse  Mr.  Sherman  had  been  defeated)  but  I  think  we  should 
expect  as  much,  and  the  best  way  to  deal  with  such  matters  is  to  simply 
go  straight  along  in  the  ordinary  way. 

Hoping,  therefore,  to  see  you  at  the  Convention,  if  not  sooner,  I 
remain.  Very  truly  yours, 

J.    B.    FORAKER. 

P.  S. — I  would  write  you  more  at  length  about  the  general  situation 
but  for  the  fact  that  I  talked  fully  with  Gen.  Grosvenor  yesterday, 
and  he  has  no  doubt  acquainted  you  with  all  that  I  would  otherwise 
speak  of. 

Hon.  John  Sherman, 
Mansfield,  Ohio. 

Mansfield,  Ohio,  July  9,  1887. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  letter  of  the  6th  is  received. 

I  will  attend  the  State  Convention  as  a  delegate  from  Richland 
County. 

I  am  a  good  deal  annoyed  with  the  incident  at  Lima  and  some  things 
that  have  occurred,  and  feel  quite  at  a  loss  to  know  what  is  best  to  be 
done.  To  recede  in  the  face  of  the  attacks  that  are  being  made  seems 
cowardly,  but  I  will  be  governed  by  prudence  and  discretion,  and  cer- 
tainly do  not  wish  to  do  anything  that  will  embarrass  you. 

Very  truly  yours, 
Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker.  John  Sherman. 

In  answer  to  a  letter  received  about  that  time  from 
the  Honorable  Richard  Smith,  I  wrote  him  as  follows: 

Hon.  Rich'd  Smith,  Columbus,  Ohio,  July  11,  1887. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
Dear  Sir: — Answering  your  letter  I  can  only  repeat  what  I  have  said 
to  Senator  Sherman   and   all  others  who  have  spoken  to  me  on  the 


262  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

subject,  viz.:  that  I  do  not  think  such  a  resolution  as  you  suggest  should 
be  introduced.  It  is  premature  and  can  have  no  other  effect  than  to 
excite  oppositon  that  will  hurt  both  Sherman  and  the  party.  Of  course, 
I  may  be  wrong  about  this,  but  nevertheless  it  is  my  opinion,  and  I 
therefore  give  it  as  such  for  what  it  may  be  worth.  I  have  talked  this 
whole  matter  over  with  Sherman,  and  I  understand  him  to  fully  agree 
with  me. 

I  hope  to  be  in  the  city  in  a  few  days  and  will  then  try  to  see  you. 

Hastily,  etc., 

J.    B.    FOHAEJCR. 

On  receipt  of  this  letter  Mr.  Smith  forwarded  it  to 
Mr.  Sherman,  who  thereupon  wrote  him  the  letter  herein- 
after appearing  dated  July  13th  (page  263),  practically  tak- 
ing issue  with  me  as  to  the  facts  I  had  stated  about  the  under- 
standing between  Mr.  Sherman  and  myself.  In  the  mean- 
while I  had  again  written   Mr.   Sherman  the  following: 

Hon.  John  Sherman,  July  18,  1887. 

Mansfield,  Ohio. 

My  iSear  Senator: — I  have  been  away  several  days,  but  came  home 
in  time  to  meet  here  yesterday  and  last  evening  with  Judge  Thompson. 
He  told  me  he  had  been  to  Mansfield  and  that  you  are  now  of  the  opinion 
that  your  interests  require  the  adoption  by  the  Toledo  Convention  of 
a  resolution  indorsing  you  as  the  candidate  for  the  Presidency  next  year 
of  the  Republicans  of  Ohio.  I  do  not  know  what  has  led  you  to  change 
your  mind  from  what  I  understood  it  to  be  when  I  last  talked  with  you. 
It  was  my  understanding  of  that  conversation  that  you  agreed  with 
me  that  it  would  not  be  wise  to  introduce  such  a  resolution  into  the 
Convention  unless  it  seemed  the  practically  unanimous  wish  of  the  body. 
In  other  words,  that  any  considerable  opposition  would  have  a  preju- 
dicial effect  upon  your  candidacy;  and  that  in  lieu  of  the  resolution 
of  endorsement  of  you  as  our  candidate,  we  should  adopt  a  resolution 
of  compliment  and  confidence,  etc.,  as  our  Senator,  such  as  would  show 
the  feeling  of  the  great  majority  of  the  people  for  you  without  creating 
any  disappointment  and  precipitating  any  kind  of  conflict.  Not  know- 
ing just  what  has  brought  you  to  a  different  conclusion  I  can  not  judge 
satisfactorily  of  the  matter  and  being  without  that  knowledge,  I  remain 
of  the  same  opinion  I  have  entertained  all  the  while. 

But,  nevertheless,  if  you  have  definitely  determined  what  you  wish 
about  the  matter,  I  shall  not  offer  any  opposition.  I  think  this  a  matter 
of  grave  importance  to  you,  and  all  I  desire  is  that  you  will  give  it 
consideration,  accordingly.  Judge  Thompson  urges  that  such  action  be 
taken  on  the  ground  that  non-action  is  equivalent  to  a  refusal  to  endorse 
you,  and  on  the  further  ground  that  the  opposition  which  such  a  resolu- 
tion would  meet  with  is  not  likely  to  be  suflBciently  large  to  prejudice 
you,  and  then  rounds  up  the  whole  matter  with  the  declaration  that 
if  your  candidacy  is  to  be  broken  down  by  a  divided  delegation  from 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  263 

this  state,  it  might  as  well  be  broken  down  now  as  a  year  later.  I 
have  no  patience  with  that  kind  of  talk  and  I  can  not  understand  how 
men  who  are  acquainted  with  the  real  sentiments  of  the  Republicans 
of  Ohio  can  entertain  such  views.  I  only  know  that  it  seems  to  me 
that  non-action  this  year  can  not  be  interpreted  to  your  prejudice. 
Many  of  the  men  who  think  it  should  not  be  done  are  among  your 
most  honest  and  sincere  friends,  and  at  least  the  most  trustworthy. 

Any  man  who  knows  anything  at  all  about  the  political  sentiment 
of  this  state  knows  that  if  there  is  any  opposition  at  all  to  this  reso- 
lution, it  will  be  spirited  and  determined  and  sufficiently  large,  not  to 
be  despised. 

My  impression  is  that  it  will  be  large  enough  to  practically  destroy 
your  candidacy,  and  the  idea  that  you  may  as  well  be  killed  oif  this 
year  as  next  year,  is  nonsense.  By  another  year  every  difficulty  may  be 
out  of  your  way.  It  is  my  impression  that  good  management  would 
allay  opposition,  and  give  you  a  practically  solid  delegation.  Whether 
my  views  please  you  or  not,  they  are  honest  and  unprejudiced,  and 
they  are  spoken  in  the  sincerest  friendship  and  without  regard  to  any 
personal  interests    whatever.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FORAKER. 

On   the   same  date   Mr.   Sherman  wrote   Mr.   Smith: 

Mansfield,  Ohio,  July  13,   1887. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  note  of  the  12th  is  received.  I  have  read  Gov- 
ernor Foraker's  letter  which  I  return  to  you.  We  had  a  conversation 
at  Findlay  in  which  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  ill-advised 
to  have  a  resolution  introduced,  but  I  certainly  did  not  assent  to  it  and 
am  sorry  he  got  that  impression.  I  feel  deeply  interested  in  the  nom- 
ination and  election  of  Foraker,  as  I  regard  his  success  as  vitally 
necessary  to  the  Republican  cause,  and,  whatever  may  be  the  action  of 
the  Convention  on  the  nomination  next  year,  he  will  receive  my  earnest 
and  active  support.  I  have  no  objection  to  your  showing  him  this 
letter. 

The  difficulty  I  labor  under  is  that  a  contest  has  now  been  made, 
not  by  me,  as  to  the  choice  of  Ohio  for  President.  It  is  neither  right 
nor  just  that  I  should  allow  my  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate  for 
President  while  there  is  any  doubt  about  the  position  of  Ohio  on  that 
subject.  I  have  been  so  kindly  treated  by  the  Republicans  of  Ohio 
that  I  do  not  wish  to  embarrass  them,  nor  would  I  seek  for  or  accept 
a  nomination  without  their  general  support.  %Vhile  that  is  in  doubt, 
I  ought  not  to  be  held  up  as  a  candidate.  I  am  constantly  asked  about 
the  position  of  Ohio,  and  I  can  only  answer  I  don't  know.  This  is  not 
at  all  pleasant,  and  I  would  far  prefer  to  be  advised  that  the  Repub- 
licans of  Ohio  prefer  someone  else,  or  that  it  is  a  matter  of  doubt. 
In  either  event  my  name  ought  to  be  withdrawn.  I  would  not  go 
through  such  scenes  as  I  did  in  1880,  caused  mainly  by  the  division 
in  the  Ohio  delegation,  for  all  the  offices  in  the  world.  It  is  cruel  for 
me  to  suffer  a  year's  agony  when  the  position  of  Ohio  is  in  doubt. 
If  we  could  have  a  fair  square  vote  upon  some  such  resolution  as  that 


264  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

you  indicated,  then  Republicans  outside  of  Ohio  would  know  what  course 
to  pursue.    Such  a  vote  I  desire,  whatever  may  be  the  result. 

Very  truly  yours, 
Hon.  Richard  Smith.  John  Sherman. 

This  letter  was  forwarded  to  me  by  Mr.  Smith,  and 
reached  me  by  the  same  mail  that  brought  me  directly  from 
Mr.    Sherman  the   following: 

Mansfield,  Ohio,  July  14,  1887. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Your  note  of  the  18th  is  received,  and  I  assure  you 
I  appreciate  your  kindness  and  have  no  doubt  of  your  sincere  friend- 
ship, and  will  always  vouch  and  commend  your  manly  frankness.  It 
is  true  that  when  I  saw  you  at  Findlay  and  you  stated  objections  to 
the  policy  of  a  resolution,  I  concurred  with  you  in  opinion  that  it  ought 
not  to  be  offered  unless  with  substantial  unanimity,  stating  at  the  same 
time  that  I  was  tired  to  death  with  inquiries  about  how  Ohio  would 
stand,  and  constant  assertions  made  by  Republicans  in  public  prints  that 
I  would  not  be  supported  in  Ohio.  Since  I  saw  you  I  met  this  in  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania,  accompanied  with  sneering  remarks  about  the 
course  of  Republicans  in  Ohio,  exceedingly  offensive  to  me,  and  I,  there- 
fore, am  frank  to  say  to  you  that,  under  the  circumstances,  I  would 
rather  be  absolutely  beaten  and  have  the  matter  ended  forever  than 
to  undergo  the  torture  of  such  suggestions.  I  assure  you  with  the 
frankness  that  is  due  to  you,  that  I  do  not  feel  the  strong  desire  for 
the  nomination  that  induced  me  to  make  the  fruitless  effort  in  1880. 
The  Republicans  of  Ohio  have  honored  me  so  much  that  I  do  not  feel 
like  trespassing  upon  their  good  will  or  causing  them  embarrassment 
or  division.  If  they  really  want  me  to  be  a  candidate  for  President 
I  should  have  the  benefit  of  that  desire.  If  not,  or  if  there  is  a  doubt 
about  it,  I  ought  not  to  encourage  personal  friends  in  other  states 
who  profess  friendship  and  offer  assistance  to  be  complicated  in  a  losing 
cause. 

If  I  were  persuaded  that  the  course  I  suggest  would  weaken  to 
the  slightest  extent  your  vote  for  re-election,  I  would  forego  this  decision, 
for  I  assure  you  I  regard  your  election  as  vitally  important  and  wish 
in  every  way  to  promote  it.  If  this  controversy  about  me  will  in  your 
judgment  endanger  your  election,  I  will  at  once  waive  it  and  put  it  on 
that  ground,  or  if  a  majority  of  my  friends  should  be  of  the  same 
opinion  as  that  suggested  by  Bickham  and  Hopley,  I  will  at  once  defer 
to  their  wishes,  but,  after  what  has  been  said  about  the  Allen  County 
squabble  and  other  such  divisions,  I  feel  that  it  is  due  to  my  friends 
in  other  States  to  have  the  precise  extent  of  the  division  in  Ohio  known, 
so  that  they  may  not  be  misled  by  false  hopes  here.  I  do  not  wish 
Judge  Thompson  or  anybody  else  held  responsible  for  any  results  that 
may  come  in  consequence  of  my  desire  to  have  a  definite  resolution 
offered  and  adopted  or  rejected,  nor  do  I  wish  to  embarrass  you  with 
this  controversy  to  your  injury  or  the  injury  of  the  Republican  cause. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 
Hon.  J.  B.  FoRAKEB.  John  Sherman. 


1887— MOCCASIN  TRACKS  265 

Mr.  Sherman's  two  letters,  one  to  Mr.  Smith  and  the 
other  to  myself,  reaching  me  at  the  same  time  and  being, 
as  I  thought,  inconsistent,  if  not  contradictory,  coupled 
with  what  Mr.  Smith  was  from  day  to  day  publishing  in 
his  paper,  "riled"  me  somewhat,  and  I  wrote  Mr.  Sherman 
as    follows : 

HoK.  John  Shermak,  July  16,  1887. 

Mansfield,   Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  14th  inst.,  also  one  by  same' 
mail  from  Mr.  Richard  Smith,  enclosing  your  letter  to  him  of  the 
18th  inst.,  in  which  you  say,  referring  to  me,  "We  had  a  conversation 
at  Findlay,  in  which  he,  (I)  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  ill-advised 
for  the  resolution  to  be  introduced,  but,  I  (you)  certainly  did  not 
assent  to  it,"  etc. 

I  am  surprised  to  think  that  there  should  be  such  a  diflFerence 
between  your  recollection  and  mine  as  to  what  was  agreed  upon  at 
Findlay,  and  I  was  especially  surprised  when  after  first  reading  your 
letter  to  Mr.  Smith,  I  next  read  your  letter  to  me  written  the  following 
day,  but  received  in  the  same  mail,  in  which  you  say,  speaking  of  the 
same  matter,  that  "you  concurred  with  me  that  it,  (the  resolution) 
ought  not  to  be  offered,  unless  with  substantial  unanimity,"  etc.  I  can 
now  understand  why  Mr.  Smith  has  apparently  misunderstood  my  rela- 
tion to  this  matter,  and  why,  in  consequence,  he  has  said  some  things 
very  offensive  to  me  in  some  of  his  recent  editorials.  I  trust  you  will 
concede  the  propriety  of  my  asking  you  to  correct  his  misunderstanding 
of  our  understanding  at  Findlay.  In  the  meanwhile  I  will  observe, 
as  closely  as  I  can,  the  progress  of  events,  and  consider  carefully  what 
should  be  done. 

I  stop  now  only  to  assure  you  that  I  do  not  wish  you  to  change 
your  program  from  what  you  regard  as  best  calculated  to  promote 
your  interests  because  of  any  actual  or  possible  effect  upon  me  person- 
ally, I  remain.  Very  truly  yours, 

J.    B.    FOBAKER. 

This  is  the  only  letter  I  ever  wrote  you  that  might  be  said  to  be 
not  entirely  frank.  I  have  not  said  all  I  feel  like  saying  although  I 
have  waited  a  day.  J.  B.  F. 

Several  other  letters  of  like  character  passed  between 
us  before  everything  was  "ironed  out,"  but  they  are  not 
any  longer  of  enough  interest  or  importance  to  justify 
reproduction.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  they  were  not  offen- 
sive enough  to  fracture  our  friendship,  although  they  did 
for  a  few  days  strain  it  somewhat. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

CAMPAIGN    OF    1887. 

TAKING  up  now  the  thread  of  political  events  in  Ohio; 
the  Democratic  State  Convention  was  held  at  Cleve- 
land, July  21st.  That  convention  nominated  Thomas  E. 
Powell  as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor.  I  had 
known  Mr.  Powell  ever  since  when,  immediately  after  the 
war,  I  became  a  student  in  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  University 
at  Delaware,  in  which  city  he  at  that  time  resided.  He 
was  then  a  Republican  and  I  became  acquainted  with  him 
when  at  the  Presidential  election  I  went  to  the  ballot  box 
to  vote  for  General  Grant.  My  vote  was  challenged  on 
the  ground  that  I  was  not  a  resident  of  that  place,  but 
there  only  temporarily  as  a  student.  I  was  asserting  my 
right  to  vote  there  because  of  a  statute  then  recently  passed 
by  the  Ohio  legislature  authorizing  students  to  vote  at  the 
place  where  the  institution  upon  which  they  were  in  attend- 
ance was  located.  Mr.  Powell,  then  a  Republican  and  a 
practicing  lawyer  of  that  city,  successfully  defended  my 
right  to  vote.  In  this  way  I  became  acquainted  with  him 
and,  in  a  way,  indebted  to  him  for  an  important  favor 
which  I  had  never  forgotten  and  on  account  of  which  my 
regard  for  him  had  always  been  of  the  most  friendly 
character.  He  was  both  a  very  worthy  and  a  very  able 
man.  In  his  speech  of  acceptance,  made  to  the  con- 
vention that  nominated  him,  he  arraigned  my  administra- 
tion with  great  severity  and  took  me  to  task  personally 
for  a  number  of  criticisms  I  had  made  in  public  speeches 
of  President  Cleveland.  I  had  criticised  him  for  order- 
ing the  flag  displayed  at  half-mast  on  the  occasion  of  the 
death  of  Jacob  Thompson,  who  had  been  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  under  Buchanan,  but  had  promptly  gone  into  the 
secession  movement  with  his  State  and  who  had  distin- 
266 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  267 

guished  himself  during  the  war  by  organizing  in  Canada 
a  movement  to  distribute  clothing  infected  with  yellow 
fever  germs  among  the  most  important  cities  of  the  North. 
I  had,  also,  criticised  him  for  declining  to  make  any  re- 
marks on  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg,  when  he  made  an 
official  visit  there  during  the  first  year  of  his  adminis- 
tration, and  I  had  especially  criticised  him  for  the  unfeel- 
ing character  of  his  vetoes  of  private  pension  bills,  and 
more  particularly  still  for  his  fishing  on  Decoration  Day 
and  his  attempt  to  return  the  rebel  flags  to  the  Confeder- 
ate States.  Mr.  Powell  criticised  all  these  matters  as  trivial, 
unimportant,  and  my  mention  of  them  as  demagogic.  In 
his  defense  of  Mr.  Cleveland  he  indulged  in  extravagant 
eulogies,  saying,  among  other  things,  that  he  had  "more 
conscience  and  more  courage  than  any  President  since 
Andrew  Jackson." 

Toledo  Convention — 1887. 

Our  Convention  was  held  a  week  later,  July  28th,  at 
Toledo.  The  question  of  indorsing  Mr.  Sherman,  and 
the  spirit  of  loyalty  and  patriotism  that  had  been  aroused 
among  Republicans  because  of  these  actions  of  Mr.  Cleve- 
land had  the  effect  of  making  that  Convention  the  most 
largely  attended  and  the  most  enthusiastic  ever  held  in 
Ohio,    either    before    or   since. 

Before  the  assembling  of  the  delegates  there  had  been 
much  talk  in  the  different  parts  of  the  State  about  open 
opposition  to  the  proposed  resolution  indorsing  Mr.  Sher- 
man. In  the  Allen  county  convention  such  a  resolution 
had  been  defeated  by  a  vote  of  three  to  one.  For  a  day 
or  two  preceding  the  convention  while  delegates  and  vis- 
itors were  assembling  in  Toledo  there  was  a  good  deal  of 
such  talk,  but  not  so  much  as  had  been   anticipated. 

The  Toledo  Blade,  the  strongest  Republican  newspaper 
in  Northwestern  Ohio,  was  openly  antagonistic  and  during 
the  days  when  the  convention  was  assembling  it  published 
a  number  of  very  strong  opposition  editorials;  but  when 
the   delegates   were   practically   all   assembled   it   was   found 


268  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

that  we  were  not  to  have  any  serious  differences  and  dis- 
sensions, but  that,  on  the  contrary,  there  would  be  sub- 
stantial unanimity  in  favor  of  indorsement,  and  that  a 
resolution  such  as  was  desired  by  Mr.  Sherman  could, 
therefore,  be  secured  if  not  unanimously  at  least  by  an 
overwhelming    majority. 

The  Honorable  James  Boyle,  afterward  the  secretary  to 
Governor  McKinley,  and  later  Consul  General  of  the  United 
States  at  Liverpool  by  appointment  of  President  McKinley, 
was  in  attendence  upon  the  convention  as  a  correspondent 
for  the  Commercial  Gazette. 

At  the  close  of  the  first  day  of  the  convention,  July 
S7th,  he  sent  the  following  telegram  to  his  paper,  which 
was,  no  doubt,  an  accurate  description  of  the  measure  of 
opposition  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  when  the  time 
for  action  finally  came: 

At  about  11  o'clock  p.  m.  the  Grosvenor  resolution  indorsing  Sher- 
man was  unanimously  adopted  by  the  committee  by  a  rising  vote.  Not 
a  word  or  syllable  has  been  changed. 

iThere  have  been  bushels  of  lies  telegraphed  to  Democratic  and  anti- 
Sherman  papers  during  the  last  few  days,  and  the  wires  have  been  made 
hot  tonight  telling  how  the  committee  is  equally  divided.  The  truth 
is  that  from  the  moment  the  committee  met  the  strength  stood:  Sher- 
man indorsement,  17;  no  indorsement,  4; — reference  being  had,  of 
course,  to  the  Grosvenor  resolution.  The  four  votes  in  the  negative 
were  Graydon  of  Hamilton  county;  Parks  of  Lucas;  Munson  of  Mus- 
kingum; and  McKinley  of  Stark. 

The  attempt  of  the  four  gentlemen  named  was  to  substitute  the 
Munson  resolution — simply  indorsing  Sherman  as  a  Senator,  for  the 
Grosvenor  resolution,  indorsing  Sherman  as  a  Presidential  candidate. 
Failing  that,  the  four  attempted  to  emasculate  the  Grosvenor  resolu- 
tion, the  idea  being  to  have  it  go  forth  that  a  change  had  been  made, 
but  the  chairman  stood  as  firm  as  a  rock.  Finally  the  four  gave  in. 
Dr.  Graydon  moved  to  accept  the  Grosvenor  resolution,  and  it  was 
agreed  to  unanimously  by  a  rising  vote. 

It  will  be  noted  that  one  of  the  four  members  of  the 
committee  opposed  to  the  resolution  of  indorsement  was 
William    McKinley,    Jr. 

In  the  same  dispatch  Mr.  Boyle  says,  "there  are  sev- 
eral gentlemen  on  the  committee  on  resolutions  known  to 
be  of  the  opinion  that  indorsement  is  unwise.  Among 
these  are  Munson  of  Muskingum,  and  McKinley  of  Stark.'* 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  269 

I  quote  this  to  show  not  only  McKinley's  attitude  with 
respect  to  the  proposed  indorsement,*  but  also  to  show  that 
he  yielded  his  opposition  only  at  the  last  moment,  and  then 
under  the  compulsion  of  an  overwhelming  majority  against 
him. 

Mr.  Boyle  might  have  specified,  as  one  of  these  other 
gentlemen,  Governor  Foster,  who  wrote  me  only  a  few  days 
before  the  Convention — July  24th — that  Sherman's  action 
in  asking  for  an  indorsement  "was  against  my  judgment 
expressed  in  writing  ...  I  fear  it  will  be  regarded  by 
the  Blaine  people  as  a  challenge  to  them  and  that  some 
districts  next  year  will  send  Blaine  delegates — but  I  hope 
for  the  best." 

Nobody  ever  questioned  on  this  or  any  other  account  the 
loyalty  to  Sherman  in  this  contest  of  Governor  Foster. 
He  was  of  the  inner  circle. 

No  one  in  Ohio  politics  at  that  time  was  closer  to  me 
than  General  A.  S.  Bushnell,  at  that  time  Quartermaster 
General  on  my  staff,  and  later,  with  such  help  as  I  could 
give  him,  Governor  of  the  State.  He  is  quoted  in  the 
press  dispatches  as  saying,  in  his  frank,  hearty  way  that 
"Such  a  resolution  ought  to  pass  without  a  dissenting  vote. 
Senator  Sherman  is  a  great  man  and  a  staunch  Repub- 
lican. Let  us  indorse  him  cordially,  freely  and  enthusi- 
astically." 

Scores  of  interviews  on  the  subject  with  the  leading 
Republicans  of  the  state  were  published.  Very  few  of 
those  who  were  known  to  be  close  friends,  if  any  at  all,  I 
do  not  now  remember  a  single  one,  expressed  himself  as 
opposed  to  indorsement,  but  on  the  contrary,  all  with 
greater  or  less  emphasis  expressed  themselves  about  as 
General  Bushnell  did. 

In  other  words,  the  Sherman  and  Foraker  factional 
lines  that  had  been  drawn,  and  for  a  time  threatened  a 
contest  in  the  Convention,  with  possible  bad  effects  upon 
the  campaign,  had  practically  disappeared;  in  fact  had 
entirely  disappeared  so  far  as  my  immediate  political 
friends    and   supporters   were    concerned.      Judge    King   of 


270  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

Youngstown,  General  Munson  of  Zanesville,  and  a  number 
of  others,  most  of  them  distinguished  leaders  of  the  Blaine 
men,  still  expressed  dissatisfaction,  but  no  one  claimed  that 
I  had  any  responsibility   for  them. 

Mr.  Sherman  attended  the  convention  as  a  delegate  from 
his  county,  as  he  had  written  me  he  would  in  his  letter  of 
July  9,  1887,  hereinbefore  quoted. 

His  reception  was  of  the  most  enthusiastic,  heart-warm- 
ing character.  So  much  so  that  it  was  exceedingly  grat- 
ifying to  him;  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  so  express  him- 
self in  a  number  of  short,  felicitous  speeches  he  made  in 
response  to  some  serenades   with   which  he   was   honored. 

My  reception  was  equally  enthusiastic.  The  battleflag 
incident  was  then  uppermost  in  everyone's  mind,  and  ap- 
parently everyone,  delegates  and  alternates,  and  those  who 
were  mere  onlookers — all  alike — were  wearing  badges  that 
bore  my  picture  with  the  celebrated  dispatch,  "No  rebel 
flags  will  be  surrendered  while  I  am  Governor,"  printed 
underneath. 

Mr.  Sherman  being  the  most  distinguished  delegate  in 
the  convention  it  was  natural  to  think  of  him  for  the 
office  of  permanent  chairman,  to  which  he  was  unanimously 
chosen  when  that  order  of  business  was  reached. 

As  indicated  in  Mr.  Boyle's  dispatch,  already  given,  the 
committee  reported  favorably  the  resolution  of  indorse- 
ment that  had  been  offered  by  General  Grosvenor. 

The  platform  framed  by  the  committee,  including  this 
resolution,  was  reported  by  Governor  Foster. 

When  this  resolution  was  reached  the  Convention  re- 
sponded with  loud  and  long  continued  demonstrations  of 
approval.  The  platform  including  the  resolution  was 
adopted  without  a  dissenting  vote.  Mr.  Sherman  was  vis- 
ibly   affected. 

In  view  of  the  resolution  of  indorsement  he  had  vacated 
the  chair  as  presiding  officer  and  had  called  upon  the  Hon- 
orable Daniel  J.  Ryan  to  act  as  temporary  chairman  while 
the  platform  was  being  read  and  acted  upon.  He  resumed 
the  chair  after  Mr.  Ryan  announced  that  the  resolution 
had  been   unanimously   adopted. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  271 

He  spoke  of  the  action  of  the  cojiventlon  in  the  most 
feeling  manner.  He  said,  and  no  doubt  truthfully,  for  he 
seemed  to  mean  every  word  he  uttered,  that  he  appre- 
ciated it  given  in  the  way  in  which  it  was  given  more 
highly  than  he  could  appreciate  even  the  Presidency  itself. 

When  nominations  were  in  order  I  was  nominated  by 
acclamation.  For  the  third  time  I  was  waited  upon  by 
a  committee,  of  which  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  was  a  mem- 
ber, and  escorted  to  the  convention  to  accept  the  nomina- 
tion. 

The  veteran  newspaper  correspondent  and  political  con- 
vention reporter,  Fred  D.  Mussey,  was  present  and  in  his 
account  of  the  proceedings  at  this  point  said: 

Governor  Foraker  fairly  shared  the  honors  of  the  day  with  Mr. 
Sherman,  and  his  speech  was  a  trumpet  call  to  the  party.  The  applause 
and  cheers  after  he  got  fairly  started  were  so  constant  and  tremendous 
that  some  of  his  best  and  most  telling  sentences  were  lost  to  the  general 
audience,  and  were  only  preserved  through  the  jumping  and  perspir- 
ing efforts   of  the   stenographers. 

The  Honorable  James  Boyle  in  his  account  said: 

It  is  no  ordinary  compliment  paid  to  Ohio's  brilliant  «ind  gallant 
Governor.  This  re-nomination  came  about  by  the  spontaneous  and 
unanimous   approval  of  his  administration. 

Three  times  has  J.  B.  Foraker  stood  before  a  State  Republican  Con- 
vention to  accept  a  nomination  for  the  high  office  of  Governor,  and 
the  greetings  on  this,  the  third  time,  showed  that  the  more  the  people 
see  him  and  the  more  they  know  of  him  the  more  ardent  is  their  admir- 
ation   for  him. 

His  speech  of  acceptance  thrilled  his  vast  audience.  It  was  bold, 
dashing  and  aggressive;  it  bristled  with  keen-edged  sarcasm;  solid  facts 
gave  it  strength,  and  eloquence  gave  such  a  charm  and  infatuation  to 
the  speech  that  everybody  listened  with  rapt  attention  from  the  first 
word  to  the  last. 

Similar  reports  were  published  in  all  Republican  papers, 
both    inside    and    outside    Ohio. 

My  speech  of  acceptance  was  a  direct  answer  to  the 
arraignment  made  by  General  Powell  a  week  before  in  his 
speech  of  acceptance  at  Cleveland.  If  it  had  point  and 
force    and    carried    conviction    and    aroused    enthusiasm,    as 


272  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

all  seemed  to  agree  it  did,  it  was  because  the  remarks  of 
my  opponent  were  such  as  to  invite  all  that  I  said.  The 
speech  is  too  long  to  be  here  quoted,  but  it  is  in  order  to 
say  that  it  met  with  such  acceptance,  not  only  by  the 
convention  to  which  it  was  addressed,  but  by  all  Repub- 
licans throughout  the  state,  that  it  aroused  an  enthusiasm 
that  started  the  campaign  off  with  every  promise  of  that 
successful    result   which    followed    at   the    election. 

While  there  was  no  joint  debate  between  the  candidates 
as  there  had  been  in  1885,  yet  there  was  a  partial  equiva- 
lent furnished  by  an  exciting  impromptu  debate  with  Gov- 
ernor Wilson  of  West  Virginia,  at  Wheeling,  August  26th. 

There  were  no  stenographers  present  to  make  an  accu- 
rate report  of  what  was  said,  but  there  were  plenty  of 
newspaper  men  who  furnished  descriptive  accounts.  These 
differed  somewhat,  but  the  following  published  in  the  Cadiz 
Republican,  a  weekly  newspaper,  and  one  of  the  most  re- 
liable in  the  state,  covers  the  episode  with  substantial  accu- 
racy : 

A   FiERT  Political  Debate  in  Wheeling. 

The  great  reunion  of  the  Army  of  West  Virginia,  including  the  old 
soldiers  mainly  from  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and  West  Virginia,  was  held 
at  Wheeling  last  week — August  22nd  to  August  26th.  It  was  a  great 
success.  There  was  a  tremendous  crowd.  The  two  great  days  were 
Thursday  and  Friday.  The  principal  feature  on  Thursday  was  the 
parade  of  the  business  industries  of  Wheeling,  and  the  main  attrac- 
tion on  Friday  was  the  parade  of  the  soldiers. 

A  large  number  of  distinguished  men  were  present,  including  the 
Governors  of  Ohio,  Pennsylvania  and  West  Virginia,  ex-President 
Hayes,  and  many  distinguished  officers  of  the  army.  There  was  a 
tent  that  held  twenty  thousand  people,  and  there  was  any  quantity  of 
eloquent  speeches  appropriate  to  a  reunion  of  soldiers,  and  plenty  of 
patriotic  music,  and  everything  passed  off  very  pleasantly  with  one 
or  two  exceptions. 

Across  the  street  in  front  of  the  office  of  the  Register,  the  Demo- 
cratic paper  of  Wheeling,  a  banner  was  stretched  bearing  a  portrait 
of  Grover  Cleveland  and  a  motto,  "God  Bless  Our  President,  Grover 
Cleveland,  the  Commander  of  the  Army  and  Navy." 

This  banner  was  placed  where  the  soldiers  would  have  to  pass  under 
it  on  the  direct  line  of  the  parade.  The  editor  of  the  Register  boasted 
that,  although  the  Grand  Army  members  had  refused  to  go  to  St.  Louis 
to  parade  before  Grover  Cleveland,  they  should  march  under  his  ban- 
ner at  Wheeling. 

All  recognized  the  fact  as  a  studied  insult  by  a  few  Democratic 
leaders  of  Wheeling,  but  the  Grand  Army  officers  all  advised  that  no 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  273 

attention  should  be  paid  to  it,  but  that  the  procession  should  march 
straight  along  without  giving  the  banner  any  notice  whatever.  This 
was  the  conclusion  of  the  managers,  but  all  the  same  when  the  boys 
of  the  Grand  Army  procession  came  to  the  obnoxious  banner  they 
filed  off  to  one  side  and  marched  around  it,  and  there  was  no  authority 
in  Wheeling,  or  elsewhere,  that  could  make  them  march  under  it. 

This  fact  inevitably  introduced  politics  into  the  otherwise  harmon- 
ious proceedings  of  the  reunion  and  there  was  a  good  deal  of  feeling 
developed.  The  Democrats  were  mad  at  what  they  called  an  insult 
to  the  President,  and  the  soldiers  were  grieved  that  an  insult  of  this 
kind  should  have  been  forced  on  them  in  the  city  to  which  they  had 
been  invited  to  hold  their  reunion. 

But  the  feeling  for  a  time  was  kept  suppressed.  The  Republican 
orators  would  not  refer  to  the  matter  in  any  of  their  speeches  during 
the  day  and  the  Democratic  orators  dared  not.  All  outwardly  was 
harmonious  until  the  reunion  was  concluded,  and  all  formal  proceed- 
ings had  been  dismissed. 

There  was  still  a  great  crowd  in  the  city.  After  supper  on  Friday 
evening  it  was  known  that  Governor  Foraker  of  Ohio,  Governor  Beaver 
of  Pennsylvania,  Governor  Wilson  of  West  Virginia,  Gen.  Gibson  of 
Ohio,  and  a  number  of  other  distinguished  orators  were  at  the  McClure 
House  and  the  Union  Veteran  League  of  Pennsylvania,  with  a  splendid 
band  of  music,  came  to  serenade  them. 

The  street  in  front  of  the  McClure  House  was  packed  with  people 
and  there  were  calls  for  the  speakers.  The  first  to  come  forward  was 
Governor  Beaver,  who  came  on  his  one  leg  and  crutches  and  spoke 
from  the  balcony  of  the  hotel.  There  was  no  word  of  politics  in  his 
speech.  He  was  followed  by  Governor  Foraker,  who  spoke  for  about 
ten  minutes,  thanking  the  serenaders,  complimenting  the  soldiers  and 
congratulating  all,  that  although  coming  from  different  states,  they 
were  all  alike  at  home  because  under  the  same  flag  and  in  the  Union 
they  had  saved. 

When  Governor  Foraker  sat  down  Governor  Wilson  was  introduced. 
But  instead  of  making  such  a  speech  as  Governor  Beaver  and  Governor 
Foraker  had  made  he  proceeded  to  discuss  the  relative  merits  of  the 
blue  and  the  gray.  He  claimed  that  the  gray  were  brave  and  heroic, 
and  that  they  fought  for  what  they  honestly  believed  to  be  right,  and 
then  said  that,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  and  those  for  whom  he 
spoke,  the  men  who  wore  the  gray  were  entitled  to  as  much  honor  as 
the  men  who  wore  the  blue. 

There  was  loud  applause  of  this  by  a  large  crowd  of  citizens  who 
had  gathered,  and  to  this  applause  the  old  soldiers  naturally  expressed 
dissent. 

One  of  them  called  out  to  know  if  the  men  who  wore  the  gray  were 
not  traitors. 

To  this  Governor  Wilson  answered  at  considerable  length,  arguing 
that  they  were  not,  because  of  what  they  had  been  taught  to  believe 
the  constitution  meant,  and  because  they  had  acted  by  whole  commu- 
nities. 

The  effect  of  such  a  speech  on  an  audience  composed  largely  of  old 
soldiers  can  better  be,  imagined  than  described.    Still  there  was  a  large 


274  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

number  in  the  crowd  who  sympathized  with  Wilson,  and  the  situation 
really  seemed  a  little  dangerous.  The  excitement  was  high,  and  there 
were  loud  calls  for  other  speakers. 

Gen.  Gibson  came  to  the  front  and  made  an  eloquent  talk  of  about 
five  minutes,  in  which  he  declared  that  one  side  in  the  war  was  right 
and  the  other  wrong,  and  that  the  Union  veterans  were  not  to  be  classed 
on  a  level  with  those  who  had  fought  to  destroy  the  government. 

Then  the  crowd  grew  clamorous  for  Foraker,  and  finally  he  went 
forward  and  talked  to  them  again,  calmly  and  courteously.  He  said 
that  we  were  as  anxious  to  have  fraternal  feeling  now  as  we  were  dur- 
ing the  war  to  save  the  Union — but  that  it  must  be  based  on  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  results  of  the  war — that  while  we  were  as  ready  as  Gov- 
ernor Wilson  to  ascribe  bravery  and  honest  convictions  to  the  men  who 
wore  the  gray,  yet  we  did  not  propose  to  forget  that  they  were  in 
rebellion  against  the  government,  seeking  its  overthrow,  and  trying  to 
establish  another  government  and  flag  planted  on  the  institution  of 
human  slavery.  That,  in  his  opinion,  the  war  was  wicked  and  un- 
justifiable, and  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  and 
the  brave  men  who  had  died  for  it  to  say  that  the  men  who  wore  the 
gray  were  entitled  to  be  held  in  equal  esteem  with  the  men  who  had 
worn  the  blue. 

Governor  Foraker's  remarks  were  greeted  with  tremendous  cheers 
by  the  Union  soldiers  and  by  groans  and  cat-calls  from  the  other  side. 

As  soon  as  he  closed  Governor  Wilson  again  came  to  the  front  and 
shocked  his  own  party  friends,  as  well  as  everybody  else,  by  commenc- 
ing to  talk  about  the  Republicans  and  Democrats  and  charged,  among 
other  things,  that  one  object  of  the  old  soldiers  was  to  dragoon  Demo- 
cratic soldiers  of  West  Virginia  into  voting  the  Republican  ticket. 
He  then  went  on  at  great  length  and  with  apparent  bad  temper  to 
charge  the  Republican  party  with  being  a  sectional  party,  always 
waving  the  bloody  shirt  and  stirring  up  strife.  He  said  Republicans 
were  always  ringing  the  changes  on  the  war,  and  saying  the  South  was 
wrong  and  demanding  that  they  get  down  on  their  knees  and  beg 
forgiveness. 

He  then  entered  upon  a  eulogy  of  himself,  saying  that  he  was  a 
Union  man — just  as  open  and  pronounced  a  Union  man,  not  only  now, 
but  during  the  war,  as  Governor  Foraker  was.  Some  one  called  out 
to  him  to  know  if  he  was  in  the  army.  He  answered,  "no,"  saying 
he  was  too  young  to  enlist  but  that  he  had  done  as  much  in  that  respect 
as  Governor  Foraker. 

His  speech  was,  from  beginning  to  end,  a  brazen  Democratic  speech 
in  which  he  defended  the  South  for  seceding  and  rebelling;  arguing 
that,  according  to  their  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  they  had  a 
right  to  do  so  and  that  they  ought  not  to  be  called  rebels. 

He  wound  up  by  saying  the  people  of  the  South  love  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution,  and  that  it  was  a  matter  of  pride  for  him  to  recall 
that,  whether  in  West  Virginia  or  Massachusetts,  he  was  still  in  the 
Union,  under  the  flag  of  the  United  States. 

He  had  no  sooner  retired  than  Governor  Foraker  was  again  called 
for.     By  this  time  excitement  had  reached  a  high  pitch.     A  tremen- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  188T  275 

dous  crowd  had  gathered,  and  as  Foraker  stepped  to  the  front  he  was 
greeted  with  cheer  after  cheer. 

He  commenced  by  saying  that  he  had  never  before,  at  any  one  of 
the  many  reunions  he  had  attended,  heard  the  words  "Republican"  and 
"Democrat"  used  as  Governor  Wilson  had  used  them.  He  had  never 
before  heard  a  word  of  politics  at  any  reunion  or  at  any  meeting  of  any 
kind  of  the  members  of  the  G.  A.  R. 

He  said  their  organization  was  not  ^political,  and  their  reunions  were 
not  such.  There  were  hundreds  of  Democratic  soldiers  present  who 
would  so  testify.  He  denied,  therefore,  that  the  soldiers  who  had  come 
to  this  reunion  had  ever  thought  of  such  a  thing  as  affecting  one  way 
or  another  the  politics  of  the  soldiers  of  West  Virginia.  He  said  that 
one  thing  it  might  be  proper  to  say,  however,  in  view  of  what  had  been 
said,  was  that  the  men  who  wore  the  blue,  whether  Democrats  or  Re- 
publicans, did  not  admit  that  the  right  of  secession  was  a  political  or 
any  other  kind  of  a  question.  That  it  was  once  a  question,  but  it  had 
been  shot  to  death  by  the  armies  of  the  republic. 

In  short,  all  the  questions  involved  in  the  war  were  settled,  and 
settled  forever;  and  we  were  a  unit  in  our  determination  to  keep  them 
so.  In  speaking,  therefore,  of  what  had  beeen  accomplished  in  settling 
those  questions,  we  did  not  regard  ourselves  as  talking  politics;  and, 
therefore,  he  did  not  refer  to  matters  of  that  kind  when  he  said 
politics  were  never  discussed  at  soldiers'  reunions  or  by  Grand  Army 
men. 

But  now  politics  had  been  introduced  here,  and  introduced  in  such 
a  way  and  by  a  gentleman  of  such  representative*  character  that  he 
felt  called  upon  to  make  answer  to  what  had  been  said.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  make  the  fur  fly.  He  talked  for  about  one  hour,  until  com- 
pelled to  quit  to  take  his  train  home,  the  audience  all  the  while  increas- 
ing in  size  and  enthusiasm,  until  the  streets  were  literally  packed  in 
every  direction.  Almost  every  sentence  called  forth  ringing  applause 
and  the  wildest  cheering. 

It  was  well  said  that  no  such  scene  was  ever  witnessed  in  Wheeling. 
The  Bourbon  Democracy  got  more  solid  truth  than  they  ever  heard 
before.  He  reviewed  the  ante-war  questions,  the  origin  of  the  doctrine 
of  secession,  the  infamy  of  slavery  which  it  was  intended  to  perpetuate, 
and  pointed  out  the  infamous  and  unhallowed  character  of  the  war; 
that  it  was  useless,  without  any  justification  whatever,  and  against  the 
judgment  and  advice  of  Alex.  H.  Stephens  and  such  men,  and  how  by 
suppression  of  free  speech  and  by  violence  and  fraud  all  Union  senti- 
ment was  drowned  out,  and  state  after  state  was  carried  into  rebel- 
lion. 

He  spoke  of  how  the  North  had  conceded  demand  after  demand  made 
by  the  South,  no  matter  how  unreasonable,  in  order  that  peace  and 
union  might  be  maintained,  and  pictured  how  Webster  and  Clay  had 
argued  and  appealed  in  vain,  but  said  the  only  effect  of  it  seemed  to 
be  to  cause  the  South  to  believe  that  the  people  of  the  North  would 
not  fight,  and  if  they  did  one  southern  man  could  whip  five  of  them. 

He  then  described  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  uprising  of  the 
North,  and  the  struggles,  trials,  hardships  and  sacrifice  of  life  and 
treasure  that  followed. 


^76  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

He  graphically  portrayed  the  surrender  of  Lee,  and  pointed  out 
how  completely  broken  and  helpless  the  people  of  the  South  were  and 
how  they  had  causelessly  brought  their  distress  and  destitution  upon 
themselves,  and  then  pointed  out  how  generously  Grant  and  the  whole 
North  had  dealt  with  them. 

We  asked  nothing  more  than  that  they  would  accept  the  situation 
and  go  home  and  behave  themselves,  and  help  in  good  faith,  to  work  out 
the  prosperity  and  destiny  that  were  in  store  for  us. 

He  then  referred  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the  blacks  and  the  con- 
sequent increase  of  political  power,  and  how,  instead  of  allowing  every 
man  to  exercise  his  right  of  suffrage  as  he  saw  fit  they  had  proceeded  to 
organize  Ku  Klux  Klans,  red  shirt  companies,  rifle  clubs  and  white 
leagues,  and  with  the  shotgun  and  the  bull  whip  and  all  kinds  of 
violence,  ballot  box  stuffing  and  fraud  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the 
Democratic  party  had  made  the  South  solid. 

He  pointed  out  that  all  this  was  in  direct  violation  of  the  results 
of  the  war,  and  in  bad  faith;  and  yet  it  had  been  patiently  endured, 
but  would  not  be  much  longer.  He  pointed  out  that  in  all  the  loyal 
States  the  parties  were  both  freely  and  fully  represented  and  every 
man  free  to  vote  his  sentiments,  while  in  the  South  sectionalism  existed 
in  its  most  odious  form  by  reason  of  the  absolute  suppression  of  the 
Republican  Party. 

He  then  came  down  to  the  present  time  and  said  we  were  told 
that  because  the  war  had  been  over  twenty  years  we  should  not  refer 
to  the  South  as  wrong  in  that  struggle.  We  must  have  so  much  con- 
sideration for  their  feelings  that  we  must  "put  our  hands  on  our  mouths, 
and  our  mouths  in  the  dust,'*  and  keep  silent;  while  Henry  Watterson 
called  the  old  soldiers  a  lot  of  paupers  and  tramps,  and  General  Sher- 
idan was  ordered  to  "keep  out  of  the  Shenandoah  valley  or  bring  his 
rations  with  him." 

He  appealed  to  Governor  Wilson  to  know  if  he  had  protested  against 
such  insults;  if  not,  why  not,  when  he  was  so  intensely  interested  in 
avoiding  the  prejudice  and  bitterness  of  sectionalism. 

He  then  said  the  soldiers  were  "tramps,"  but  not  in  the  sense  the 
word  was  used  by  Watterson.  They  were  tramps,  however,  in  the 
sense  that  they  had  tramped  across  Kentucky  down  into  Tennessee 
and  over  the  battlements  of  Donelson.  They  had  tramped  down  to 
Vicksburg  and  over  Lookout  Mountain  and  Mission  Ridge  and  the  hills 
and  valleys  of  Georgia.  They  had  tramped  from  Atlanta  to  the  sea 
and  through  the  Carolinas. 

They  had  tramped  through  the  Wilderness  dov/n  to  Richmond,  Peters- 
burg and  Appomattox.  In  fact  they  had  gone  wherever  they  had 
undertaken  to  go,  and  they  carried  the  flag  of  the  Union  with  them 
in  triumph  regardless  of  how  many  rebels  stood  in  the  way;  and  not 
only  had  they  tramped  around  in  that  way  then,  but  they  had  got  so  in 
the  habit  of  going  where  they  pleased,  they  proposed  to  go  to  the 
Shenandoah  valley,  to  Wheeling,  Richmond,  or  any  other  place  in  the 
South,  and  wherever  they  went,  as  they  took  the  flag  with  them  in  war, 
they  would  take  their  mouths  with  them  in  peace. 

He  said  that  so  far  as  personal  records  were  concerned  he  preferred 
not  to  speak,  but  in  view  of  what  Governor  Wilson  had  said  about 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  27T 

being  too  young  to  enlist,  it  might  not  be  out  of  the  way  for  him  to 
state  that  he  had  just  been  informed  that  Governor  Wilson  was  now 
forty-five  years  old,  and  if  so  he  was  four  years  older  than  he  was, 
and  he  was  old  enough  to  enlist  and  be  in  thirteen  battles  of  the  war 
before  he  was  nineteen  years  old. 

Referring  to  Wilson's  eulogy  of  President  Cleveland,  and  his  denun- 
ciation of  the  soldiers  for  not  wanting  to  march  under  the  banner  with 
his  picture  on  it,  he  said  he  was  not  at  all  displeased  to  see  the  banner, 
that  on  the  contrary  he  was  greatly  pleased  to  see  at  least  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  banner,  "God  bless  the  President." 

He  said  he  gladly  joined  in  that  prayer,  and  hoped  the  Almighty 
would  pour  out  His  blessings  upon  him  in  the  most  bountiful  manner; 
and  he  especially  hoped  He  would  bless  him  with  a  quickened  intelli- 
gence, a  purified  heart,  and  a  higher  and  more  appropriate  apprecia- 
tion than  he  appeared  to  have  for  the  services  and  sacrifices  of  the 
brave  men  who  had  saved  the  government  of  which  he  is  the  head. 

The  effect  of  Governor  Foraker's  speech  could  not  be  imagined  by 
those  who  were  not  present.  The  great  crowd  were  literally  held 
spell-bound  by  his  eloquence,  and  by  the  time  he  was  through  both 
Governor  Wilson  and  all  the  fiery  Democratic  opposition  in  the  crowd 
were  crushed  and  dismayed,  while  the  cheers  of  the  Union  soldiers 
overwhelmed  and  drowned  out  every  other  sound.  The  debate  had 
continued  until  almost  twelve  o'clock,  midnight,  and  the  meeting  by 
its  intensity  of  feeling  and  almost  uncontrollable  excitement  had  over- 
shadowed in  importance  all  else  that  had  occurred  at  the  reunion. 

A  carriage  was  now  ready  to  take  Governor  Foraker  to  the  train 
and  he  hastily  seized  his  grip-sack  and  drove  off  amidst  cheers,  and  then 
the  crowd  dispersed. 

Campaign  Enthusiasm. 

This  debate  increased  the  interest  in  my  campaign,  and 
in  consequence  the  size  of  my  meetings,  which  surpassed 
anything  ever  witnessed  in  a  state  campaign — only  the 
Harrison  Presidential  campaign  of  1840  could  be  com- 
pared to  it.  It  was  no  unusual  thing  to  have  as  many 
as  ten  thousand  people  present  at  an  ordinary  county 
meeting,  and  a  very  unusual  thing  to  have  less  than  five 
thousand  people  at  any  meeting  anywhere. 

At  no  time  since  the  rebellion  closed  has  there  been  such 
a  wave  of  patriotic  sentiment  sweeping  over  the  state  as 
was  then  felt  everywhere.  All  looked  upon  the  campaign 
as  the  beginning  of  the  battle  of  1888,  and  realized  that 
as  Ohio  went  in  1887  the  nation  would  in  all  probability 
go  in  1888. 


278  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

The  Wheeling  debate,  the  Gettysburg  memorial  exer- 
cises and  the  Philadelphia  centennial  celebration  and  the 
many  interesting  and  patriotic  descriptions  of  these  events, 
with  a  full  account  of  the  "snub,"  that  were  published 
throughout  the  state  as  a  mere  matter  of  news,  were  widely 
read  and  much  talked  about.  They  had  an  arousing 
effect  upon  the  great  masses  of  the  people.  They  whetted 
their  desire  to  hear  Cleveland  "flayed,"  and  they  expected 
me  to  do  it.  I  knew  what  they  wanted,  and  what  I 
thought  the  case  demanded  and  considered  it  my  duty 
to  meet   these   requirements. 

All  that  Mr.  Powell  said  in  his  arraignment  of  my 
administration  was  so  easily  and  so  conclusively  answered 
that  I  did  not  find  it  necessary  to  waste  much  time  in  self 
defense. 

What  I  said  at  the  Toledo  Convention  in  my  speech  of 
acceptance   was   sufficient. 

The  people  wouldn't  listen  to  him  when  he  talked  fur- 
ther on  that  subject,  and  so  far  as  those  matters  were 
concerned  they  didn't  need  or  care  to  again  hear  from 
me.     They  wanted  "hot  stuff"  and  plenty  of  it. 

MiDDLETOWN     SpEECft. 

One  of  my  meetings  was  held  at  Middletown  on  the 
first  day  of  October.  It  was  advertised  to  be  held  in  a 
large  hall — ^the  largest  in  the  city — but  long  before  the 
hour  for  the  meeting  to  assemble  the  hall  and  the  entrances 
to  it  were  so  crowded  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to 
reach  the  audience  to  address  it.  A  dry  goods  box  was 
placed  on  the  side  of  the  street  opposite  the  hall  where 
the  meeting  was  to  have  been  held.  The  audience  was 
notified  that  the  meeting  would  be  held  there.  There  was 
no  attempt  made  to  provide  seats — everybody  stood.  The 
crowd  assembled  was  so  large  and  so  dense  as  to  completely 
occupy  the  street  as  far  as  my  voice  would  reach.  The 
enthusiasm  was  so  great  that  it  could  scarcely  be  exag- 
gerated. The  speech  I  made  was  stenographically  re- 
ported and,  although  very  long,  published  in  full. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  279 

It  Is  sufficient  to  say  of  it  that  it  almost  bankrupted 
both  me  and  the  committee  to  publish  it  in  pamphlet  form 
and  in  sufficient  quantity  to  supply  the  demand  that  came 
for   it   from   every   part   of  the    country. 

Over  300,000  copies  were  in  this  way  distributed,  and 
yet  there  was  an  unsupplied  demand  to  which  we  were 
unable  to  respond.  Although  I  spoke  for  more  than  two 
hours  it  can  be  safely  said  that  the  audience  was  larger 
when  I  quit  than  when  I  commenced. 

I  covered  all  the  questions — state  and  national — involved 
in  the  campaign,  but  I  quote  only  in  part  what  I  said 
about  Mr.  Cleveland.  I  insert  that  as  a  sort  of  historical 
record  that  shows  the  blazing  spirit  of  patriotism  and 
Republicanism  that  filled  the  minds  of  the  people  who 
listened  and  then  voted. 

CLEVELAin)   AND   THE    SoUTH. 

But  I  am  not  done  with  Mr.  Cleveland.  I  have  something  to  say 
now  about  some  of  his  official  and  public  acts.  (A  voice:  "Give  it 
to  him.")  In  my  Caldwell  speech  I  said  that  when  he  became  Presi- 
dent amicable  relations  were  rapidly  gaining  ground  between  the  North 
and  the  South,  and  that  the  good  will  which  was  growing  was  based 
on  a  recognition  and  acceptance  of  the  results  of  the  war,  and  that 
it  was  therefore  calculated  to  continue  and  be  permanent,  and  soon 
extinguish  all  difiFerence  that  might  yet  exist,  but  that  an  apparent 
change  had  been  wrought  in  the  minds  of  many  people — ^particularly 
at  the  South — and  that  this  was  evidenced  by  declarations  from  public 
men,  ranging  all  the  way  from  Jeff.  Davis  to  Henry  Watterson;  that 
it  is  now  a  common  thing  to  hear  Union  soldiers  spoken  of  as  "tramps," 
"paupers,"  "pension  grabbers,"  etc.  I  then  pointed  out  that  this  change 
was  due  to  the  policy  that  has  been  pursued  by  Mr.  Cleveland  ever 
since  he  became  President;  that  he  has  appeared  to  be  trying  to  show, 
by  a  line  of  public  acts,  that  the  treason  and  rebellion  of  1861-5  were 
not  any  longer  the  odious  crimes  in  our  estimation,  which  we  considered 
them  when  we  took  up  arms  for  their  suppression.  I  then  instanced 
some  of  the  acts  by  which  he  had  shown  this  disposition,  mentioning 
among  others,  his  refusal  to  speak  a  word  of  commendation  for  the 
Union  cause  on  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg,  lowering  the  flag  in  honor 
of  old  Jake  Thompson  when  he  died,  and  going  fishing  on  Decoration 
Day. 

And  ever  since  we  have  heard  the  cry  that  these  matters  have  nothing 
to  do  with  politics,  and  that  they  are  small  matters  anyhow;  that 
nothing  but  a  demagogue  would  think  of  trying  to  make  capital  out 
of  them;  and  so  on,  for  quantity.  It  is  true  that  these  matters  do  not 
have  anything  to  do  directly  with  any  of  the  political  questions  involved 


280  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

in  the  Ohio  canvass  this  year,  and  yet  such  matters  are  always  in  order, 
as  showing  and  illustrating  the  spirit  and  character  of  a  political  ad- 
ministration and  as  affording  an  explanation  for  such  changes  in  senti- 
ment and  expressions  as  I  have  referred  to.  It  was  in  that  sense  I 
mentioned  them. 

But  is  it  true  that  these  are  trivial  matters,  not  worthy  of  notice? 
Any  single  one  might  be  so  regarded,  perhaps,  and  passed  over  accord- 
ingly. And  so,  too,  we  might — yes,  did — ^hold  our  tongues  and  passed 
over  a  great  number  of  them,  and  finally  raised  a  cry  of  dissent  only 
when  forbearance  ceased  to  be  a  virtue  and  loyalty  could  no  longer  be 
silent.     (Applause.) 

Cleveland's  Reverence  For  Jake  Thompsok. 

But  let  us  stop,  now  that  we  have  been  challenged  to  do  so,  and 
consider  for  a  moment  what  these  acts  amounted  to.  First  there  was 
the  lowering  of  the  stars  and  stripes  in  honor  of  old  Jake  Thompson. 
Who  was  he?  And  what  did  that  signify?  He  was  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  under  Buchanan.  He  violated  his  oath  to  support  the  con- 
istitution,  and  undertook  by  going  into  secession  to  destroy  it.  Not 
only  that,  but  in  violation  of  his  duties  hs  seized  and  carried  away  with 
him  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  of  the  public  money  of  the  United 
States.  But  that  is  not  all.  He  undertook  to  serve  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy— not  with  a  gun,  like  a  man,  but  by  going  up  into  Canada 
and  from  there  organizing  and  sending  down  into  the  loyal  states  and 
cities  bands  of  incendiaries  to  fire  our  homes,  and  other  bands  to 
scatter  clothing  among  our  people  that  had  been  infected  with  yellow 
fever.  If  there  ever  was  an  inhuman  wretch  it  was  old  Jake  Thomp- 
son. (Applause.)  If  there  ever  was  a  man  whose  name  should  be 
blotted  out  of  history,  and  whose  memory  should  live  only  to  teach  how 
near  to  the  conditions  of  total  depravity  a  human  being  may  fall,  that 
man  was  Jake  Thompson.  (Applause.)  And  yet  that  man  must  have 
the  flag  of  the  country  lowered  in  honor  of  his  memory  when  he  died. 
(Cries  of  "Shame!")  It  is  no  wonder  that  all  the  South  should  have 
thought  if  Thompson  is  to  be  honored,  then,  indeed,  is  all  dishonor  of 
rebellion   gone. 

A  friend  of  mine,  who  recently  visited  the  palace  in  Venice  where 
the  portraits  of  the  Doges  are  hung,  told  me  that  he  looked  at  all  with 
great  interest,  but  that  the  only  one  he  could  remember  was  the  only 
one  he  did  not  see;  and  when  I  asked  him  how  that  was  possible,  he 
explained  by  saying  he  referred  to  the  portrait  of  Faliero.  He  said 
he  was  a  Doge  of  Venice  some  six  hundred  years  ago,  and  that  he  com- 
mitted an  act  of  treason,  and  that  he  was  at  once  arrested,  tried,  con- 
victed and  executed  for  it,  and  that  as  an  additional  punishment  for 
his  treason,  his  picture  was  turned  with  its  face  to  the  wall,  and  that 
it  has  continued  so  to  hang  through  all  the  centuries  that  have  followed. 
What  a  fool  old  Faliero  was.  He  ought  to  have  lived  six  hundred  years 
later  and  committed  his  treason  in  this  country,  and  died  while  Grover 
Cleveland  was  President,  and  then  he  would  not  only  have  gone  un- 
punished while  he  lived,  but  he  would  have  had  the  flag  of  his  country 
lowered  in  his  honor  when  he  died,     It  may  appear  a  small  thing  to 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  281 

Mr.  Powell  thus  to  honor  such  a  man,  but  I  can  assure  him  that  it  does 
not  so  appear  to  the  great  mass  of  patriotic  people  in  this  country. 
(Applause.)  It  was  enough  to  forgive  such  crimes  as  he  had  com- 
mitted. (Applause.)  It  was  asking  too  much  to  honor  him  when  he 
died.  (Applause.)  It  teaches  a  bad  lesson.  It  misleads  the  people 
of  the  South  and  the  rising  generations  of  the  whole  country.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Gettysburg's  Snub. 

But  now,  let  us  consider  another  matter,  that  is  said  to  be  so  small 
that  it  is  not  worthy  of  mention.  I  allude  to  his  refusal  to  say  a  word 
on  the  field  of  Gettysburg.  If  you  will  turn  to  the  accounts  given  in 
the  newspapers  at  the  time,  you  will  find  that  he  went  there  in  his 
official  capacity;  that  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  and  thousands  of 
the  citizens  of  that  state  and  the  country  were  there  assembled  to  greet 
him.  It  was  an  important  and  impressive  occasion.  It  would  seem 
that  on  that  field,  if  anywhere  under  the  heavens,  the  President  of  the 
United  States  could  and  would  say  something.  It  was  the  turning 
point  of  the  war.  It  settled  the  destiny  of  the  continent.  It  is  the 
Waterloo  of  America.  All  the  patriotic  recollections  of  the  country 
are  gathered  about  those  consecrated  fields.  It  was  there  Lincoln  spoke 
and  made  a  speech  as  immortal  as  the  English  language.  Had  we  not 
gained  success  at  Gettysburg  the  Union  would  have  perished.  There 
would  not  have  been  any  great  United  States  government  for  Grover 
Cleveland  to  be  at  the  head  of  today.  Surely  on  such  a  spot,  at  such 
a  time,  the  President  of  the  United  States  could  not  be  utterly  dumb. 
The  accounts  tell  us  that  he  was  shown  over  the  field;  all  the  important 
points  of  interest  were  pointed  out  to  him^  yonder  Reynolds  fell;  here 
Howard,  fighting  like  a  hero,  was  driven  back  on  that  first  day;  there 
Hancock  was  wounded  and  Pickett  was  repulsed;  and  yonder  are 
Little  Round  Top,  the  wheat  field,  the  peach  orchard,  and  so  on.  But 
through  it  all  he  asks  not  a  question  and  makes  not  a  word  of  comment.  * 
He  appears  wholly  uninterested.  It  seems  an  actual  bore.  Finally 
they  come  to  the  stand  where  the  public  exercises  are  to  be  held.  The 
people  are  gathered  about  it.  They  want  to  hear  a  speech  from  the 
President.  There  is  blank  astonishment.  He  refuses  to  make  one,  or  ' 
even  to  go  upon  the  platform.  They  urge  him  to  say  something  to 
gratify  the  people  and  to  show  his  appreciation  of  the  place  and  the 
occasion.  But  no!  he  proposes  to  "snub"  the  whole  business,  and  his 
answer  is  that  he  has  "nothing  to  say  except  only  that  he  wants  his 
lunch."  (Cries  of  "Shame,  shame,  shame.")  This  may  be  "a  little 
thing,"  but,  if  so,  it  is  one  of  the  little  things  that  a  patriotic  people 
will  never  forget.     (Applause.) 

Decoration  Day. 

But  now  let  us  consider  further.  Have  you  ever  stopped  to  think 
what  a  world  of  beautiful,  sacred  and  holy  thought  is  connected  with 
Decoration  Day?  Yes,  I  know  you  have,  because  you  are  a  patriotic 
people.  I  do  not  need,  therefore,  to  dwell  upon  the  significance  of 
that  day.  But  allow  me  to  briefly  recall  that  picture  which  is  presented 
by  the  loyal  people  of  this  country  on  every  thirtieth  of  May. 


28S  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

As  the  day  approaches,  the  warming  sunshine  of  spring  time  brings 
out  the  flowers.  As  they  peep  and  bud,  and  bloom  and  blossom,  the 
mothers  and  widows  and  orphans  note  their  coming,  and  watch  with 
anxious  care  for  the  brightest  and  most  beautiful.  They  have  a  special 
use  for  them.  They  are  thinking  of  the  dark  and  trying  days  of 
1861-65.  They  are  recalling  idolized,  darling  boys,  husbands  and  fathers 
who  then  volunteered  and  marched  away  after  the  flag,  never  to  return 
again.  They  remember,  as  though  it  was  but  yesterday,  the  last  fond 
embrace.  They  again  feel  the  wrenching  of  the  cord  strings  of  the 
heart.  They  are  once  more  blinded  with  tears.  They  recall  that  strange, 
wild  delirium  of  war.  They  again  hear  the  rattle  of  the  drum,  the 
shrill,  piercing  notes  of  the  fife.  They  once  more  see  the  flag  floating 
on  the  breeze.  They  hear  again  the  resounding  tramp  of  marching 
men.  They  see  pale  but  determined  faces  in  line.  Hark  I  they  are 
moving.  -  They  are  off.  They  fade  out  of  sight  forever.  Oh,  God,  can 
any  language  express  the  utter  loneliness  and  desolation  of  the  mothers 
and  wives  who  thus  gave  up  their  loved  ones?  Think  of  them  as  they 
returned  to  their  homes,  there  to  wait  and  watch  and  pray  until  their 
darlings  might  come  again. 

Recall,  if  you  can,  how  the  lonely  wife  with  her  hapless  babe 
struggled  to  eke  out  a  subsistence,  and  how  each  day  she  tried  with 
Spartan  heroism  to  cheer  her  inquiring  children  with  stories  about  what 
they  would  do  when  papa  should  come  marching  home  again;  and  oh! 
anguish  unspeakable!  when  at  last,  like  a  thunderbolt,  the  news  comes 
that  there  has  been  another  great  battle,  and  in  the  list  of  the  dead 
is  found  the  name  of  that  dear  one.  Recall,  if  you  can,  the  terrible 
scenes,  the  great  sacrifices,  the  unutterable  woe  of  that  fearful  time, 
and  then  you  can  appreciate  what  is  passing  in  the  minds  of  the  mother, 
the  widow  and  the  orphans,  and  the  surviving  comrades,  as  they  note 
the  budding  and  blooming  of  the  bright  flowers  of  springtime.  They  are 
thinking  again  of  the  low  grassy  mounds  in  the  cemetery,  where  lie  and 
sleep  their  last  sleep,  the  brave  hearted  heroes  who  went  down  in  the 
prime   of  their  manhood. 

At  last  the  day  comes.  All  business  is  suspended.  A  holy  hush 
falls  upon  the  whole  land.  The  Grand  Army  boys  gather  at  their  post 
headquarters.  They  brush  up  their  uniforms,  polish  their  buttons,  get 
out  the  flag,  and  beneath  its  folds  with  solemn  step,  and  keeping  time 
to  the  drum-beat,  they  march  again.  Not,  however,  to  battle.  The 
drum  is  muffled.  The  flag  is  draped.  They  are  marching  to  the  sacred 
spots  where  their  comrades  lie.  The  mothers,  the  fathers,  the  widows, 
the  orphans,  the  whole  community  fall  into  the  procession,  and  all  wend 
their  way  to  the  places  of  the  dead.  Here  are  a  score  of  the  most 
beautiful  little  maidens  of  the  place.  They  carry  baskets  of  flowers. 
They  are  laden  with  the  brightest  garlands  that  can  be  woven.  They 
look  like  very  angels  from  heaven.  The  cemetery  is  reached.  Patriotic 
words  are  spoken,  and  every  head  is  bared  and  every  heart  is  bowed, 
while  Almighty  God  is  worshiped  and  His  divine  blessing  is  invoked 
and  received. 

The  little  girls  go  forward.  The  flowers  are  scattered,  and  as  they 
fall,  every  eye  is  wet  with  tears,  just  as  I  see  are  the  eyes  of  hundreds 
of  you  now.  Every  soul  seems  lifted  up  to  a  higher  plane.  It  is  a 
"Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee"  time.    All  who  have  participated  are  better. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  283 

purer  and  holier  for  having  done  so.  They  have  performed  a  sacred 
and  ennobling  duty;  they  have  done  what  every  patriot  should  do.  It 
is  almost  impossible  to  oelieve  that  any  intelligent,  patriotic  American 
citizen  could  allow  the  day  to  pass  without  its  due  observance.  Look 
out  through  your  mind  and  behold  the  picture  of  the  whole  land  so  en- 
gaged. See  with  your  mental  vision  this  beautiful  ceremony  occurring 
in  every  cemetery  from  one  ocean  to  the  other.  Behold  the  widows, 
the  orphans,  the  mothers,  the  veteran  survivors  there  assembled.  See 
the  rising  generations,  as  they  drink  in  the  wholesome  and  inspiriting 
lessons  of  patriotism.  Listen  to  the  prayers  for  our  country,  the  dead, 
the  living  and  the  future  generations  of  America.  Hear  the  thrilling 
songs  that  are  sung,  and  the  words  of  patriotism  that  are  spoken,  and 
as  you  hold  all  this  picture  in  your  mind,  remember  that  if  there  is 
one  man,  who,  more  than  all  others,  has  been  benefited  by  the  sac- 
rifices that  are  being  honored,  one  man  more  than  all  others  who  should 
manifest  appreciation  for  those  sacrifices  and  be  glad  to  engage  in  such 
patriotic,  appropriate  and  sacred  ceremonies,  it  is  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  who,  but  for  the  deeds  of  such  heroes,  would  not  have 
had  any  government  to  be  President  of.  Surely  it  must  be  a  sacred 
day  with  him.    Surely  his  heart  is  overflowing  with  emotion ! 

How  Grover  Celebrated  the  Day. 

Surely  he  is  somewhere,  at  some  one  of  these  cemeteries,  engaged 
in  these  beautiful  duties.  Look  and  find  him.  It  will  be  interesting  to 
note  how  with  his  whole  soul  he  enjoys  them.  You  look  in  vain?  What, 
can't  you  see  him  anywhere?  Look  again!  You  must  be  mistaken. 
Look  at  Gettysburg,  Arlington,  Nashville,  Chattanooga.  He  must  cer- 
tainly be  at  some  one  of  the  national  cemeteries,  where  sleep  by  the 
thousands  the  men  who  made  it  possible  tor  him  to  be  President.  No, 
he  is  not  there.  You  do  look  in  vain.  He  is  no  part  of  the  picture. 
Is  he  at  home,  sick?  No;  he  is  never  sick.  (Laughter.)  Where,  then, 
can  he  be?     He's  gone  "a-fishing."     (Cries  of  "Shame,  shame,  shame.") 

Governor  Gordon. 

Another  incident  of  this  campaign  that  added  greatly 
to  its  zest  and  enthusiasm  was  the  participation  of  Gov- 
ernor John  B.  Gordon,  of  Georgia.  I  was  not  aware  we 
were  to  be  honored  with  a  visit  from  him  until  I  read  in 
our  papers   the   following   dispatch   from   Atlanta: 

WILL  BLAST  FORAKER. 

CrovxRiroR  Gordon,  op  Georgia,  to  Stump  Ohio  in  Behalf 
OP  the  South. 

Atlanta,  Georgia,  October  22. 
Governor  John    B.   Gordon   will   enter   the   state   campaign   in   Ohio 
next  week,  where  he  has  consented  to  deliver  a  series  of  public  ad- 
dresses.    The  appeals  to  the  Governor  from  prominent  Ohio  Democrats 
have  been  so  urgent  that  he  has  finally  consented  to  take  the  stump. 


284  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

where  he  proposes  to  answer  Governor  Foraker's  assaults  on  the  South, 
and  to  pledge  the  fealty  of  the  ex-Confederates  to  the  general  govern- 
ment 


Speaking  at  Delaware  the  following  day  I  read  the 
dispatch,  expressed  pleasure  to  learn  that  he  was  coming, 
defended  myself  against  the  charge  that  I  had  been  attack- 
ing the  people  of  the  South,  pointed  out  that  we  had  fought 
the  war  to  preserve  the  Union,  and  not  to  destroy  the 
seceding  States;  that  the  reconstruction  that  followed  was 
made  necessary  by  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  rebel- 
lion, and  that  emancipation  and  enfranchisement  had  fol- 
lowed because  equity,  justice  and  the  preservation  of  the 
fruits  of  the  struggle  so  required. 

I  next  pointed  out  that  there  was  no  trouble  about  elec- 
tions in  the  South  until  1868,  and  then  proceeded  as  fol- 
lows: 

The  Ku  Klux  Klan. 

But  suddenly  there  came  a  change.  Between  the  spring  election 
of  1868,  which  was  comparatively  unimportant,  and  the  fall  election, 
which  determined  the  Presidency,  the  Republican  vote  feU  off  without 
any  increase  of  the  Democratic  vote  in  the  three  States  of  Georgia, 
Louisiana  and  South  Carolina,  almost  100,000  votes.  This  decline  was 
kept  up  and  rapidly  increased  until  in  all  these  States  the  Republican 
party  was  practically  destroyed  and  the  South  was  made  absolutely 
solid.  How  was  this  change  wrought?  It  was  the  work  of  the  most 
iniquitous  organization  ever  known  in  the  political  history  of  this  or 
any  other  country.  It  was  the  work  of  blood,  of  whipping,  of  lash- 
ing, intimidation,  assassination  and  murder.  It  was  the  work  of  the 
Ku  Klux  Klan,  men  who  appropriately  named  their  commander  Cyclops, 
and  themselves  ghouls  of  the  den.  It  took  thirteen  closely  printed 
volumes  to  print  the  horrible  story  of  these  inhuman  outrages  as  it 
was  told  before  a  congressional  committee.  In  the  short  time  they 
existed  they  are  shown  by  the  oflBcial  records  to  have  murdered  thou- 
sands, and  to  have  beaten  and  maimed  tens  of  thousands,  and  for 
no  other  purpose  than  to  destroy  the  free  exercise  of  the  right  of  suf- 
frage and  turn  the  south  and  the  whole  country  over  to  the  Demo- 
cratic party. 

The  following  report  of  the  grand  jury  of  the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court 
for  South  Carolina  is  to  the  same  point,  but  more  extended  and  explicit: 
Presentment  of  the  grand  jury: 

"To  the  Judges  of  the  U.  8.  Circuit  Court : — In  closing  the  labors 
of  the  present  term,  the  grand  jury  beg  leave  to  submit  the  follow- 
ing presentment:  During  the  whole  session  we  have  been  engaged  in 
investigations   of   the  most   grave    and    extraordinary  character — 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  285 

investigations  of  the  crimes  committed  by  the  organization  known 
as  the  Ku  Klux  Klan.  The  evidence  elicited  has  been  voluminous, 
gathered  from  the  victims  themselves,  and  from  their  families,  as 
well  as  those  who  belonged  to  the  Klan  and  participated  in  its 
crime.  The  jury  has  been  shocked  beyond  measure  at  the  develop- 
ments which  have  been  made  in  their  presence  of  the  number  and 
character  of  the  atrocities  committed,  producing  a  state  of  terror 
and  a  sense  of  utter  insecurity  among  a  large  portion  of  the  people, 
especially  the  colored  population.  The  evidence  produced  before 
us  has  established  the  following  facts: 

"First — That  there  has  existed  since  1868  in  many  counties  of 
the  state  an  organization  known  as  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  or  'Invisible 
Empire  of  the  South,'  which  embraces  in  its  membership  a  large 
proportion  of  the  white  population  of  every  profession  and  class. 

"Second — That  this  Klan  is  bound  together  by  an  oath,  adminis- 
tered to  its  members  at  the  time  of  their  initiation  into  the  order,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy: 

"OBLIGATIOir. 

"I  (name),  before  the  Immaculate  Judge  of  Heaven  and  earth, 
and  upon  the  Holy  Evangelists  of  Almighty  God,  do  of  my  own 
free  will  and  accord,  subscribe  to  the  following  sacredly  binding 
obligation : 

"First — We  are  on  the  side  of  justice,  humanity  and  constitutional 
liberty  as  bequeathed  to  us  in  its  purity  by  our  forefathers. 

"Second — We  oppose  and  reject  the  principles  of  the  radical 
party. 

"Third — We  pledge  mutual  aid  to  each  other  in  sickness,  distress 
and  pecuniary  embarrassment. 

"Fourth — Female  friends,  widows  and  their  households  shall  ever 
be  special  objects  of  our  regard  and  protection. 

"Any  member  divulging,  or  causing  to  be  divulged,  any  of  the  fore- 
going obligations,  shall  meet  the  fearful  penalty  and  traitor's  doom, 
which   is   death,  Death! 

"That  in  addition  to  this  oath,  the  Klan  has  a  constitution  and  by- 
laws which  provides,  among  other  things,  that  each  member  shall  fur- 
nish himself  with  a  pistol,  a  Ku  Klux  gown,  and  a  signal  instrument. 
That  the  operations  of  the  Klan  were  executed  in  the  night,  and  were 
invariably  directed  against  members  of  the  Republican  Party,  by  warn- 
ings to  leave  the  country,  by  whippings  and  murder. 

"Third — That  in  large  portions  of  the  counties  of  York,  Union  and 
Spartanburg,  to  which  our  attention  has  been  more  particularly  called 
in  our  investigations,  during  part  of  the  time  for  the  last  eighteen 
months,  the  civil  law  has  been  set  at  defiance  and  ceased  to  afford  any 
protection  to  the  citizens. 

"Fourth — That  the  Klan  for  carrying  out  the  purposes  for  which  it 
was  organized  and  armed,  inflicted  summary  vengeance  upon  the  colored 
citizens  of  these  counties  by  breaking  into  their  houses  in  the  most 
inhuman  manner,  and  in  many  instances  murdering  them.  This  mainly 
on  account  of  their  political  aflBliation.  Occasionally  additional  reasons 
operated,  but  in  no  instance  was  the  political  feature  wanting. 


286  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

"Fifth — That  for  this  condition  of  things,  for  all  these  violations  of 
law  and  order,  and  the  sacred  rights  of  citizens,  many  leading  men  of 
these  counties  were  responsible.  It  was  proven  that  large  numbers  of 
the  most  prominent  citizens  were  members  of  the  order;  many  of  this 
class  attended  meetings  of  the  Grand  Klan.  At  a  meeting  of  the 
Grand  Klan,  had  at  Spartanburg  county,  at  which  there  were  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Klans  of  Spartanburg,  Ifork,  Union  and  Chester  coun- 
ties, in  this  state,  besides  a  number  from  North  Carolina,  a  resolution 
was  adopted  that  no  raids  should  be  undertaken,  or  any  one  injured  or 
whipped  by  members  of  the  Klan,  without  orders  from  the  Grand  Klan. 
The  penalty  for  violating  this  resolution  was  one  hundred  lashes  on  the 
bare  back  for  the  first  offense,  and  for  the  second,  death.  This  testi- 
mony establishes  the  nature  of  the  discipline  enforced  in  the  order,  and 
also  the  fact  that  many  of  the  men  who  were  openly  and  publicly 
speaking  against  the  Klan,  and  pretending  to  deplore  the  work  of  this 
murderous  conspiracy,  were  influential  members  of  the  order,  and 
directing  its  operations  in  detail.  The  jury  has  been  appalled  as  much 
at  the  number  of  outrages  as  at  their  character,  it  appearing  that  eleven 
murders  and  over  six  hundred  whippings  have  been  committed  in  York 
county  alone.  Our  investigation  in  regard  to  the  other  counties  named 
has  been  less  full,  but  it  is  believed  from  the  testimony  that  an  equal 
or  greater  number  has  been  committed  in  Union,  and  that  the  number 
is  not  greatly  less  in  Spartanburg  and  Laurens.  We  are  of  the  opinion 
that  the  most  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  parties  implicated  in  these 
crimes  is  imperatively  demanded;  that  without  this  there  will  be  no 
security  to  our  fellow  citizens  of  African  descent. 

"Benj.  F.  Jacksox,  Foreman." 

What  the  Republican  Party  has  been  denouncing  was  such  work  as 
this.  We  do  not  believe  in  such  agencies;  neither  do  we  believe  that 
the  men  who  organized  them,  and  are  responsible  for  them,  are  fit  in- 
structors in  our  duty  as  to  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage.  I  have 
mentioned  all  this  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  the  way  for  the  state- 
ment I  now  make,  that  Governor  John  B.  Gordon  of  Georgia,  who  is 
coming  all  the  way  to  Ohio  on  a  blasting  expedition  to  answer  my 
alleged  assaults  on  the  people  of  the  South,  was  a  member  of  this  in- 
famous organization,  and  to  ask  him,  while  he  is  answering  my  alleged 
assaults,  to  please  be  kind  enough  to  answer  also  why  he  should  have 
been  engaged  in  such  assaults  upon  the  right  to  vote  in  this  country; 
and  I  would  be  glad,  too,  if  while  on  that  subject  he  would  be  kind 
enough  to  explain  what  he  left  in  doubt  when  he  testified  before  the 
congressional  committee,  namely,  whether  he  was  the  "Cyclops"  or  only 
a  common  "ghoul  of  the  den."  It  would  be  interesting  to  the  people 
of  Ohio  to  know  also  whether  he  is  still  of  the  same  opinion  he  then 
expressed  "with  emphasis,"  that  "secession  and  rebellion  were  not  trea- 
son, or  any  kind  of  a  crime."  It  will  greatly  help  matters  along  to 
have  all  these  interesting  questions  definitely  settled  before  the  "blast- 
ing" business   commences.      (Long  continued   applause.) 

Now  I  want  to  talk  to  you  about  something  else. 

Evidently     Governor    Gordon    was    not    expecting    such 
a  reception.     He  complained  of  it  in  some  of  his  speeches 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  287 

as  discourteous.  Inasmuch  as  he  was  not  my  guest,  and  had 
come  on  a  mission  of  political  hostility,  I  did  not  think  any 
apologies  were  necessary.  On  the  contrary  I  enjoyed  the 
discomfort  he  manifested  and  the  confusion  and  demoral- 
ization  that   my   Delaware   speech   had   occasioned. 

In  undertaking  to  answer  me  the  Governor  not  only 
complained,  but  he  undertook  to  defend,  and  in  what  he 
said  laid  himself  open  to  further  attack,  which  I  made 
a  few  days  later  in  a  speech  at  Springfield  on  the  second 
day   of  November,  where   I   said: 

Answers  Gov.  Gordon. 

We  have  had  a  strange  scene  enacted  during  the  last  week.  At 
Macon,  Ga.,  there  has  been  a  review  by  Jeff  Davis  of  the  survivors  of 
the  rebel  army,  and  we  have  heard  the  same  treasonable  doctrines  again 
expressed  that  led  us  to  war  in  1861.  We  have  been  told  that  "State 
sovereignty  is  not  dead;"  that  the  constitution  was  but  a  compact  which 
any  state  may  at  any  time  break;  we  have  been  told  that  slavery  is 
"the  gentlest  and  most  humanizing  and  civilizing  relation  labor  has  ever 
borne  to  capital,"  and  that  in  the  future  Jeff  Davis  is  to  outrank  Abra- 
ham Lincoln.  At  the  same  time  we  have  been  told  at  Richmond  that 
Lee  is  greater  and  grander  than  Washington.  This  is  startling  when 
we  hear  of  it  as  happening  in  Georgia,  but  becomes  much  more  so  when 
men  come  fresh  from  such  scenes  to  defend  them  here  in  Ohio.  This 
has  been  done  by  Governor  Gordon  of  Georgia.  He  has  come  here  to 
speak  in  behalf  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  he  does  it  by  eulogizing 
Jeff  Davis;  insisting  that  there  was  no  treason  in  the  secession  move- 
ment and  the  rebellion,  and  that  on  such  a  basis  we  shall  have  peace, 
unity  and  fraternity  between  the  sections.  This  magnificent  audience 
is  a  protest  against  any  such  thing.  (Applause.)  We  want  peace  and 
unity,  but  not  at  the  expense  of  honoring  Jeff  Davis  or  palliating  the 
crimes  of  secession,  slavery  and  rebellion.  We  want  peace  and  union 
on  the  basis  of  the  results  of  the  war  and  no  other.  We  were  right 
and  they  were  wrong.  (Enthusiastic  applause.)  Such  was  the  verdict 
of  battle,  and  that  verdict  must  stand.  We  ask  that  that  verdict  may 
stand;  that  it  may  be  observed;  we  ask  nothing  more,  we  will  accept 
nothing  less.     (Renewed  cheering.) 

I  made  the  charge  that  Governor  Gordon  was  a  member  of  the 
Ku  Klux  Klan.  Governor  Gordon  has  since  spoken  in  Ohio.  He  has 
stated,  as  he  is  reported  in  the  public  press,  that  he  never  belonged 
to  the  Ku  Klux  Klan.  He  makes  his  statement  broader,  and  says 
he  never  belonged  to  any  secret  organization  whatever,  and  further  says 
that  he  "never  took  any  oath  or  obligation  of  any  kind  to  support  any 
organization,  not  even  the  Democratic  party."  He  admits,  however, 
that  he,  in  common  with  certain  "other  gentlemen  of  Georgia,  had  a 
private  understanding  that  they  would  protect  themselves  from  appre- 
hended violence  at  the  hands  of  the  negro  population."     He  alludes  to 


g88  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

my  charge  as  "unwarranted,  ungracious  and  ungentlemanly."  In  view 
of  his  denials,  and  in  view  of  his  characterization  of  this  charge,  I  desire 
to  call  attention  to  Governor  Gordon's  sworn  testimony,  as  it  was  given 
by  him  at  Washington,  D.  C,  July  27,  1871,  before  the  congressional 
committee,  which  was  then  taking  testimony  and  making  investigations 
as  to  the  existence,  character  and  operations  of  the  Ku  Klux  Klan.  His 
testimony  commences  on  page  304  of  volume  6,  part  1,  of  the  commit- 
tee's report.  Anyone  reading  this  testimony  will,  I  think,  agree  with 
me  that  many  answers  given  by  Governor  Gordon  were  of  the  most 
evasive  character,  but,  notwithstanding  this,  he  has  answered  with  suf- 
ficient definiteness,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  extracts  from  his 
testimony,  to  fully  justify  the  charge  I  made.  I  quote  his  exact  lan- 
guage, commencing  on  page  308: 

"I  do  know  that  an  organization  did  exist  in  Georgia  at  one  time. 
I  know  that  in  1868,  I  think  that  was  the  time,  I  was  approached  and 
asked  to  attach  myself  to  a  secret  organization  in  Georgia.  The  object 
of  this  organization  was  explained  to  me  at  the  time  by  these  parties, 
and  I  want  to  say  that  /  approved  of  it  most  heartily.  I  would  approve 
again  of  a  similar  organization  under  the  same  state  of  circumstances. 

"The  organization  was  simply  this,  nothing  more,  and  nothing  else; 
it  was  an  organization,  a  brotherhood  of  property-holders,  the  peace- 
able, law-abiding  citizens  of  the  state,  for  self-protection.  The  instinct 
of  self-protection  prompted  that  organization;  the  sense  of  necessity 
and  danger,  particularly  in  those  neighborhoods  where  the  negro  popula- 
tion largely  predominated. 

"I  am  not  going  to  state  what  my  position  was  in  that  particular 
organization.    .    .    . 

"I  was  approached  as  an  individual  by  certain  gentlemen,  and  told 
that  such  an  organization  existed,  and  that  its  purposes  were  such  as  I 
have  indicated,  and  I  was  asked  to  unite  with  them.  I  told  them  I 
certainly  would,  that  they  could  command  my  services  on  that  line 
whenever  they  wanted  them."    .    .    . 

"Question.    Was  there  any  obligation  which  the  members  took?'* 

"Answer.    Yes,  sir." 

"Question.    Was  it  in  the  nature  of  an  oath?" 

"Answer.  I  do  not  think  it  was  an  oath;  I  think  it  was  a  pledge, 
tantamount  to  an  oath." 

"Question.  I  mean  was  the  obligation  in  the  form  of  an  oath— 
'You  do  solemnly  swear,'  or  anything  of  that  kind?" 

"Answer.    Yes,  sir;  I  think  it  was." 

"Question.  Of  course  it  would  not  be  an  oath  unless  some  officer 
administered  it."  * 

"Answer.     I  think  there  was  something  of  that  sort." 

"Question.     Do  you  recollect  the  purport  of  that  oath?" 

"Answer.  I  have  no  recollection  of  it  at  all,  except  that  it  was  to 
the  effect  that  we  would  unite  as  a  band  of  brothers  to  protect  each 
other  from  violence  and  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  negro." 

"Question.    You  took  the  obligation  yourself?" 

"Answer.  Yes,  sir;  I  took  it  to  whatever  extent  it  was  given  to 
anybody.  It  could  not  be  regarded  as  an  oath;  it  was  a  moral  pledge. 
But  I  regarded  it  just  as  much  as  an  oath." 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1887  S89 

I  have  nothing  more  to  add  except  only  to  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  when  Governor  Gordon   gave  this   testimony  he  was  under  oath. 

We  protest  against  following  his  advice  in  this  campaign,  because 
that  involves  a  eulogy  of  slavery  and  a  defense  of  secession  and  the 
exaltation  to  the  plane  of  patriotism  and  spotless  integrity  of  Jeff 
Davis,  but  we  also  protest  against  accepting  his  advice  because,  by  his 
own  record,  as  established  by  himself,  it  is  made  to  appear  that  he  has 
been  part  and  parcel,  at  least,  to  the  extent  of  membership,  of  the  most 
iniquitous  assault  upon  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage  ever  known 
in  this  land.     (Great  applause.) 

Closing  Meeting  of  Campaign. 

I  closed  the  campaign  with  an  address  to  a  monster  mass 
meeting  in  the  old  Music  Hall  at  Cincinnati,  with  its  tre- 
mendous audience  room,  Saturday  night  before  the  election. 

The  descriptive  account  published  in  the  Commercial 
Gazette  was  written  by  Mr.  James  Boyle,  who  had  the 
deserved  reputation  among  all  newspaper  men  of  accuracy 
and  conservatism  in  his  facts  and  estimates. 

I  quote  from  what  he  says: 

In  five  years  of  political  writing  I  have  never  seen  such  a  stupen- 
dous meeting  as  that  given  Governor  Foraker  last  night.     .     .     . 

His  magnificent  meetings  elsewhere  in  Ohio  have  so  attracted  the 
attention  of  his  old  friends  at  home  that  he  was  given  an  ovation  which 
was  never  before  accorded  to  any  Cincinnati  man. 

For  two  weeks  I  have  been  traveling  with  the  Governor  in  his  tri- 
umphal tour  through  Ohio.  Every  meeting  seemed  better  than  the 
one  before  it.  The  grand  climax  was  reached  last  night.  In  1884  there 
were  great  meetings.  It  was  a  national  canvass.  But  no  meeting  of 
that  year  in  Cincinnati  equaled  the  demonstration  of  last  night.  Even 
the  great  Logan  meeting  did  not  come  near  it.  The  joint  debate  of 
1885  between  Hoadly  and  Foraker  was  a  great  affair,  but  could  not 
compare  with  last  night,  because  the  debate  was  attended  equally  by 
Republicans  and  Democrats.     .    .    . 

Before  seven  o'clock  last  night  the  galleries  were  full.  The  crowd 
surged  in  below  and  looked  with  wishes  for  places  in  the  chairs  re- 
served for  the  clubs.  The  stage  soon  held  a  thousand  people  eminent 
in  politics  and  in  public  affairs.     .    .     . 

The  Blaine  club  came  in  with  banners  flying,  drums  beating,  and  a 
great  excited  enthusiastic  crowd  standing  upon  seats  to  receive  it. 
The  other  clubs  followed,  the  Ruffin  club,  .  .  .  the  R.  B  Elliott 
club,    .    .    .    and  all  the  other  clubs. 

There  was  a  constant  cry  of  Foraker  from  the  first  arrival  of  the 
clubs.  Before  he  came  the  hall  was  packed.  There  were  ten  thousand 
people  in  the  auditorium  and  corridors,  and  before  the  meeting  had 
begun  there  were  over  a  thousand  on  the  steps  outside  unable  to  get 
in.    .    .    . 


£90  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

Throughout  the  crowd  were  ladies,  and  the  balconies  were  full  of 
them.  So  the  wealth,  the  chivalry,  the  beauty  and  the  votes  of  Ham- 
ilton county  were  represented. 

Since  Governor  Foraker's  famous  criticism  of  Southern  methods 
and  the  invasion  of  rebel  brigadiers  the  popular  tune  in  Ohio  is  "March- 
ing Through  Georgia."  He  marched  through  Georgia,  from  Atlanta 
to  the  sea,  with  Sherman  years  ago,  as  a  soldier  lad,  and  he  has 
marched  in  Georgia  again  this  time  in  politics. 

And  he  has  certainly  sent  Gordon  marching  back  to  Georgia,  glad 
to  get  away  from  a  state  where  he  found  Foraker  so  popular  and  the 
doctrines  of  secession  so  despised. 

It  was  like  the  surge  of  a  national  convention  when  Foraker  came 
in.  They  knew  him.  His  face  has  become  as  familiar  as  that  of  Grant 
or  Blaine.  He  was  tired  out.  His  voice  was  nearly  gone.  But  he 
could  not  but  be  revived  as  he  saw  in  his  home  in  Cincinnati  such  a 
great  meeting,  and  heard  the  hurrahs  of  10,000  people  giving  a  wel- 
come never  accorded  to  kings.     .    .     . 

Even  the  National  Convention  did  not  give  much  more  cheering 
at  any  one  time.  Then  Halstead  leaned  over  the  pulpit  like  a  preacher, 
and  very  much  unlike  a  preacher  made  his  speech. 

He  was  at  a  disadvantage,  as  the  marching  clubs  kept  coming  in. 
But  he  went  on  and  there  were  constant  cries  for  Foraker.  He  ap- 
peared, and  there  was  another  tumultuous  shout.  The  boys  with  white 
hats  stood  in  their  chairs  and  twirled  them  on  their  canes.  Handker- 
chiefs were  waved  by  ladies,  «ind  right  above  me  in  the  gallery  sat  an 
old  woman  waving  her  handkerchief  and  crying.  Had  she  lost  sons 
in  the  war?  Had  she  read  with  burning  indignation  of  the  invasion 
by  ex-rebels  and  the  rebuke  given  them  by  Foraker? 

I  need  not  attempt  a  discussion  of  the  Governor's  speech.  He  was 
tired  and  hoarse  when  he  began.  But  the  enthusiasm  assisted  his  own 
earnestness,  and  he  became  animated  and  eloquent,  forgetting  the  sore- 
ness of  his  throat  and  his  jaded  condition.  So  he  talked  on,  each  period 
bringing  applause,  and  every  sentiment  of  patriotism  giving  the  great 
hall  a  thrill  of  applause. 

Most  of  the  other  descriptive  accounts  of  the  meeting 
were  more  flattering  than  that  of  Mr.  Boyle.  I  have 
quoted  generously  from  what  he  said  in  order  that  I 
may  in  that  way  show  that  to  the  end  the  meetings  were 
larger  and  the  enthusiasm  greater  in  the  campaign  of 
1887  than  in  any  other  campaign  in  which  I  have  ever 
participated,  whether  state   or  national. 

The  result  on  election  day  was  what  such  meetings  fore- 
shadowed— a  triumphant  election.  My  plurality  over  Mr. 
Powell   was   23,329. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1888 
CENTENNIAL  YEAR. 

MY  SECOND  administration  as  Governor  was  unevent- 
ful so  far  as  ordinary  official  events  were  concerned, 
but  on  the  other  hand  unusual  because  of  the  many  inter- 
esting and  important  public  functions,  official  and  semi- 
official, in  which  as  Governor  I  found  it  my  duty  to  par- 
ticipate. 

My  two  administrations  were  the  last  of  the  first  century 
of  civil  government  in  Ohio  and  the  first  of  the  second. 

In  my  annual  message  to  the  General  Assembly  January 
2nd,  1888,  I  called  attention  to  this  fact,  and  that  the 
Legislature  had  already  provided  for  four  centennial  cele- 
brations— ^two  at  Marietta,  one  at  Cincinnati,  and  one  at 
Columbus.  The  two  provided  for  at  Marietta  were:  First, 
the  celebration  of  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  first 
settlement  in  the  territory  "Northwest  of  the  river  Ohio," 
made  at  that  point  in  April,  1787 ;  the  second  was  the 
celebration  of  the  inauguration  at  that  point  of  Arthur 
St.  Clair  as  Governor  of  the  Northwest  Territory. 

The  celebrations  at  Cincinnati  and  Columbus  were  of  the 
centennial  anniversaries  of  the  respective  first  settlements 
at  these  places. 

One  week  later,  January  9,  1888,  I  was  inaugurated  and 
entered  upon  my  second  term  as  Governor. 

My  address  on  this  occasion  dealt  so  fully  with  these 
events  and  celebrations  that  I  incorporate  it  because  of 
its   historical   character.     It   was   as   follows: 

Gentlemen  of  the  General  Assembly: — One  week  ago,  in  compliance 
with  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution,  I  sent  you  an  annual 
message.  It  called  your  attention  to  all  matters  pertaining  to  state 
affairs,  concerning  which  I  desired  to  communicate  with  you. 

281 


292  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

For  this  reason  it  is  not  necessary  to  detain  you  now  with  the  dis- 
cussion of  such  topics.  The  few  remarks  I  shall  make  at  this  time  will, 
therefore,  be  of  a  general  nature. 

We  are  at  the  close  of  the  first  century  of  civilization  and  govern- 
ment on  Ohio  soil.  It  is  a  fitting  time  to  recall  our  past  achievements 
and  the  lessons  they  have  taught.  One  hundred  years  ago  today  our 
first  settlement  had  not  yet  been  made.  This  whole  country  was  an 
unbroken  wilderness.  There  were  here  no  fields,  or  farms,  or  towns, 
or  cities;  no  roads,  canals,  or  steamboats;  no  railways,  telegraphs,  or 
telephones;  no  school-houses,  colleges,  or  newspapers;  no  civilization 
and  no  civilized  people.  Except  only  the  Indian,  there  was  no  one  to 
govern  or  be  governed. 

Nevertheless,  events  had  transpired  which  were,  with  respect  to  us, 
of  vast  -  consequence  and  determining  character.  The  independence  of 
the  United  States  had  been  achieved,  and  the  new  nation  had  taken 
its  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  Constitution  had  been 
adopted  and  the  thirteen  original  states  had  been  bound  together  by 
its  ties.  Whatever  hesitation  and  doubt  had  at  any  time  existed,  as 
to  the  wisdom  and  propriety  of  controlling  the  government  and  destiny 
of  the  "territory  northwest  of  the  river  Ohio"  had  passed  away,  and 
the  ordinance  of  1787  had  been  enacted.  Thus  it  had  been  settled  that 
we  should  not  only  become  a  part  of  the  United  States,  but,  what  is 
still  more  important,  that  these  hills  and  valleys  should  be  dedicated 
to  human  liberty,  and  that  all  our  governmental  structures,  here  to 
be  erected,  should  rest  upon  the  great  fundamental  truth  that  religion, 
morality,  and  knowledge  are  essential  to  good  government. 

The  fortune  that  attended  us  in  this  regard  cannot  be  exaggerated. 
It  consisted,  not  simply  in  the  consequences  that  resulted  from  the  char- 
acter of  this  instrument,  but  also  in  the  fact  that  there  probably  was 
no  time  either  before  or  afterward,  when  such  an  ordinance  could  have 
been   adopted. 

All  such  efforts  previously  made  had  failed,  and  almost  immediately 
following  a  struggle  commenced  for  its  revocation  or  modification.  The 
sentiment  so  developed  against  it  would  have  been  sufficient  to  have 
prevented  it,  but  it  was  not  sufficient  to  destroy  it.  It  was  destined 
to  stand,  and  the  result  was  acceptable  conditions  that  attracted  the 
moving  tides  of  emigration  and  quickly  brought  us,  not  only  a  freedom- 
loving,  but  a  vigorous,  enterprising,  self-reliant.  God-fearing,  and  Union- 
loving  population. 

The  ordinance  was  adopted  July  13,  1787.  The  first  settlement,  con- 
sisting of  forty-eight  persons,  was  made  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mus- 
kingum, April  7,  1788.  A  few  weeks  later,  on  the  15th  day  of  July, 
1788,  followed  the  inauguration  of  Ohio's  first  Governor.  The  scene 
presented  on  that  occasion  was  widely  different  from  that  which  is 
witnessed  here  today.  The  official  record  is  brief,  but  it  is  both  inter- 
esting and  suggestive.  It  informs  us  that  by  the  use  of  forest  branches, 
a  "bower"  was  erected  on  the  site  of  Marietta,  the  seat  of  government, 
and  that  there  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  had  gathered.  How 
large  an  audience  they  made  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  on  the 
first  day  of  September  following,  the  settlement  numbered  one  hundred 
and  thirty-two  souls,  all  told. 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  ^93 

General  Arthur  St.  Clair,  accompanied  by  the  secretary  and  two 
judges,  all  of  whom  had  been  appointed  by  President  Washington,  to 
establish  and  administer  the  civil  government  of  the  territory,  appeared 
with  their  commissions  and  were  duly  welcomed,  on  behalf  of  the  people 
and  presented  to  them,  by  General  Rufus  Putnam.  After  the  reading 
of  their  commissions,  and  "some  highly  appreciated  remarks  by  the  Gov- 
ernor, on  the  importance  of  good  government,"  the  ordinance  of  1787 
was  read  by  the  secretary.  This  was  received  "with  cheers  that  made 
the  forests  echo."  The  record  further  states  that  the  exercises  were 
throughout  of  such  grave,  formal  and  dignified  character  as  to  greatly 
impress  all  who  were  present. 

On  the  following  Sabbath,  divine  services  were  held,  with  special 
reference  to,  and  as  a  part  of  the  inauguration  ceremonies.  The  min- 
ister preached  a  "powerful  sermon"  from  the  text  found  in  the  6th 
and  6th  verses  of  the  19th  chapter  of  Exodus — "Now,  therefore,  if  ye 
will  obey  my  voice,  indeed,  and  keep  my  covenant,  then  ye  shall  be  a 
peculiar  treasure  unto  me,  above  all  people;  for  all  the  earth  is  mine, 
and  ye  shall  be  unto  me  a  kingdom  of  priests  and  an  holy  nation." 

Such  are  the  simple  annals  of  that  event.  Except  the  bare  statement 
that  it  was  a  powerful  sermon,  nothing  is  said  as  to  the  character  of  the 
minister's  remarks.  But  with  the  text  before  us,  we  can  safely  assume 
what  some  of  the  thoughts  were  that  entered  into  his  discourse.  At 
least,  he  might,  with  propriety,  have  likened  their  recent  escape  from 
the  tyranny  of  England  to  the  flight  of  the  Hebrews;  the  forests  that 
surrounded  them,  to  the  wilderness  of  Sinai;  the  possessions  upon  which 
they  were  entering,  to  the  land  of  Canaan.  There  was  enough,  in  their 
situation,  of  striking  similarity  to  that  of  the  children  of  Israel,  to 
make  the  injunctions  and  promises  of  the  text  impressively  applicable. 

If  the  sermon  had  been  reported,  we  would  no  doubt  find  it,  in  all 
parts,  a  most  interesting  document  for  present  perusal.  But  probably 
the  most  interesting  portion  of  it  would  be  that  in  which  were  depicted 
the  triumphs  of  the  future,  and  the  consequent  blessings  to  them  and 
their  posterity,  if  they  but  obeyed  the  voice  and  kept  the  covenant. 
Doing  that,  the  rich  promises  of  reward  should  follow.  These  were  of 
such  character  as  to  signify  the  most  exceptional  favor  and  the  highest 
earthly  prosperity.  With  what  kind  of  speech,  with  what  sort  of 
figures,  with  what  pictures  of  triumph,  did  he  paint  their  possible 
realizations?  Doubtless  he  had  grand  conceptions  of  what  the  coming 
years  might  unfold.  All  connected  with  the  initial  proceedings  of  our 
territorial  government  seemed  to  be  so  impressed.  The  nature  of  the 
ordinance  shows  that  the  men  who  framed  it  highly  appreciated  its 
importance.  The  grave,  formal  and  dignified  character  of  the  cere- 
monies attending  the  inauguration  of  Governor  St.  Clair  would  have 
appeared  absurd  and  ridiculous,  had  it  not  been  well  understood  that 
not  only  the  spot  they  occupied  and  the  handful  of  people  there  assem- 
bled were  to  be  affected,  but  that  a  government  was  being  instituted 
for  a  territory  larger  than  France  or  Germany,  and  capable  of  sup- 
porting a  population  of  millions.  He  was  seeking  to  impress  upon  his 
hearers  their  dependence  upon  God  for  their  highest  success,  and,  €is 
an  inducement  for  observing  the  conditions  precedent,  named  in  the 
text,  what  that  highest  success  might  be.     Manifestly  he  would  deal  in 


294  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

glowing  colors.  And  yet  who  can  doubt  that  his  painting  of  the  achieve- 
ments and  glories  of  the  future  would  fall  far  short  of  today's  realities ! 

One  hundred  years  have  come  and  gone.  The  little  band  who  occupied 
but  a  foothold  on  the  border  have  swelled  to  more  than  12,000,000  of 
intelligent,  cultivated  and  patriotic  citizens,  who  have  spread  out  over 
every  acre  of  the  250,000  square  miles  of  area  which  then  constituted 
an  unoccupied  territory,  but  which  today  comprises  the  mighty  States 
of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin.  Where  were  but 
the  haunts  of  savage  men  and  beasts,  are  today  happy  and  peaceful 
homes.  The  forests  have  been  swept  away  and  the  refinements  and 
adornments  of  civilization  have  been  substituted.  Considering  only  our 
own  State,  we  have  a  population  greater  than  that  of  the  whole  United 
States  at  that  time.  We  have  more  wealth  and  a  higher  credit;  we  have 
more  diversity  of  employment  and  a  greater  domestic  commerce.  There 
is  no  slcill  of  the  artisan  or  wonder  of  mechanism  known  to  the  world 
with  which  we  are  not  familiar.  Education  is  free  to  the  most  humble, 
as  well  as  the  most  favored.  Churches  for  every  creed  are  to  be  found 
in  every  hamlet,  to  testify,  not  only  of  religion,  but  also  of  religious 
liberty.  And  who  can  fail  to  remember,  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  all 
our  blessings,  that  we  not  only  enjoy  the  best  of  all  governments,  but 
also  the  supreme  good  fortune  of  Icnowing  and  appreciating  that  it 
is  such?  While  in  every  other  civilized  nation  there  is  serious  and 
widespread  dissatisfaction  with  their  theory  and  form  of  government 
and  a  corresponding  disposition  to  malce  changes,  here  such  a  senti- 
ment is  practically  unlcnown.  All  believe  in  constitutional  government — 
all  believe  in  the  right  and  capacity  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves, 
and  all  believe  in  the  theory  of  civil  and  political  equality,  in  the 
exercise  of  that  right.  No  one  is  seeking  to  make  a  change  of  form. 
In  so  far  as  we  have  political  differences,  they  relate  to  mere  adminis- 
tration, to  the  manner  in  which,  and  the  extent  to  which,  the  acknowl- 
edged rights  of  citizenship  shall  be  exercised;  how  revenues  shall  be 
collected,  and  in  what  manner  conceded  evils  shall  be  dealt  with. 

Verily  we  appear  to  be  a  peculiar  treasure  above  all  people.  Who 
shall  say  it  is  not  due  to  the  fact  that  we  have  obeyed  the  voice  and 
kept  the  covenant?  The  voice  that  was  heard  in  the  bower  when  the 
secretary  read  the  declarations  of  our  first  organic  law  with  respect  to 
the  essentials  of  good  government;  and  the  covenant  that  was  made 
when  that  pioneer  audience  responded  "with  cheers  that  made  the 
forests  echo." 

More  than  six  thousand  churches  proclaim  our  fidelity  to  religion  and 
morality;  more  than  thirteen  thousand  schoolhouses  and  colleges  are 
standing  testimonials  to  our  appreciation  for  education;  an  annual 
expenditure  of  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars  indicates  our  present 
generous  contribution  for  its  continued  maintenance  and  advancement; 
more  than  nine  hundred  newspapers  are  constantly  disseminating  knowl- 
edge, and  human  bondage  has  never  at  any  time  been  known  within  our 
borders.  These  are  indisputable  proofs  that  the  faith  has  been  kept. 
But  it  has  been  kept  not  for  our  own  good  alone.  The  whole  country 
has  shared  with  us  the  blessing.  Had  not  this  territory  been  so  dedi- 
cated and  devoted  to  free  institutions  slavery  would  have  controlled 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL    YEAR  295 

the  destiny  of  the  Union,  or,  failing  in  that,  been  suflBciently  powerful 
to  have  destroyed  it.  It  went  down  in  that  bloody  trial  of  strength, 
because  the  standard  of  righteousness,  of  knowledge,  of  liberty,  of 
human  equality  had  here  its  legions  of  brave  defenders.  Without  their 
help  the  conspirators  who  sought  by  war  and  bloodshed  to  uphold  and 
enforce  the  heresy  of  secession  would  have  triumphed;  but  with  it  the 
Constitution  was  saved,  purified  and  perfected;  all  men  were  made 
free  and  equal,  and  the  last  menace  to  the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions 
was  swept  away  forever.  Such  are  some  of  the  achievements  of  the 
century  that  is  gone.  When  their  far-reaching  consequences  are  con- 
sidered, it  becomes  manifest  that  it  is  not  possible  to  express  with 
words  an  exaggerated  estimate  of  their  importance  to  mankind. 

What  now  of  the  century  upon  which  we  are  entering?  Only  God 
knows.  It  does  not  seem  possible  that  there  can  be  wrapped  up  in  the 
next  one  hundred  years  so  much  of  development  as  has  been  made 
during  the  last — and  yet  there  may  be  more.  The  last  fifty  years  have 
signally  eclipsed  the  next  preceding  fifty.  Had  this  truth  been  fore- 
told, who  could  have  given  it  credence?  But  whether  we  are  to  con- 
tinue this  marvelous  march  of  progress  or  not,  we  stand  charged  with 
responsibilities  as  grave  as  those  which  rested  upon  the  fathers  who 
attended  our  first  inauguration.  To  them  was  confided  the  duty  of 
laying  the  foundations;  to  us  is  entrusted  the  superstructure.  Had 
they  failed,  there  would  have  been  disappointment.  If  we  fail,  there 
will  be  both  disappointment  and  destruction.  For  in  that  event  we  dash 
to  pieces  alike  the  hopes  for  posterity  and  the  splendid  works  that  have 
been  wrought.  We  must  not  fail;  and  we  shall  not,  if  we  but  adopt 
for  our  guidance  the  lessons  of  the  past.  They  teach  us  that  we  have 
succeeded  because  we  have  been  governed  by  the  great  ideas  of  morality, 
education,  equality  and  a  disposition  to  take  care  of  our  own  country. 
Let  us,  therefore,  apply  and  be  governed  by  these  same  ideas  as  we  go 
forward  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  that  are  before  us.  To  this 
end  we  must  discard  and  reject  all  that  falls  short  of  the  requirements 
of  the  highest  standard  of  right;  put  the  light  of  truth  in  every  man's 
way;  permit  no  distinction  founded  on  race,  color,  nationality  or  occu- 
pation, and  remember  always  to  promote  that  which  is  calculated  to 
advance  America.  But  if  we  would  advance  America,  we  must  espe- 
cially remember  to  always  stand  firmly  for  the  people's  rights  to  be 
honestly  heard  at  the  ballot  box.  To  guarantee  this  right  by  consti- 
tutional and  statutory  provisions,  and  then  allow  it  to  be  abused  is  a 
fraud  and  a  disgrace.  It  strikes  a  fatal  blow  at  the  very  foundations 
of  free  popular  government.  It  is  just  cause  of  congratulation  that 
such  crimes  have  been  suppressed  in  Ohio.  May  the  day  soon  come  when 
the  same  can  be  said  of  every  other  State  in  the  Union.  Until  then 
there  cannot  be,  and  there  should  not  be,  any  relaxation  of  effort  to 
secure  such  a  result.  The  flag  of  the  nation  must  mean  absolute  pro- 
tection in  the  enjoyment  of  all  his  rights  to  every  man  who  looks  with 
allegiance  upon  its  folds.  It  must  mean  more.  It  must  continue  to 
represent  to  all,  wherever  it  may  be  carried,  a  people  who  have  sense 
enough  and  patriotism  enough  to  take  care  of  their  own  country  in  a 
business  way.     We  must  dig  our  coal  out  of  our  own  hills  and  our 


296  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

ore  out  of  our  own  mines.  We  must  grow  our  own  wool,  have  our  own 
factories,  furnaces,  foundries  and  machine  shops.  In  so  far  as  God 
has  blessed  us  with  natural  resources  and  ability  to  use  them,  we  must 
decline  to  depend  upon  others.  By  their  development  we  must  give 
employment  to  our  labor,  inventive  genius  to  our  mechanics,  home 
markets  to  our  farmers,  a  domestic  commerce  to  the  sections  that  will 
bind  them  together  in  yet  stronger  bonds  of  union,  and  insure  peace, 
contentment,  prosperity  and  independence  to  the  millions  of  freemen 
whose  happy  fortune  it  is,  and  will  be,  now  and  hereafter,  to  have  this 
land  for  their  priceless  heritage. 

If  we  meet  the  full  measure  of  our  obligations  in  these  respects, 
those  whose  lot  it  may  be  to  look  back  from  the  close  of  our  second 
century  to  its  beginning,  can  pay  to  us  the  highest  possible  tribute  of 
praise  by  simply  repeating  what  we  are  justly  proud  and  gratified  to 
be  able  to  say  today,  "Our  fathers  obeyed  the  voice  and  kept  the 
covenant,  and  we  are  in  consequence  a  peculiar  treasure  above  aU 
people,  a  kingdom  of  priests  and  an  holy  nation." 

The  Marietta  Centennial. 

The  first  of  the  celebrations  mentioned  in  my  inaugural 
was  held  at  Marietta,  O.,  on  the  7th  day  of  April. 

It  was  in  honor  of  the  landing  at  that  place  of  Rufus 
Putnam,  Manasseh  Cutler,  and  their  associates — forty-eight 
in  all — on  the  7th  day  of  April,   1788. 

They  there  established  the  first  white  settlement  in  Ohio 
and  in  the  Northwest  Territory.  That  particular  point  was 
a  part  of  a  million  and  a  half  acres  of  ground  that  had 
been  acquired  by  the  Ohio  company ;  a  company  organized 
in  Massachussets  and  New  England  for  the  purpose  of 
acquiring  land  and  establishing  a  settlement  and  building 
homes  in  the  territory  lying  "northwest  of  the  river  Ohio." 

The  celebration  was  primarily  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Ohio  Archaeological  and  Historical  Society,  but  by 
appropriate  recognition  of  the  Legislature,  it  had  been  made 
an  official  occasion,  and  in  that  way  it  became  my  duty, 
as  it  was  my  pleasure,  to  attend  the  celebration. 

To  me  was  assigned  the  duty  of  delivering  an  address 
of  welcome  to  all  in  attendance.  The  celebration  proper 
was  on  the  7th,  but  the  society  had  arranged  a  number 
of  preliminary  meetings  to  be  addressed  by  distinguished 
citizens  from  other  States. 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  ^97 

The  first  of  these  meetings  was  held  on  Thursday  eve- 
ning, April  5th.  Among  the  distinguished  speakers  who 
were  present  and  made  able,  interesting  and  instructive 
addresses  during  the  course  of  the  celebration,  were  the 
Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale  of  Massachusetts;  the  Rev. 
Dr.  H.  M.  Storrs  of  New  Jersey;  the  Rev.  A.  L.  Chapin, 
ex-president  of  Beloit  college;  Hon.  Samuel  F.  Hunt  and 
Judge  Joseph  Cox,  of  Cincinnati;  but  the  principal  ad- 
dresses were  delivered  on  the  7th  of  April,  one  by  Senator 
George  F.  Hoar  of  Massachusetts,  another  by  the  Honorable 
John  Randolph  Tucker  of  Virginia,  and  another  by  ex- 
President  Rutherford  B.  Hayes. 

The  celebration  was  in  every  sense  of  the  word  success- 
ful, and  fittingly  prepared  the  way  for  the  more  impor- 
tant celebration  of  the  establishment  at  that  same  point 
of  civil  government,  and  the  inauguration  of  Gen.  Arthur 
St.  Clair  on  the  15th  day  of  July,  1788,  as  the  first 
Governor  of  the  Northwest  Territory. 

This  second  celebration  was  so  important  a  function,  con- 
nected as  it  was,  with  not  only  the  settlement  already 
celebrated,  but  also  with  the  adoption  of  the  Ordinance  of 
1787 — three  great  historical  events  so  related  to  each  other 
as  to  make  one  of  the  most  celebrated  and  influential  epochs 
in  American  history  that  the  Legislature  made  a  liberal 
appropriation  to  defray  the  expenses  of  an  official  partici- 
pation in  the  event,  and  authorized  the  Governor  to  invite 
the  States  of  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin, 
created,  as  Ohio,  out  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  and  also 
the  neighboring  States  of  Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia 
and  Kentucky,  to  officially  participate  in  the  celebration, 
which  was,  as  to  all  details,  under  the  control  of  a  local 
committee  of  one  hundred  of  the  most  prominent  citizens 
of  Marietta,  of  which  committee  Hon.  S.  M.  McMillen 
was  chairman,  with  which  the  state  centennial  reception 
committee,  of  which  I,  as  Governor,  was  ex-officio  chair- 
man,   co-operated. 

The  occasion  was  one  of  such  historical  interest  and  so 
related  to  events  that  had  exerted  far-reaching  influences 
for  good  upon  our  government,  our  people,  our  civilization 


298  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

and  our  institutions,  that  wide  interest  in  its  success  was 
quickly  disclosed  and  numerous  acceptances  of  the  invita- 
tions  extended  were  received. 

The  local  committee  soon  learned  that  more  than  one 
day  would  be  necessary  for  a  celebration  worthy  of  the 
events  to  be  commemorated.  They  finally  determined  that 
they  would  give  a  whole  week  to  the  celebration,  and  ac- 
cordingly arranged  that  it  should  commence  on  Sunday, 
July  13th,  and  continue  until  Saturday,  July  19th;  the 
exercises  on  Sunday  to  be  of  a  religious  character,  and 
introductory  to  the  celebration  proper,  the  central  point 
of  which   should   be   on   the   15th — the   actual   anniversary. 

So  many  acceptances  of  our  invitations,  which  later 
were  extended  to  other  States  than  those  mentioned,  were 
received  that  the  committee  in  charge  were  able  to  arrange 
an  interesting  program  of  public  addresses  for  each  day 
during  this  period. 

They  finally  conceived  the  notion  that  the  Governor 
should  be  present  in  Marietta  during  the  whole  week  of 
the  celebration,  in  order  to  assist  in  its  conduct  and  in  the 
entertainment   of  the   distinguished   visitors. 

Recognizing  the  propriety  and  reasonableness  of  their 
request  Mrs.  Foraker  and  I  gladly  consented  to  spend 
the  week  in  Marietta,  and  in  accordance  with  the  further 
request  of  the  committee  occupied  the  commodious  resi- 
dence of  Mr.  J.  H.  Grafton,  secured  for  our  use  by  the 
committee,  and  there  "kept  house"  and  assisted  in  the 
entertainment  of  the  guests  of  the  city. 

We  never  spent  a  week  more  pleasantly,  and  surely  we 
never   had   a   busier   week. 

The  attendance  from  the  very  first  day  was  so  great 
and  so  enthusiastic  that  everybody  was  filled  with  rejoicing. 
The  citizens  of  Marietta  beautifully  and  generously  dec- 
orated the  city.  Every  house  was  covered  with  flags,  not 
only  our  own  flag,  but  the  flags  of  other  nations  were 
profusely    displayed. 

Speaking  of  these  flags  reminds  me  that  Senator  William 
M.  Evarts  of  New  York,  was  one  of  the  guests  of  the 
occasion    and    delivered    one    of   the   principal    addresses.     I 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  ^99 

was  assigned  the  duty  of  meeting  him  at  the  depot  and 
entertaining  him  during  his  stay  with  us.  As  we  were 
riding  from  the  depot  to  my  temporary  residence  I  called 
his  attention  to  the  decorations,  remarking,  "You  see  our 
people  are  displaying  the  flags  of  all  the  nations."  He 
looked,  and  instantly  remarked,  "Yes,  I  see;  and  all  the 
flags    of   this    nation." 

The  proceedings  of  this  celebration  were  carefully  and 
elaborately  reported  and  published  as  a  state  document. 
This  publication  can  be  found  in  the  state  library,  and 
perhaps  in  every  other  public  library  of  Ohio. 

It  is  unnecessary,  therefore,  to  review  it  here  in  detail. 
Moreover,  it  would  be  impossible  to  give  in  epitome  what 
was  said  in  the  many  excellent  addresses  that  were  deliv- 
ered. They  must  be  read  in  full — in  their  entirety — in 
order  to  be  fully   appreciated. 

It  is  enough  to  say  here  that  this  official  report  will  be 
found  a  source  of  most  interesting  information  to  every 
student  of  our  early  history,  and  nowhere  can  there  be 
found    more    able,    eloquent    and    instructive    speeches. 

Every  State  of  the  Northwest  Territory  was  fittingly  and 
ably   represented   on   the   rostrum. 

In  addition  we  had  interesting  addresses  from  repre- 
sentatives of  Massachusetts,  New  York  and  Virginia. 

The  Honorable  John  W.  Daniel,  then  a  member  of  the 
United  States  Senate  from  the  state  of  Virginia,  spoke 
for  the  "Mother  of  Presidents."  My  acquaintance  with 
him  in  connection  with  that  celebration  was  followed  by  a 
closer  acquaintance  and  a  warm  personal  friendship  in 
after  years  when  I  had  the  honor  to  serve  with  him  as  his 
senatorial  colleague. 

Female  orators  were  not  so  common  then  as  now,  but, 
nevertheless  we  were  favored  with  one  of  the  ablest  and 
most  womanly  and  influential  of  all  the  women  who  have 
distinguished  themselves  in  America  as  public  speakers,  in 
the  person  of  Mrs.   Mary  A.  Livermore,   of  Massachusetts. 

Senator  Sherman  was  present  and  made,  as  always,  an 
able   and   interesting   speech. 


300  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

Greneral  Charles  H.  Grosvenor,  then  a  member  of  congress 
from  the  Athens  district,  made  an  exceedingly  interesting 
and  readable   address. 

Among  others  who  spoke  was  my  old  friend  and  schoolmate, 
Hon.  David  K.  Watson,  then  Attorney  General,  who 
paid  fitting  tribute  to  our  pioneer  state  builders  in  beau- 
tiful  and   eloquent   language. 

Hon.  John  C.  Lee  of  Toledo,  and  quite  a  number  of 
others  made  valuable  contributions  to  the  literature  of  the 
occasion. 

One  proceeding  was  of  a  character,  not  only  because  of 
its  relation  to  that  occasion,  but  because  of  its  contem- 
plated relation  to  the  second  centennial  celebration  of  the 
same  events,  that  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  repeat  the  record 
of  it  here  in  full. 

Wednesday,  July  18,  1888,  was  designated  "Pioneer 
Day."  The  Honorable  George  M.  Woodbridge,  a  citizen  of 
Marietta,  was  selected  as  temporary  chairman  and  Gen. 
Thomas  Ewing,  then  a  citizen  of  New  York,  as  permanent 
chairman  of  the  day.  The  program  for  the  day  an- 
nounced : 

Welcome  to  the  City,  by  Hon.  Josiah  Coulter,  Mayor,  who  will  pre- 
sent a  gavel,  the  gift  of  the  Women's  Centennial  Association, 
to  Hon.  Jos.  B.  Foraker,  Governor  of  Ohio,  by  him  to  be 
given  to  General  Thomas  Ewing,  President  of  the  Day. 

Response.    General  Thomas  Ewing. 

The  following  is  the  record  made  when  this  order  of 
business  was  reached: 

Mr.  Woodbridge. — The  next  regular  exercises  will  be  remarks  from 
the  Mayor  of  the  city  of  Marietta,  Mr.  Coulter. 

Welcome  Addkess  op  Hon.  Josiah  Cottlteb, 
Mayor  of  Marietta. 

Ladi68  and  Gentlemen: — In  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  Marietta,  1 
welcome  you  to  the  city  to  take  part  in  the  Centennial  celebration,  the 
celebration  of  the  establishment  of  civil  government  in  the  Northwest 
Territory.  His  excellency,  Gov.  J.  B.  Foraker  (turning  to  the  Governor, 
who  stood  by  his  side),  by  request  of  the  Women's  Centennial  Asso- 
ciation of  Washington   County,  Ohio,  I  present  to  you  this  gavel  to 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  301 

be  presented  to  General  Ewing,  to  be  used  upon  this  occasion  and  then 
to  be  sealed  in  a  box,  and  placed  in  the  custody  of  the  commissioners, 
by  them  to  be  placed  in  a  fireproof  room  of  the  Washington  County 
Court  House,  for  safekeeping,  until  it  shall  be  opened  on  the  next 
centennial  in  1988. 

I  do  not  imagine,  sir,  that  either  you  or  I,  or  any  of  this  vast 
audience,  will  be  present  to  see  the  box  opened;  but  I,  for  one,  should 
like  to  see  whether  our  great  and  glorious  country  had  made  the 
advance  towards  national  greatness  in  the  next  one  hundred  years  that 
it  has  in  the  past.     (Applause.) 

Response  of  Gov.  J.  B.  Foraker,  oix  Presentatiok  op  Gavel. 

Gen.  Ewing,  you  are  an  Ohio  man.  (Applause.)  You  were  bom 
in  our  State  and  you  have  spent  here  most  of  your  life.  Yau 
know,  therefore,  something  about  the  women  of  Ohio.  You  know 
that  they  are  both  good  and  beautiful.  (Applause.)  And  you 
must  know,  also,  that  they  are  always  engaged  in  doing  something  that 
is  good.  (Applause.)  If  the  men  of  Ohio  have  won  for  the  State 
honor  and  distinction  and  renown,  in  the  past  century,  it  has  been 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  they  have  had  the  constant  encouragement 
and  assistance  of  the  women  of  Ohio. 

In  that  respect  they  are  the  worthy  descendants  and  representatives 
of  the  noble  women  who  so  greatly  and  grandly  aided  our  forefathers 
in  the  achievement  of  American  independence,  and  in  laying  here 
the  foundation  of  civil  government  for  this  Northwest  Territory. 
(Applause.) 

These  women  of  Ohio  have  labored  earnestly  and  zealously  to  bring 
forth  this  celebration.  In  that  behalf  they  organized  what  they  called 
a  "Women's  Centennial  Association,"  and  it  has  been  a  most  powerful 
agency  in  achieving  the  success  which  we  have  here  enjoyed. 

These  women.  Gen.  Ewing,  remember  you.  How  could  they  forget 
you?  (Laughter  and  applause.)  They  remember  you,  sir,  as  a  gallant 
soldier  and  a  distinguished  son  of  Ohio;  and  they  remember  you,  also, 
as  a  member  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished  and  most  honored  families 
of  our  great  State.     (Applause.) 

Your  action,  therefore,  in  coming  here  upon  their  invitation  to  par- 
ticipate in  these  exercises  has  been  most  gratifying  to  them  indeed. 
They  appreciate  the  compliment  you  pay  them  and  the  honor  that  you 
do  us.  They  have  been  anxious,  therefore,  to  give  in  some  proper  way 
an  appropriate  testimonial  of  their  appreciation  for  your  action  in  so 
doing,  and  for  the  sentiment  and  the  occasion  on  account  of  which 
we  have  convened.  With  that  object  in  view,  they  have  caused  to  be 
prepared  this  beautiful  gavel,  and  have  commissioned  me  to  present 
it  to  you,  with  the  request  that  you  will  use  it  as  your  badge  and  token 
of  authority  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  upon  which  you  are  about 
to  enter,  and  that  when  you  are  done  with  it,  instead  of  carrying  it  off 
with  you  to  New  York  (laughter),  you  will  cause  it  to  be  placed  in  this 
box,  which  is  a  wooden  box  on  the  outside  but  a  copper  box  on  the 


soft  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

inside,  and  then  hiave  it  placed,  as  the  Mayor  has  just  indicated,  in  a  fire- 
proof vault,  for  preservation  through  the  next  century,  and  for  use  on 
the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  Second  Centennial  Anniversary 
of  the  institution  of  civil  government  here  by  him  who  will  then 
be  honored  with  the  privilege  of  officiating,  as  you  are  to  officiate 
today. 

The  gavel  is  made  of  wood,  as  you  see,  and  it  is  ornamented  and 
bound  with  silver.  The  handle  of  the  gavel  is  taken  from  the  door 
of  that  one  of  the  blockhouses  of  Campus  Martins,  in  which  Governor 
St.  Clair  had  his  headquarters,  and  in  which  was  held  the  first  court 
of  justice  that  was  ever  convened  in  the  Northwest  Territory. 

That  portion  of  this  gavel  is  intended  to  remind  us  of  the  civil  gov- 
ernment that  our  fathers  established,  and  at  the  same  time  of  the 
dangers  .they  encountered  in  that  behalf,  and  of  the  heroism  and  valor 
and  soldier-like  qualities  they  were  called  upon  to  display,  to  the  end 
that  they  might  maintain,  uphold  and  enforce  that  government. 
(Applause.) 

The  hammer  or  mallet  part  of  this  gavel  is  taken  from  the  wood  used  - 
in  the  first  schoolhouse  ever  built  on  Ohio  soil,  and  is  intended  to 
remind  us  of  the  wisdom  that  has  been  abundantly  demonstrated  in 
our  experience  of  the  declaration  of  the  ordinance  which  proclaimed 
that  knowledge,  among  other  things,  was  necessary  to  good  government. 
(Applause.) 

And  the  silver  with  which  the  mallet  is  ornamented  is  intended  to 
represent  the  unspeakable  beauty  and  symmetry  of  the  governmental 
structure  which  our  fathers  erected  (applause)  and  the  imperishable 
value  of  the  blessings  that  have  followed  therefrom  and  that  are 
hereafter,  we  trust,  to  follow  therefrom  for  the  benefit  of  mankind. 
(Renewed  applause.) 

The  direction  which  these  ladies  have  given  as  to  the  preservation 
and  future  use  of  this  gavel  indicate  the  unbounded,  unfaltering, 
womanlike  confidence  of  these  women  in  the  perpetuity  of  American 
institutions. 

I  give  you  this  gavel,  sir,  with  these  simple  explanations,  in  the 
hope  and  in  the  firm  belief  that  the  confidence  which  these  women  have 
thus  manifested  is  through  the  mercy  and  goodness  of  God,  not  to  be 
disappointed,  but  justified  and  realized.     (Applause.) 

Response  of  Hour.  Thomas  Ewing  ok  Receiving  the  Gavel. 

Governor  Foraker,  I  thank  you  for  the  complimentary  terms  in 
which  you  have  presented  me  this  interesting  and  useful  memento.  I 
do  not  flatter  myself  that  the  distinguished  honor  of  presiding  on  this 
occasion  has  been  conferred  upon  me  by  the  "Women's  Centennial 
Association'*  from  any  merit  or  service  of  my  own. 

I  am  proud  to  remember  that  I  am  a  son  of  Thomas  Ewing 
(applause)  and  a  grandson  of  George  Ewing,  one  of  the  pioneers 
whose  settlement  we  commemorate  today. 


1888— THE   CENTENNIAL   YEAR  303 

I  have  accepted  with  great  pleasure  the  duties  imposed  upon  me 
here.  I  will  use  the  gavel  today  and  then  place  it  in  the  strong  box 
until  the  next  centennial,  when  another  assemblage  of  the  descendants 
of  the  pioneers  will  convene  upon  this  plain,  and,  when  some  elderly 
gentleman,  a  grandson  or  a  great  grandson  of  one  of  this  audience, 
will  take  the  gavel  from  its  repository  and  again  use  it  as  the  symbol 
of  authority  and  order  in  that  assemblage.  And  so  from  generation 
to  generation,  from  century  to  century,  will  this  gavel  be  used,  as  long 
as  education  and  liberty  regulated  by  law  shall  be  preserved,  honored 
and  prized  in  what  was  once  the  Northwest  Territory.     (Applause.) 

Addbess  of  Ma.  Woodbbidge,  Tempobaby  Chairmak. 

I  cannot  remember  the  position  I  have  occupied  for  a  few  moments 
without  thanking  the  ladies  who  desired  that  I  should  act  as 
temporary  chairman  of  this  meeting.  God  bless  them  and  make  them 
successful  ever,  as  they  have  been  in  this  enterprise. 

In  my  boyhood  days  I  heard  much  of  Thomas  Ewing,  the  salt-boiler. 
He  lived  out  here  in  the  hills.  And  so  great  was  his  desire  for  knowl- 
edge that  by  the  light  of  the  embers  he  studied  his  books  and  gained 
knowledge.  After  a  time  he  was  possessed  with  a  wish  to  have  further 
opportunities.  He  had  no  money  to  meet  the  expenses  of  a  college 
education,  and  he  went  o£F,  season  after  season,  to  Charleston,  and 
there  boiled  salt  and  made  money  to  pay  his  tuition,  and  came  out  of 
the  institution  of  which  he  was  a  member  with  honors — I  had  almost  said 
untold.  I  remember  well  that  the  professors  of  that  college  stimulated 
the  young  men  of  the  country  to  effort  by  telling  them  what  Thomas 
Ewing,  the  salt-boiler,  had  done. 

After  awhile  he  became  a  lawyer.  He  was  co-temporary  with  Bonn 
and  Peters  and  Stansbury  and  Wirt  and  the  great  men  of  that  pro- 
fession, and  he  was  the  peer  of  them  all.  He  became  a  statesman,  and 
as  a  statesman  he  lived  when  Clay  and  Webster,  and  Benton  and  Cass, 
and  Calhoun  and  John  Quincy  Adams  were  upon  the  stage;  and  they 
all  loved  him;  they  admired  him  on  account  of  his  integrity  and  his 
ability. 

He  has  gone  to  the  grave!  The  lone  and  melancholy  winds  hold  a 
requiem  of  his  departure  as  they  moan  their  leafy  wail  around  his  grave. 
But  it  is  said  he  is  not  dead.  That  we  have  in  "Young  Tom"  the  per- 
sonification of  the  father;  and  that  he  is  a  chip  off  the  old  block. 
(Applause.)  That  the  mantle  of  the  father  has  fallen  upon  him. 
Believing  that  to  be  so,  I  take  pleasure  this  morning  in  introducing 
to  this  audience  the  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  who  just  now  spoke  to  you 
in  ways  that  I  know  charrried  you.  He  will  preside  over  your  delib- 
erations during  the  hour  and  will  address  you  upon  subjects  that  will 
interest  you  very  much.  I  take  pleasure  in  introducing  to  you  the 
Hon.  Thomas  Ewing.     (Applause.) 

Gen.  Ewing  then  delivered  one  of  the  most  notable 
of  all  the  addresses  of  the  celebration. 


804  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

The  Cincinnati  CENTENNiAii. 

The  Centennial  celebration  at  Cincinnati  took  the  form 
of  a  great  industrial  exposition  that  continued  for  one 
hundred  days.  Cincinnati  had  been  giving  an  exposi- 
tion of  the  same  order  each  year  for  a   number  of  years. 

In  honor  of  the  centennial  year  additional  buildings 
were  erected  and  great  preparations  were  made  to  enter- 
tain the  thousands  of  visitors  it  was  foreseen,  based  on 
past    experience,    would    attend. 

These  buildings  occupied  not  only  the  site  of  the  present 
Music  Hall  but  grounds  in  the  rear  covering  the  canal 
and  a  small  strip  beyond,  also  a  strip  on  the  south  side 
and  another  large  space  in  front  across  the  street  in 
.'Washington   park. 

It  was  stated  that  these  buildings  covered  forty-three 
acres,  and  there  was  assembled  in  them  the  greatest  col- 
lection of  exhibits  in  both  quality  and  quantity  ever  until 
that   time   made   anywhere   in   the   western    country. 

It  was  formally  opened  on  the  4th  of  July  with  a  great 
parade  in  which  I  participated,  accompanied  by  my  mil- 
itary staff,  and  by  exercises  appropriate  for  such  an  occa- 
sion. 

A  great  many  distinguished  people  were  present  from 
other  States,  among  them  Governor  James  A.  Beaver  of 
Pennsylvania;  Governor  John  M.  Thayer  of  Nebraska; 
Governor  Isaac  P.  Gray  of  Indiana;  Lieutenant  Governor 
Bryan  of  Kentucky.  They  came  as  official  representa- 
tives of  their  respective  States.  Major  Butterworth  and 
Senator  Sherman,  together  with  a  great  many  other  dis- 
tinguished citizens  of  our  own  state,  were  present.  All 
those  named  made  short  addresses. 

The  duty  was  assigned  me  of  delivering  an  address  of 
welcome,  with  respect  to  which,  and  a  very  interesting 
event  that  immediately  followed,  I  quote  from  the  daily 
press  accounts  of  the  occasion: 

Governor  Foraker's  very  happy  speech  of  welcome  was  enthusias- 
tically received  by  the  great  audience,  which  was  as  appreciative  as 
it  was  cultured. 


1888— THE   CENTENNIAL   YEAR  305 

It  was  just  a  few  minutes  before  twelve  o'clock  when  he  concluded. 
The  chorus  then  sang  "Hallelujah"  from  Handel's  Messiah,  the  volume 
of  tone  being  swelled  by  the  great  audience  joining  in  the  refrain. 
Governor  Foraker  then  announced  that  the  commissioners  were  awaiting 
the  signal  to  be  sent  by  Mrs.  Polk,  widow  of  ex-President  Polk,  from 
Nashville.  The  signal  was  for  the  starting  of  the  great  driving  wheel 
of  the  engine  in  Machinery  Hall,  power  from  which  was  to  impart  life 
to  the  different  engines  and  the  great  electric  dynamos.  Before  the 
Governor  ceased  speaking  the  mellow  tap  of  the  big  brass  gong, 
loaned  by  the  officers  of  the  Naval  Observatory  for  the  occasion,  was 
heard  on  the  stage.  Eleven  sharp,  sonorous  taps  followed  it.  They 
were  made  by  Mrs.  Polk,  who  stood  at  the  telegraph  key  at  Nashville. 
Before  the  last  tap  had  echoed  the  big  wheel  of  the  driving  engine 
in  Power  Hall  started  noisily,  motion  was  communicated  to  the  great 
wide  belting,  and  soon  all  the  engines  and  big  dynamos  were  in  action. 
From  the  dynamos  the  quick  current  of  electricity  flashed  through  the 
wires,  and  in  an  instant  the  great  circle  of  incandescent  lights  that 
hung  in  Music  Hall  sprang  into  brilliant  light  and  life.  The  light 
effects  were  novel.  They  shone  brightly  against  the  dark,  cloud-laden 
sky  without.  On  the  instant  Governor  Foraker  came  forward,  and 
proposed  thai,  three  cheers  be  given  for  the  venerable  and  distinguished 
lady  at  Nashville  who,  by  the  pressure  of  her  finger  on  a  button,  had 
brought  life  and  light  into  the  machinery  and  lamps  of  the  great 
Exposition  buildings  three  hundred  miles  away. 

The  cheers  were  given  with  enthusiasm  and  a  tumultuous  tiger  was 
added. 

The  Columbus  Centennial. 

The  celebration  at  Columbus  was  inaugurated  on  the 
6th  day  of  September,  with  another  great  parade  which 
I,  as  Governor,  reviewed  from  a  stand  erected  on  Broad 
street,  at  the  north  entrance  to  the  capitol   grounds. 

After  the  review  of  the  parade  we  repaired  to  the  state 
fair  grounds,  where  the  exposition  was  located,  and  the 
opening  exercises  took  place.  Governor  J.  Q.  A.  Brackett 
of  Massachusetts,  with  his  staff  and  a  number  of  distinguished 
citizens  of  his  state,  48  in  all, — the  exact  number  who  landed 
at  Marietta,  April  7,  1788, — attended  and  added  greatly 
to   the    impressiveness    of   the    occasion. 

After  appropriate  addresses  in  which  the  exposition 
was  formally  turned  over  to  me  as  Governor  in  some  well 
chosen  remarks  made  by  General  Samuel  H.  Hurst,  as 
chairman  of  the  committee  having  the  exposition  in  charge, 
to   which   I    made    response,    Mrs.    Foraker,    in    accordance 


306  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

with  a  pre-arranged  program,  touched  the  electric  button 
which  put  the  machinery  in  motion. 

In  addition  to  these  official  centennial  celebrations  we  had 
numerous  other  semi-official  centennial  celebrations.  In  fact 
almost  every  public  occasion  was  turned  into  a  celebration 
of  the  founding  of  our  commonwealth. 

These  occasions  were  too  numerous  for  all  of  them  to 
be  mentioned.     I   shall  speak  of   only   two. 

The  Annual  meeting  of  the  Loyal  Legion  held  at  Cincin- 
nati on  the  3rd  of  May  was  attended  by  Gen.  William  T. 
Sherman,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  Governor  Lucius  Fairchild, 
ex-Governor  Noyes,  Gen.  Manning  F.  Force,  Gen.  M.  D. 
Leggett,  Gen.  Charles  H.  Grosvenor,  Gen.  Jacob  D.  Cox, 
ex-Governor;  General  Andrew  Hickenlooper,  Gen.  Orland 
Smith,  General  Willard  H.  Warner,  Gen.  Henry  C.  Corbin, 
Gen.  J.  Warren  Keifer,  Gen.  James  Barnett,  Gen.  Joshua  H. 
Bates,  Gen.  John  P.  Rea,  National  Commander  of  the 
G.  A.  R.,  and  many  others  who  had  served  in  the  Union  army 
with  distinction,  and  who  were  then  prominent  in  civil  and 
official  life.  Gen.  Sherman  presided,  and  did  so  in  his 
characteristic  manner,  as  the  following  report  of  the  pro- 
ceedings    indicates. 

General  Sherman  was  received  with  prolonged  cheering  as  he  rose  to 
make  the  opening  address.     He  said: 

"Oentlemen: — I  ask  your  attention,  as  youVe  a  pretty  long  bill  before 
you.  It's  printed  in  pretty  fine  type,  especially  the  poetry,  but  1 
guess  you'll  skip  that  anyway.  (Laughter.)  I  ask  that  the  music  and 
quartets  be  curtailed,  for,  according  to  my  calculations,  eight  toasts, 
with  intervening  music,  will  swell  the  time  to  three  or  four  hours 
more.  That  may  be  all  well  enough  for  you  young  fellows,  but  it's 
death  to  us  old  ones.     (Laughter.)     I've  been  through  the  mill. 

"The  first  on  the  programme  is  my  welcome  to  you,  gentlemen.  Now, 
I  needn't  welcome  you;  you  welcome  me.  But  you  certainly  are 
welcome  beneath  these  beautiful  banners,  and  in  this  pleasant  old 
hotel,  around  which  linger  memories  dear  to  me  and  dear  to  nearly 
every  one  of  us  here — the  old  Burnet  House,  probably  the  most  famous 
of  all  the  hostelries  west  of  the  AUeghenies.  You  are  most  welcome 
here  (applause),  but  I  myself  don't  intend  to  mar  that  welcome  by 
being  prolix  or  enlarging  upon  anything  Therefore  I  call  upon  the 
quartet  to  sing  one  of  their  best  but  shortest  pieces."     (laughter.) 

The  "quartet,"  composed  of  Major  W.  R.  Lowe,  and  Messrs.  Mayer, 
Robinson,  Jones,  Tice,  Smith,  Males  and  Vattier,  then  sang  exquisitely 
**Tenting  on  the  Old  Camp-ground." 


1888— TITE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  307 

General  Sherman  then  said:  "We  old  soldiers  once  thought  we  were 
the  only  soldiers  that  ever  fought.  There  were  brave  men  before 
Agamemnon,  and  your  committee  tonight  have  selected  as  a  toast  those 
brave  and  good  men — as  good  as  we  are  or  profess  to  be — who  came 
here  and  founded  the  great  State  which  now  honors  you.  The  Governor 
of  this  great  State  has  come  down  from  Columbus  tonight  to  respond 
not  for  the  great  glories  of  the  State,  but  for  our  ancestors.  I  will 
read  the  toast  but  none  of  the  poetry."     (Laughter.) 

General  Sherman  then  read  the  title  of  Governor  Foraker's  response 
and  introduced  the  Governor,  who  was  received  with  a  round  of  long 
and  enthusiastic  cheers. 

Governor   Foraker's  Response. 

The  soldiers  who  founded  Ohio  one  hundred  years  ago. 

"Here,  where  but  late  a  dreaiy  forest  spread, 
Putnam  a  little  band  of  soldiers  led. 
And  soon  beheld,  with  patriotic  joy  elate. 
The  infant  settlement  become  a  State." 

**Mr.  Commander  and  Companions : — I  have  not  had  time  to  give  much 
study  or  thought  to  this  sentiment,  but  the  little  attention  I  have 
bestowed  upon  it  has  been  suflBcient  to  teach  that  it  is  fruitful  of  many 
interesting  and  important  suggestions;  far  more  than  can  be  properly 
treated  in  an  after-dinner  speech.  I  have,  therefore,  concluded  to  speak 
in  a  very  general  way  of  only  two  ideas.  I  shall  content  myself 
with  a  few  words  about  the  men  referred  to  by  the  toast,  and  a  few 
additional  remarks  about  the  work  which  they  performed. 

"It  would  require  more  time  than  it  would  be  proper  to  occupy  to  speak 
of  these  men  individually.  I  could  not  do  justice  within  such  a  limit 
to  only  the  leading  and  most  distinguished  characters.  In  fact,  the  life, 
character,  services  and  virtues  of  Rufus  Putnam  alone  would  require 
more  time  than  is  at  my  disposal.  I  shall,  therefore,  dismiss  this  part 
of  the  subject  with  the  simple  staten^^nt  that  the  'soldiers  who  founded 
Ohio  one  hundred  years  ago'  were  not  a  characterless  band  of  adven- 
turers, seeking  a  personal  fortune,  as  have  been  too  frequently  the 
vanguards  of  civilization.  They  were,  on  the  contrary,  men  of  high 
standing  socially,  professionally  and  politically — men  of  repute  and 
celebrity  in  the  communities  from  which  they  came. 

"Most  of  them  had  been  soldiers  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and 
several  of  them  had  attained  renown  and  distinction  as  such.  This  was 
especially  true  of  Putnam,  who  had  not  only  attained  a  high  military 
rank,  and  become  distinguished  as  probably  the  most  competent  military 
engineer  of  the  American  army,  but  who  had  so  far  attracted  the 
attention  and  gained  the  confidence  of  Washington  as  to  be  one  of  his 
most  trusted  friends  and  advisers;  and  what  was  true  in  this  respect 
of  Putnam  is  but  typical  of  what  was  true  as  to  each  one  of  his 
associates  in  a  greater  or  less  degree. 

"But  not  only  were  they  men  who  had  braved  the  dangers  and  under- 
gone the  hardships  of  a  soldier's  life  in  the  struggle  for  American 
independence,  but  they  were  also  men  of  education,  of  good  morals,  of 


808  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

culture  and  refinement,  and,  far  above  all  else,  they  were  men  who 
had  a  just,  profound  and  even  solemn  appreciation  of  the  importance 
of  the  great  work  to  which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  they  had  been 
called.  They  realized  that  they  were  the  beginning  of  a  mighty  people; 
that  they  came  to  found  a  State  and  establish  institutions  of  govern- 
ment that  were  destined  to  exert  a  potent  influence  upon  the  whole 
country  and  all  the  generations  that  should  come  after  them. 

"When  I  have  said  of  them  that  they  were  men  of  good  morals, 
education,  refinement  and  culture;  that  they  had  been  soldiers  of 
distinction,  winning  the  notice  and  confidence  of  Washington,  and  that 
they  had  an  intelligent  and  just  appreciation  of  their  mission,  I  have 
paid  them  the  highest  tribute  that  it  is  possible  for  language  to  express. 

"I  do  not  know  what  thought  prompted  the  selection  of  this  sentiment 
as  one  of  the  toasts  for  this  occasion.  It  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that 
this  is  our  Centennial  year,  and  hence  it  is  natural  to  think  of  events 
that  transpired  a  century  ago;  or  it  may  have  been  in  recognition  of 
the  fact  that  the  work  which  these  men  did  sustains  a  close  relation 
to  that  which  it  fell  to  our  lot  to  do. 

"But,  however  that  may  be,  the  fact  is  that  what  they  did  bears  so 
close  a  relation  to  that  which  brings  us  together  this  evening  that  it  is 
pre-eminently  proper  that  the  soldiers  gathered  about  this  festal  board 
should  remember  the  soldiers  whom  this  sentiment  calls  to  mind.  For 
their  labors  and  achievements  in  a  high  degree  paved  the  way  for 
Appomattox  and  the  victory  that  there  crowned  our  arms.  It  is  but 
stating  an  historical  truth  to  say  that  these  humble  pioneers  are  in 
eflPect  so  closely  identified  with  us  that  they  are  really  true  Union 
soldiers  as  much  as  we.    .    .    . 

"Hence  it  was  that  when  1861  came  we  had  not  only  a  free,  liberty- 
loving  and  Union-loving  North  and  Northwest,  but  we  had,  in  the  five 
States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin  alone,  a  popu- 
lation of  more  than  ten  million  people,  from  whom  the  government 
received  not  only  a  moral  and  financial  support,  without  which  it  could 
never  have  endured;  but  also  Abraham  Lincoln  himself;  and,  counting 
re-enlistments,  more  than  900,000  of  the  best  and  bravest  of  the  boys 
in  blue,  including  Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan,  Logan,  McPherson  and  I 
don't  know  how  many  others  of  our  greatest  Generals  whose  names  will 
forever  shine  in  the  pages  of  American  history  as  do  the  stars  in 
the  firmament  of  heaven. 

"I  know  it  is  unnecessary  to  say  more  to  indicate  what  I  would  impress. 
Had  not  the  *soldiers  who  founded  Ohio  one  hundred  years  ago'  builded 
as  they  did  we  could  not  have  saved  as  we  did,  and  had  we  not  saved 
as  we  did  these  founders  would  have  builded  in  vain.  Hence  it  is  that 
their  work  and  ours  will  go  into  history,  hand  in  hand,  upon  the  same 
plane.  They  were  our  comrades  and  we  are  theirs,  and,  therefore,  it 
is  that  we  do  well  when  we  meet  to  cherish  the  recollections  of  our 
companionship  and  rejoice  in  the  blessings  of  our  perpetual  Union  to 
remember  with  gratitude  and  praise  our  predecessors  of  one  hundred 
years  ago." 

Governor  Foraker's  fervent,  eloquent  speech  was  enthusiastically 
applauded,  and  when  he  took  his  seat,  flushed  and  smiling,  General 
Sherman  arose  and  said,  "I  didn't  desire  to  curtail  such  speeches  as 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  309 

Governor  Foraker  has  just  made.  I  think  it's  the  best  speech  of  the 
night.  There  are  other  speeches.  We  are  like  the  head  of  the  column 
and  in  a  hurry  to  advance,  and  not  looking  after  the  tail.  Now  I  am 
thinking  of  the  tail.  (Applause.)  Governor  Foraker's  speech  will  be 
favorably  received  in  Ohio,  judging  from  the  number  of  Centennial 
celebrations   I've  been  invited  to   attend."      (Laughter    and   applause.) 

Among  the  "notes"  of  this  occasion  is  the  following, 
which,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  I  am  writing  these  chap- 
ters for  the  benefit  of  my  family  rather  than  for  anybody 
else,  I  insert  with  much  pleasure: 

Mrs.  Foraker,  the  Governor's  charming  wife,  came  down  with  him 
from  Columbus  yesterday.  Her  family  of  three  bright  daughters  accom- 
panied her.  The  family  took  dinner  at  the  Burnet,  after  which  the 
Misses  Foraker  went  out  into  the  suburbs  to  visit  friends.  Mrs.  Foraker 
remained  at  the  hotel,  and  during  the  evening  was  the  observed  of  all 
observers.  While  the  battle-scarred  veterans  and  valiant  heroes  of 
other  days  were  marching  to  the  banquet  hall  she  sat  with  a  number  of 
other  ladies,  in  the  upper  corridor  of  the  hotel,  enjoying  the  warlike 
scene.  She  was  becomingly  attired  in  a  rich  costume  of  black  lace, 
which  was  relieved  by  brilliant  diamond  ornaments.  She  carried  in  her 
hand  a  bouquet  of  choice  flowers,  the  gift  of  one  of  her  husband's 
friends.  During  the  supper  she  entertained  a  number  of  callers  in 
the  corridor,  and  then  upon  invitation  was  escorted  into  the  banquet 
hall.  As  she  entered  the  room  she  was  the  cynosure  of  all  eyes,  and 
her  presence  was  greeted  with  a  round  of  decorous  but  hearty  applause. 
Mrs.  Foraker  was  perceptibly  moved  by  the  compliment,  which  was  as 
delicate  as  it  was  generous.  She  was  given  a  desirable  seat  and  listened 
to  the  bursts  of  oratory  and  patriotism  with  evident  appreciation. 

The  G.  a.  R.  National  Encampment. 

The  other  semi-official  celebration  I  would  mention  was 
the  National  Encampment  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Re- 
public, held  that  year  in  Columbus. 

Some  idea  of  the  immense  attendance  and  the  extraor- 
dinary enthusiasm  that  characterized  this  occasion  may 
be  gathered  from  the  following  headlines  of  the  descrip- 
tive account  of  the  parade:  "Without  a  Parallel;"  "The 
Grand  Parade,  Unequalled;"  "The  Grand  Review  at  Wash- 
ington in  '65  Said  Not  to  Surpass  that  of  Yesterday ;"  "Five 
Hours  in  Passing  a  Given  Point — 70,000  Men  Salute  the 
Commander-in-Chief  and  Others  in  Review ;"  "Over  200,000 
Strangers  Present,  at  a  Low  Estimate." 


310  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

These  striking  headlines  were  fully  justified  by  the 
facts. 

Among  the  distinguished  people  present  were  Gen.  Wil- 
liam T.  Sherman,  ex-President  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  Gen. 
Lucius  Fairchild  of  Wisconsin;  Gen.  Kelly,  immediate 
commander  of  Gen.  Hayes'  regiment  while  serving  in 
the  Army  of  West  Virginia;  Governor  John  M.  Thayer, 
who  was  Major  General  and  commanded  a  division  in  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee;  Gen.  A.  P.  Hovey  of  Indiana; 
Gen.  Thomas  J.  Wood,  and  many  others  who  had  rendered 
distinguished   military   service. 

Together  with  these  on  the  reviewing  stand  were  Hon. 
Allen  G.  Thurman,  at  that  time  Democratic  candidate  for 
Vice  President  on  the  ticket  with  Mr.  Cleveland;  Mrs.  Gen. 
John  A.  Logan  and  son,  John  A.  Logan,  Jr. ;  Col.  Fred 
D.  Grant  and  Mrs.  Grant;  Mrs.  Crook,  widow  of  Gen. 
Crook,  my  old  brigade  commander;  Mrs.  R.  B.  Hayes,  and 
hundreds   of   others   scarcely   less   distinguished. 

Marching  with  their  respective  state  organizations  of 
Grand  Army  men  were  such  distinguished  soldiers  and 
citizens  as  Gen.  R.  A.  Alger;  Hon.  Warner  Miller,  then 
a  candidate  for  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York;  Gov- 
ernor Jeremiah  M.  Rusk  of  Wisconsin,  and  scores  of 
others  who  took  great  pride  in  thus  participating  in  the 
wonderful   display. 

Only  one  Incident  marred  the  occasion  In  the  slightest, 
and  that  did  no  serious  Injury.  It  was  a  very  warm  day 
and  a  Presidential  campaign  was  in  progress.  Some  enter- 
prising merchant  on  the  line  of  march,  foreseeing  that  fans 
might  be  acceptable  to  the  marchers,  and  assuming  that 
their  political  complexion  would  be  Republican,  had  prepared 
a  bountiful  supply,  on  each  of  which  was  printed  on 
one  side  an  attractive  advertisement  of  the  donor's  business 
and  on  the  other  a  picture  of  General  Harrison,  the  Re- 
publican candidate.  As  the  column  passed  his  place  each 
man  was  furnished  with  one. 

There  were,  doubtless,  many  Democrats  among  the 
marchers,    but    nevertheless    when    the    column    passed    the 


1888— THE    CENTENNIAL   YEAR  311 

reviewing  stand  it  appeared  that  each  man  was  carrying 
a  fan  with  General  Harrison's  picture  on  it. 

After  this  had  gone  on  for  two  or  three  hours  Senator 
Thurman  manifested  some  displeasure  and  remarked  that 
he  supposed  he  was  invited  to  review  a  non-political  organ- 
ization, but  he  found  he  was  in  attendance  upon  a  "damned 
Republican  mass  meeting,"  from  which  attendance  he  asked 
to  be  excused  and  insisted  upon  retiring. 

Inasmuch  as  the  fan  feature  was  purely  accidental  and 
everybody  esteemed  Senator  Thurman  personally  very 
highly  there  was  general  regret  on  account  of  this  inci- 
dent. 

That  night  at  the  principal  camp  fire  held  during  the 
encampment  Gen.  William  H.  Gibson  was  the  chief 
speaker.  He  took  occasion  to  defend  the  Grand  Army 
from  the  charge  that  they  were  offensively  displaying 
their  political  preferences  by  explaining  how  the  trouble 
came  about. 

General  Gibson  was  one  of  the  most  gifted  orators  of  his 
day.  He  was  especially  felicitous  on  occasions  of  that 
character.  He  had  been  a  gallant  soldier,  and  knew  from 
personal  contact  with  them,  both  in  the  army  and  after- 
ward, how  to  touch  the  hearts  of  his  comrades.  At  the 
same  time  he  had  a  keen  sense  of  humor  and  an  inimitable 
style  that  made  him  a  prime  favorite  with  popular  audi- 
ences, especially  soldier  audiences. 

On  this  occasion  he  excelled  himself,  but  no  part  of  his 
speech  was  longer  remembered,  or  more  talked  about,  than 
his   so-called   explanation   and    apology. 

He  reminded  his  G.  A.  R.  auditors  that  their  organi- 
zation was  non-political;  that  its  purpose  was  the  cultiva- 
tion of  fraternity,  charity  and  loyalty.  In  beautiful 
phrases  he  elaborated  this  triple  sentiment  and  then  en- 
joined upon  them  to  remember  that  when  they  came  to  an 
encampment  they  must  leave  their  politics  at  home  and 
avoid  all  appearances  of  having  forgotten  to  do  so. 

He  expressed  regret  for  the  incident  of  the  afternoon, 
explained   its    accidental    character,    publicly    apologized    to 


312 


JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 


all  who  might  have  been  offended,  and  then  his  Repub- 
licanism and  sense  of  humor  got  the  better  of  him  and 
before  he  probably  realized  how  it  would  sound  he  told 
his  comrades  that  if,  however,  on  such  occasions,  they  should 
happen  to  forget  themselves  and  "holler"  for  anybody 
they  should  be  sure  to  "holler  for  Harrison."  It  is  need- 
less to  say  that  laughter  and  long  continued  applause  fol- 
lowed  this    remark. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

PREPARING    FOR    THE    NATIONAL    REPUBLICAN 
CONVENTION  OF  1888. 

ANNO  DOMINI  1888  was  an  important  time  in  Ohio 
-^^  politics.  Senator  Hanna,  who  made  his  first  appear- 
ance in  both  state  and  national  politics  in  1884,  suddenly 
loomed  into  great  prominence  as  a  party  leader. 

Our  association  and  co-operation  at  Chicago  in  support 
of  the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Sherman  for  the  nomination  by 
the  Convention  of  that  year  led  to  a  very  warm  friendship, 
to  which  the  many  letters  that  passed  between  us  bear  wit- 
ness. 

As  already  shown,  he  actively  favored  my  renomination 
for  Governor  in  1885,  and  in  a  local  way  actively  contrib- 
uted to  my  election.  He  wrote  me  frequently  and  visited  me 
at  Columbus  a  number  of  times,  ^nd  I,  in  response  to 
cordial  invitations,  visited  him  and  his  family  with  Mrs. 
Foraker    and    other    members    of   my    family. 

During  this  period  he  was  also  becoming  better  ac- 
quainted with  Senator  Sherman,  through  whose  influence 
he  had  been  appointed  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Directors 
of  the  Union  Pacific  railroad.  The  duties  of  this  posi- 
tion took  him  frequently  to  Washinfrton  and  brought  him 
in  contact  with  members  of  concrress  and  others  who  made 
up  the  political  official  population  of  the  capital.  In  this 
way  he  became  well  acquainted  with  the  entire  Ohio  Re- 
publican deleeration  and  quickly  grew  to  be  a  favorite 
and  influential  with  them.  Althouerh  at  times  somewhat 
brusque  in  his  manner,  he  was  generally  genial,  afi^able,  and 
buoyant.  He  had  large  means  at  his  command,  was  a 
generous  contributor  when  help  was  needed,  and  apparently 

313 


314  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

having  no  political  ambitions  for  himself  no  jealousies 
were   aroused    against   him.     He   had    only    friends. 

Having  supported  Mr.  Sherman  in  1884*  he  naturally 
cherished  a  desire,  quickened  by  this  experience,  to  make 
another   effort   to   nominate   him   in   1888. 

When  1887  came  and  brought  me  the  prominence  gained 
at  New  York  and  Pittsburg,  and  in  connection  with  the 
proposed  surrender  of  the  rebel  flags,  on  account  of  which 
disturbing  apprehensions  were  excited  in  the  minds  of  so 
many  of  Mr.  Sherman's  followers,  he  apparently  continued 
entirely  friendly.  He  evidenced  this  by  a  number  of  let- 
ters, from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

Clevelakd,  Ohio,  February  18,  1887. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  see  that  you  have  covered  yourself  all  over 
with  glory  at  the  Lincoln  Banquet,  and  I  claim  my  share  of  the  grati- 
fication.   .    .    .    The  Eastern  public  seem  to  think  that  Ohio's  Gov- 
ernor   is    a  good    deal   of   a    "feller,"    and   you   can    count   on 

me  to  help  keep  up  the  illusion.  I  have  been  intending  to  go  to  Columbus 
for  the  last  month  to  have  a  little  family  talk  with  you  about  the  future 
(that  is,  the  very  near  future).  As  I  have  seen  a  good  deal  in  the 
papers  about  your  decision  in  regard  to  the  next  term  of  Governor,  I 
will  try  and  go  soon.  Sincerely  yours, 

M.  A.  Haxna. 


April  22nd,  1887,  he  wrote  me  again  about  a  number  of 
matters,  but   closed  his   letter  with  the   following: 

My  Dear  Governor: — .  .  .  McKinley  says  he  is  coming  up  to  be 
here  at  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  the  State  Committee,  which,  I  believe, 
is  May  4.  Would  it  not  be  a  good  time  for  you  to  be  here,  and  I  also 
thought  it  might  be  well  to  have  Sherman  happen  to  be  here  at  the 
same  time.  The  opportunity  offers  an  excuse  for  a  council  of  war,  etc. 
And  there  are  many  things  needful  to  be  done.  I  had  made  up  my 
mind  to  attend  to  the  iron  business  this  year,  but,  of  course,  I  can't 
go  back  on  you.  Thank  the  Lord,  we  will  not  need  to  spend  any 
powder  on  any  one  but  the  enemy  this  year. 

Truly  yours, 
M.  A.  Hanxa. 

I  wrote  him  that,  on  account  of  an  engagement  in  Cin- 
cinnati, I  was  unable  to  go  to  Cleveland  as   requested. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        315 

Many  letters  of  a  social  nature  passed  between  us  dur- 
ing this  period,  but  June  22nd,  1887,  he  wrote  me  with 
reference  to  the  rebel  flag  incident  as  follows: 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  June  22,  1887. 

My  Dear  Governor: — I  have  just  returned  from  the  East  and  see 
that  you  are  completely  "snowed  under"  with  taffy  messages.  So  I 
will  spare  you  one  more.  However,  I  can  not  refrain  from  saying  that 
I  am  glad.  Brinsmade  asked  me  yesterday  if  I  would  serve  on  the 
Executive  Committee  this  year.  It  seems  almost  absurd  for  me  to  take 
the  place,  as  there  is  so  little  I  can  do  and  attend  to  my  pressing 
business  cares.  But  if  you  want  me  on  that  committee,  on  I  go.  Only 
it  occurred  to  me  that  you  could  get  some  one  more  efficient  and  I 
would  do  just  as  much  on  or  off.  That  you  can  depend  on.  I  had  a 
letter  from  McKinley  inviting  me  down  to  Canton  Friday  night,  as 
Sherman  was  to  be  there.  Don't  know  what  the  occasion  is.  I  am 
going  to  my  Lake  Side  place  this  week,  and  as  soon  as  we  are  settled 
I  want  you  and  Asa  Bushnell  with  your  wives  to  come  up  and  make 
me  a  visit.  By  the  way,  tell  Benson  {my  son)  that  the  steamer  Cambria 
is  in  commission,  and  although  he  had  not  applied  for  a  position,  I 
have  kept  a  place  for  him.     .    .     . 

Kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  F.  Sincerely  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanka. 

He  next  wrote  as  follows: 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  July  2,  1887. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  went  to  Canton  last  week  and  I  understand 
by  the  Democratic  press  that  I  helped  to  concoct  a  scheme  to  slaughter 
your  political  future.  That  is  just  like  me,  is  it  not?  What  a  slave 
you  are  getting  to  be.  (To  the  public  I  mean.)  Well,  that  is  the 
price  of  great  personal  popularity.  When  you  get  tired  out  and  want 
a  good,  quiet  rest  (with  good  company)  come  up  to  my  box  on  the 
Lake  Shore  and  you  shall  have  it. 

•  ••••••• 

Sincerely  yours, 
M.  A.  Haxna. 


I  quote  briefly  from  the  Cleveland  Plain  Dealer*s  ac- 
count of  the  Canton  conference  to  which  Mr.  Hanna 
refers,  but  dismisses  with  such  scant  notice,  in  his  letter 
of  July  2nd,  as  follows: 

.  .  ' .  the  truth  is  that  the  party  leaders  have  resolved  to  extinguish 
Mr.  Foraker,  not  only  as  a  Presidential  quantity,  but  as  a  gubernatorial 
candidate  as  well.     .    . 


316  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

Those  present  were  all  Sherman  men  and  all  were  duly  impressed 
with  the  necessity  of  carrying  Ohio  next  fall  in  order  that  Sherman  may 
not  go  into  the  National  Convention  next  year  as  the  representative  of 
a  Democratic  State.  All  felt  that  if  Ohio  should  go  Democratic  next 
fall,  it  would  be  all  up  with  the  Sherman  boom  and  John  would  be 
laid  on  the  shelf  for  good.     Hence  the  conference  at  Canton. 

No    Chaxce   Against   Thttemax. 

The  situation  was  represented  as  being  anything  but  pleasant.  The 
nomination  of  Thurman  by  the  Democrats  seems  now  to  be  almost 
certain,  and  Amos  Townsend  very  forcibly  pointed  out  that  it  would 
be  madness  to  oppose  him  with  such  a  weak  and  dizzy-headed  leader  as 
Foraker  has  shown  himself  to  be.  Whether  Foraker  could,  after  his 
recent "  foolish  performance  and  wild  talk  about  the  rebel  flags,  carry 
the  State  even  against  Powell  he  thought  doubtful,  but  against  Thurman 
he  would  have 

Not  the  Ghost  of  a  Chance. 

Mark  Hanna  held  the  same  views,  and  McKinley  was  of  the  opinion 
that  Foraker  would  be  beaten  by  Thurman  by  60,000  majority. 

.  .  .  What  Foraker  will  do  is  not  yet  known.  .  .  .  But  he 
knows  that  if  Sherman  has  determined  to  assume  the  leadership  himself, 
there  is  nothing  left  for  him  to  do  but  to  retire  with  the  best  grace  he 
can.  That  the  Canton  conference  has  resulted  in  putting  this  humiliat- 
ing necessity  before  him  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Sherman,  Foster, 
McKinley,  Townsend  and  Hanna  and  all  the  others  who  attended  the 
conference  were  all  of  the  one  mind  as  to  the  necessity  for  the  step 
and  were  all  agreed  that  to  run  Foraker  as  a  candidate  for  Governor 
under  the  circumstances  now  existing  and  others  reasonably  certain  to 
arise  would  be  to  invite  certain  and  disastrous  defeat.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Foraker  must  go. 


Mr.  Sherman  wrote  me  June  28th  (p.  260)  to  deny  the  story 
as  published  and  to  tell  me  this  conference  was  on  his  part 
only  a  "social  and  agreeable  visit,"  but  any  conference 
at  such  a  time  among  such  leaders  in  the  party,  without 
notice  to  me,  the  prospective  candidate  for  re-election, 
might  well  be  regarded  by  me,  as  it  was,  when  I  learned  the 
nature  of  it,  as  not  including  among  its  purposes  the  promo- 
tion of  my  political  welfare.  The  only  inference  consistent 
with  common  sense  was,  as  the  sequence  showed,  that  a  lot  of 
political  Indians  were  getting  ready  for  the  war  path.  All 
their  tracks  pointed  in  that  direction.  No  one  saw  fit  to  give 
me  any  account  of  the  conference,  except  the  statement  of 
Mr.  Sherman  in  his  letter  of  June  28th  that  his  visit  there 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        31T 

was  "social  and  agreeable,"  until  after  three  weeks  of  sensa- 
tional mischief -making  publications  and  re-publications  about 
it  in  Democratic  newspapers,  when  unwittingly  Mr.  Hanna 
''turned  state's  evidence"  and  convicted  all  of  participation 
in  a  purely  political  conference  by  writing  me  as  follows: 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  July  19,  1887. 
My  Dear  Governor: — This  matter  of  the  indorsement  of  Senator 
Sherman  for  the  Presidency  has  become  a  matter  of  such  general  inter- 
est and  discussion  that  I  feel  anxious  to  know  yout  views  on  the  subject 
(as  I  can  tell  nothing  from  newspaper  articles).  When  I  heard  the 
Senator's  views  as  he  expressed  them  at  Canton  {on  the  occasion  of  his 
"social  and  agreeable  visit")  I  felt  that  he  was  entitled  to  know  the 
sentiment  uf  the  party  in  Ohio  before  he  permitted  his  name  to  be 
again  presented  to  a  National  Convention.  At  that  time  I  favored  a 
resolution  at  the  Toledo  Convention,  as  I  could  not  see  why  it  could 
in  any  way  affect  your  campaign  unfavorably.  Of  course,  this  was 
with  the  provision  that  F'^ch  a  course  would  meet  with  the  indorsement 
of  a  large  majority  of  the  convention.  I  find  that  a  great  number  of 
the  leaders  of  the  party  here  are  of  the  same  opinion,  but  our  paper. 
The  Leader,  is  opposed  to  it,  which  was  to  be  expected,  as  Cowles  is  at 
heart  opposed  to  Sherman.  Your  most  devoted  friends  in  this  section 
are  Sherman  men,  and  none  of  us  would  want  to  take  part  in  any  move 
that  would  injure  either  of  you.  Therefore,  what  I  want  to  know  is, 
do  you  object  to  it?  I  understood  that  you  did  not,  and,  therefore, 
have  not  asked  you  the  question  before.  You  can  write  me  frankly 
and  in  full  confidence.  Sincerely  yours. 


M.  A.  Hanna. 


Is  Bushnell  a  candidate  fof  Senajor? 


To  which  I  replied: 

How.  M.  A.  Haztka,  July  20,  1887. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 
Dear  Sir: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  19th  inst.  This  Sherman  indorse- 
ment business  is  exceedingly  unfortunate  in  all  its  aspects,  and  I 
scarcely  know  what  is  best  to  be  done  in  regard  to  it.  Your  remark 
that  you  were  informed  that  I  favored  it  makes  it  necessary  for  me  to 
state  some  facts.  The  proposition  was  first  suggested  to  me  by  General 
Grosvenor  in  April  last.  I  at  once  dissented  and  earnestly  opposed  it 
as  calculated  to  do  injury  both  to  the  party  and  Senator  Sherman. 
I  heard  nothing  more  about  it  except  what  cropped  out  in  the  news- 
papers from  time  to  time,  until  I  met  Senator  Sherman  at  Findlay, 
when  I  was  surprised  to  learn  that  he  had  not  only  been  countenancing 
it  but  desired  such  a  resolution.  Until  then  I  had  regarded  it  only  as 
the  folly  of  over-zealous  friends.  As  soon  as  I  saw  that  the  Senator 
himself  was  at  the  bottom  of  it,  I  went  over  the  whole  ground  with 


318  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

him,  dwelling  particularly  upon  the  effect  of  such  a  resolution  upon 
himself.  I  told  him  that  while  most  of  the  newspapers  in  the  State 
were  favoring  him,  yet  there  were  many  among  the  voters  who  would 
not  and  that  they  would  be  represented  at  the  convention.  For  if  the 
resolution  was  introduced  it  would  in  my  judgment  meet  with  consid- 
erable spirited  opposition,  and  that  in  consequence  a  fight  upon  it 
would  indicate  that  under  our  system  of  electing  delegates  by  districts 
he  could  not  possibly  have  a  solid  delegation  next  year,  and  that  would, 
I  thought,  destroy  his  candidacy. 

I  suggested,  in  lieu  of  the  resolution,  that  he  attend  the  convention, 
be  made  its  permanent  chairman,  and  that  we  adopt  a  resolution  com- 
mending and  eulogizing  him  as  our  Senator,  saying  that  in  my  opinion 
such  action  would  not  meet  with  any  opposition,  and,  taken  in  connec- 
tion with  his  recent  election  to  the  Senate  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Republicans  of  the  General  Assembly,  would  indicate  that  he  had  the 
State  at  his  back  as  he  never  had  it  before.  He  agreed  with  me  that 
if  there  should  be  any  opposition,  and  it  was  simply  on  the  basis  that 
there  would  be,  that  our  discussion  proceeded,  it  would  be  wise  not  to 
have  a.  resolution  of  indorsement,  and  accept  instead  what  I  suggested, 
and  General  Grosvenor  and  I  undertook,  when  the  time  should  come,  to 
frame  such  a  resolution.  I  did  not  know  a  change  from  this  plan  was 
contemplated  until  this  step  was  taken.  Inasmuch  as  it  was  taken 
without  consultation  with  me,  and  in  violation  of  our  understanding, 
I  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  take  up  the  cudgel  in  its  behalf.  Con- 
sidering my  prospective  relation  to  the  canvass,  I  ought  to  have  been 
heard,  at  least,  before  anything  was  done  that  was  to  bring  on  such  a 
controversy  as  this  has  occasioned;  but  I  am  not  standing  on  any  point 
of  this  kind.  I  am  keeping  out  of  the  fight  rather  because  I  do  not 
want  to  fight  Sherman  or  any  other  Republican  and  I  can  not  con- 
scientiously or  consistently  fight  for  him  in  this  respect.  And  above 
all  else,  if  I  am  to  be  a  candidate,  I  have  no  right  to  gather  as  against 
myself,  as  such  candidate,  any  of  the  bitterness  that  would  surely  result 
from  an  active  participation  on  one  side  or  the  other.  I  have  endeav- 
ored to  say  to  the  public  just  what  I  have  said  here,  but  I  say  it  here 
at  length  only  that  I  may  give  you  the  reasons  why  I  am  ''neither  for 
nor  against." 

Bushnell  put  me  on  the  fence  with  his  famous  letter  about  prohibition 
in  1885,  and  Sherman  has  put  me  there  now  with  his  indorsement  reso- 
lution. I  do  not  like  to  be  sitting  around  with  nothing  to  do  when  the 
fight  is  going  on,  but  I  do  not  see  how  I  can  help  it. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.   B.   FOEAKER. 

Kind  regards  to  Mrs.  Hanna  and  the  children. 

I  mention  all  this  with  particularity  because  a  Mr. 
Croly  in  a  book  he  has  written  and  published  about  Mr. 
Hanna  says,  page  132:  "Mr.  Foraker  had  privately  op- 
posed   the    indorsement    of    Sherman's    candidacy    by    the 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        319 

State  Convention  of  188T,  which  renominated  him  for  Gov- 
ernor, but  yielded  to  the  demand  only  on  compulsion."  I 
have  already  shown  that  there  never  was  anything  "pri- 
vate" on  my  part  in  regard  to  that  matter — ^that,  on  the 
contrary,  "private"  work  was  confined  to  the  other  side; 
that  through  the  newspapers  the  public  had  full  informa- 
tion as  to  my  attitude  with  respect  thereto,  and  that  Mr. 
Sherman  was  frankly  and  fully  advised  by  letters,  and  other- 
wise, as  the  correspondence  now  presented  shows  that  Mr. 
Hanna   was. 

So  far  as  I  can  recall  nothing  more  passed  between  us 
until  September  8th,  more  than  a  month  after  the  Toledo 
Convention,  when  I  wrote  him  as  follows: 

September  8,  1887. 
My  Dear  Hanna: — I  am  speechless,  but  I  think  may  be  I  can  write 
a  word  or  two.  Mr.  Kurtz  has  just  handed  me  your  "compliments," 
and  I  have  accepted  with  a  heart  full  of  thanks  and  appreciation.  I  do 
so  because  I  know  such  is  your  wish  and  because  it  will  enable  me  to 
serve  the  "Common  Cause"  with  greater  zeal  and  efficiency,  I  hope; 
with  greater  comfort,  I  know.  May  the  Lord  bless  and  prosper  you  and 
yours.  I  can  only  say  "thank  you'*  again  and  add  that  I  hope  the 
future  may  enable  me  to  show  more  fully  than  I  can  write  how  greatly 
you  have  obliged  me.  Very  truly  yours, 

j.  b.  forakeh. 
Hon.  M.  a.  Hakka, 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 

His  "compliments"  to  which  I  refer  was  a  check  for 
$1,000,  which  he  asked  Mr.  Kurtz  to  give  me  as  a  con- 
tribution toward  campaign  expenses.  I  mention  this  also 
because  Mr.  Croly  says,  page  126:  "  .  .  .  he  [Mr. 
Hanna]  assisted  Mr.  Foraker  with  money  at  a  time,  when, 
to  judge  from  the  warmth  of  the  latter's  thanks,  such 
assistance  was  extremely  necessary."  Of  necessity  Mr. 
Croly  referred  to  this  particular  contribution,  for  there 
never  was  any  other.  I  am  glad  he  records  the  fact  that 
I  expressed  grateful  appreciation.  Mr.  Hanna  answered, 
showing  his  appreciation  of  my  appreciation. 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  September  8,  1887. 
My  Dear  Governor : — ^I  am  in  receipt  of  your  kind  letter  of  yesterday 
and  believe  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  do  you  a  little  service.     I  fully 


320  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

appreciate  your  situation  and  know  how  much  of  a  drain  it  is  upon 
your  fat  salary.  So  don't  feel  the  obligation  only  to  the  extent  of  the 
friendship  I  feel  for  you  'personally.  You  were  very  kind  to  think  of 
me  in  connection  with  your  trip  to  Gettysburg,  and  I  am  very  sorry  I 
could  not  go.    Will  hope  to  see  you  here  sometime  before  long. 

Sincerely  yours, 
M.  A.  Haistka. 


To  sum  up,  Mr.  Hanna  took  no  part  whatever  in  the 
ante-convention  controversy  about  the  indorsement  of  Mr. 
Sherman,  except  to  attend  the  conference  at  Canton  with 
McKinley,  Foster,  Townsend  and  others,  and  never  ex- 
pressed himself  on  that  point,  so  far  as  I  am  aware, 
except  in  his  letters  to  me  of  June  22nd  and  July  19th. 
He  did  not  attend  the  convention,  but  showed  his  satis- 
faction with  its  results  by  serving  on  the  committee  and 
making  the  contribution  mentioned.  So  that  whatever  the 
nature  of  the  conference  may  have  been  it  did  not  do  me 
any  harm  or  Sherman  any  good,  so  far  as  the  State  Con- 
vention of  that  year  was  concerned,  since,  as  already  shown, 
McKinley  attended  the  convention  and  there  opposed  indorse- 
ment (p.  268)  in  the  committee  and  "yielded  to  the  demand 
only  on  compulsion."  Perhaps  Mr.  Croly  got  the  names 
of  Foraker  and  McKinley  mixed,  or  may  it  have  been  a 
part  of  the  plan  of  somebody  to  keep  McKinley  personally 
free  from  the  obligation  of  the  pledge  of  the  party.?  And 
may  not  the  same  thought  have  had  something  to  do  with 
Mr.  Hanna's  failure  to  attend  the  convention.?  Surely 
there  was  some  good  reason  for  his  absence  from  a  con- 
vention that  was  to  take  action  that  would  have  an  im- 
portant effect  on  a  candidacy  of  which  he  was  already  in 
charge. 

However  all  that  may  be,  after  the  election  he  wrote  me 
a  number  of  times  about  different  appointments.  Our  cor- 
respondence shows  that  I  always  honored  his  recommenda- 
tions when  I  could,  and  that  in  a  few  instances  where  I 
could  not  I  expressed  regret. 

One  of  these  matters  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  his  relations 
at  that  time  with  Major  McKinley. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        321 

Oil  Inspectoe. 

Shortly  after  my  election  in  1885,  and  before  I  was  inau- 
gurated, Professor  Hartshorn  of  Union  College,  Alliance,  O., 
an  ex-State  Senator,  came  to  me  at  Cincinnati  with  a  letter 
from  Major  McKinley  recommending  him  for  appointment 
as  Oil  Inspector.  There  was  already  a  contest  for  this  office, 
and  at  that  time  I  could  only  promise  to  give  his  recommen- 
dation consideration. 

I  concluded  finally  to  appoint  Col.  Louis  Smithnight,  of 
Cleveland,  who  had  held  the  office  by  appointment  from 
Governor  Foster,  and  who  was  strongly  supported  by  the 
Governor  and  almost  everybody  else  in  Northern  Ohio  then 
active  in  politics. 

I  was  not  aware  until  after  I  had  thus  failed  to  appoint 
Hartshorn  that  McKinley  was  specially  anxious  to  have 
him  appointed.  One  reason  for  my  failure  to  understand 
McKinley's  special  desire  was  that  another  applicant  for 
the  same  office  was  Mr.  C.  V.  Shoub  of  East  Liverpool, 
also  within  McKinley's  district,  and  he  presented  a  strong 
recommendation  from  McKinley  and  insisted  to  me  that 
McKinley  wanted  him,  and  nobody  else,  appointed,  because 
of  active  and  efficient  work  he  had  done  for  him  among 
the  voters  of  that  great  pottery  center.  I  was  sorry  to 
learn  that  McKinley  had  a  decided  preference  for  Harts- 
horn and  was  seemingly  much  disappointed  by  my  failure 
to  appoint  him.     I  was  naturally  anxious  to  make  amends. 

When  I  was  re-elected  in  1887  McKinley  renewed  his 
recommendation  of  Hartshorn.  At  the  same  time  Mr. 
Hanna  brought  forward  a  candidate  in  the  person  of  Wil- 
liam M.  Bayne  of  Cleveland;  while  a  third  candidate  was 
Mr.  George  B.  Cox  of  Cincinnati.  I  talked  frankly  with 
all,  but  asked  Hanna,  as  a  mutual  friend,  and  apparently 
more  disinterested  than  the  others,  to  aid  in  bringing  about 
some  reasonably  satisfactory  adjustment.  The  controversy 
was  finally  ended  by  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Cox  to  be 
oil  inspector  and,  through  an  arrangement  made  by  Hanna 
and  McKinley,  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Hartshorn  to  be 
deputy  oil  inspector  for  the  Alliance  district,  extended  and 


322  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

enlarged  so  as  to  include  East  Liverpool,  where  an  old 
soldier  and  most  excellent  man  by  the  name  of  Col.  Fred- 
erick was  the  deputy  under  Smithnight.  With  these 
explanations  the  following  correspondence  will  be  better 
understood : 

Clkveland,  Ohio,  November  28,  1887. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  have  finally  got  your  friend  Hartshorn,  of 
McKinley's  district,  fixed.  He  had  cominenced  again  about  the  State 
Oil  Inspectorship,  and  McKinley  had  come  to  me  saying  that  something 
must  be  done  for  him.  An  opportunity  offered.  Kelly,  Smithnight's 
deputy  at  Alliance,  had  played  false  at  the  last  election,  and  Morgan, 
with  other  leading  Republicans,  demanded  his  removal.  So  that  after  a 
talk  with  Smithnight  I  got  Hartshorn  to  agree  that  if  he  was  given  that 
position  now  and  a  wider  field,  provided  Smithnight  was  reappointed, 
he  would  be  satisfied  and  make  no  further  effort  for  the  position  of 
State  Inspector.  Of  course  McKinley  is  satisfied,  and  I  hope  this  will 
end  that  vexed  question  and  relieve  you  on  McKinley's  account. 

Truly  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanka. 


HoK.  M.  A.  Hanna,  November  80,  1887. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 
Dear  Sir: — .  .  .  Colonel  Smithnight  was  here  today  to  see  me 
about  the  Hartshorn  matter.  I  can  not  write  you  aU  I  would  like  to 
say  on  this  subject.  I  told  the  Colonel  to  do  whatever  you  and  McKin- 
ley wanted  if  it  would  satisfy  Hartshorn.  At  the  same  time,  between 
you  and  me,  I  think  it  will  be  difficult  to  satisfy  him,  and  that  McKinley 
is  wasting  his  energies — to  some  extent  at  least;  but  that  is  his  own 
matter.  I  want  to  help  him  all  I  can,  and  am  thankful  to  you  for 
what  you  have  done  in  bringing  about  the  arrangement  which  has  been 
suggested.  I  want  it  understood,  however,  that  the  responsibility  for  the 
displacement  of  Frederick,  at  East  Liverpool,  who  is  an  excellent  man 
and  an  old  soldier,  must  rest  on  McKinley.  I  shall  not  say  anything 
about  it  myself  unless  it  becomes  necessary  in  self-defense.  My  opiniou 
is  that  Frederick  and  his  friends  will  make  some  complaint. 

Hoping   you    can   come   down  to   the   inauguration,    if  not   sooner, 
I  remain,  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.   B.  FORAKER. 


Cleveland,  Ohio,  December  8,  1887. 
My  Dear  Governor: — .    .    .    Old  Hartshorn  was  here  yesterday  and 
had  a  meeting  with  Colonel  Smithnight.     Everything  has  been  arranged 
to  suit  the  old  cuss,  and  I  hope  you  and  I  are  through  with  him.     I 
think  McKinley  is  sick  of  him.  Sincerely  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanka. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888 

My  files  show  that  before  Mr.  Hartshorn  was  finally 
installed  in  office  Mr.  Hanna  wrote  me  eight  additional 
letters  in  which,  among  other  things,  he  further  urged  that 
Hartshorn  be  taken  care  of,  although  after  once  settled 
nothing  of  the  kind  was  necessary.  The  fact  is  interesting^ 
to  show  his  spirit  of  insistence  at  that  time  about  small  mat- 
ters, which  was  to  become  such  an  important  factor  when,, 
later,  he  applied  it  to  larger  matters. 

His  activities  with  respect  to  appointments  were  not  cort-' 
fined  to  the  Oil  Inspector  and  his  deputies,  but  embraced 
all  kinds  of  positions  concerning  which  I  saw  fit  to  consult 
him,  and  some  about  which  I  had  not  consulted  him,  even 
those  of  a  judicial  character,  although  he  said  in  a  letter 
(November  10,  1887),  "I  am  a  better  judge  of  other 
things  than  I  am  of  lawyers."  He  was  kind,  painstaking, 
and  free  with  his  recommendations  and  objections — perfectly 
so — as  I  requested  and  desired  him  to  be  in  all  such  matters. 

I  mention  all  this  to  show  that  he  was  still  on  sufficiently 
friendly  and  familiar  terms  with  me  to  have  felt  per- 
fectly free  to  confer  with  me  if  he  had  supposed  I  was 
doing  anything  to  which  he,  as  Mr.  Sherman's  manager, 
had  a  right  to  take  exception.  Our  subsequent  correspond- 
ence shows  he  knew  there  were  mischief  makers  at  work, 
but  that  I  was  not  one  of  them. 

But  it  was  not  until  March  8,  1888,  that,  so  far  as  I 
was  concerned,  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  subject  of 
delegates  to  the  National  Convention. 

He  then  wrote  me  as  follows: 

Atlanttc  Citt,  March  8,  1888. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  have  just  returned  here  after  a  week  in  Wash- 
ington. While  there  I  was  principally  engaged  in  Union  Pacific  business, 
but  found  some  time  to  devote  myself  to  politics  in  the  interest  of  our 
candidate.  I  saw  a  great  deal  of  the  Senator,  and,  being  in  his  con- 
fidence, think  I  have  done  some  good  in  letting  a  little  light  into  his 
vision  in  regard  to  State  politics.  Besides,  have  also  tried  to  bring 
about  a  better  feeling  among  many  of  his  supporters  there  who  were 
drifting  apart,  just  for  the  want  of  some  one  to  tell  them  that  they 
were  playing  boy,  and  losing  sight  of  the  more  important  matter  by 
looking  through  green  glass.  But  the  story  is  too  long  and  important 
to  attempt  in  a  letter,  so  I  will  wait  until  I  see  you  before  I  can  give 


SM  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

you  all  particulars.  One  thing,  however,  which  I  found  was  giving  the 
Senator  a  great  deal  of  anxiety,  and  I  think  he  may  write  to  you  about 
it,  that  is,  the  contention  and  what  appears  to  be  a  bad  fight  in  the 
Columbus  district  against  George  Nash.  It  seems  that  there  is  liable 
to  be  two  delegations  chosen  and  a  clash.  Now,  can't  you  stop  that? 
You  know  how  anxious  I  am  to  have  nil  this  old  feeling  healed  up 
and  the  best  of  feeling  and  unanimity  in  the  Ohio  delegation.  I  don't 
want  you  to  get  entangled  with  any  local  or  personal  differences,  for 
I  tell  you,  Governor,  I  begin  to  think  now  that  our  man  will  win  the 
nomination  and  election.  I  have  agreed  to  do  some  work  East  which, 
if  successful,  will  bet  on  Sherman's  nomination.  While  doing  this  it 
would  be  bad  for  my  cause  to  have  it  said  there  was  any  differences 
in  Ohio.  Therefore,  for  my  sake,  old  man,  as  well  as  your  own,  stamp 
it  out.  -George  Nash  of  all  men  ought  to  go  to  Chicago.  I  don't  take 
any  stock  in  Neal — nor  must  you.  I  am  not  going  to  be  a  candidate 
as  delegate-at-large,  but  will  be  on  hand  to  do  my  work  in  the  ranks. 
I  can  help  prevent  any  feeling  over  this  controversy  about  that  position 
if  my  friends  will  trust  me  to  be  a  "dove,"  as  it  were.  A  letter  addressed 
here  will  find  me.  Sincerely  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanna. 

I  replied  as  follows: 

Hon.  M.  a.  Hanna,  March  18,  1888. 

Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

My  Dear  Hanna: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.,  written  at 
Atlantic  City,  advising  me  of  the  situation  as  you  found  it  over  in 
Washington.  There  is  no  serious  trouble  in  this  district.  Mr.  Bliss 
will  no  doubt  be  sent  as  a  delegate,  but  he  will  support  Senator  Sherman 
just  as  long  as  either  you  or  Judge  Nash  would  or  should  support  him. 
I  do  not  think  any  one  could  have  prevented  his  election,  and  so  far 
as  I  know,  there  is  no  reason  why  any  one  should  have  done  so.  He 
is  the  chairman  of  the  County  Committee,  a  hard-working,  pushing  and 
driving  Republican.  Twenty  years  ago  he  was  selling  peanuts  and 
newspapers  on  the  streets  and  blacking  boots.  He  is  today  a  man 
worth  probably  $40,000  to  $50,000;  made  every  cent  of  it  himself;  owns 
a  farm  near  Columbus;  is  now  engaged  in  erecting  a  large  building  and 
starting  in  it  the  largest  bakery,  as  I  am  told,  of  which  the  city  of 
Columbus  can  boast.  At  the  same  time  he  is  the  city  ticket  agent  of 
the  I.  B.  &  W.  R.  R.  He  is,  in  short,  a  hustler  in  politics  and  in  every- 
thing else;  can  get  over  more  ground  in  such  contests  in  an  hour  than 
Judge  Nash  would  try  to  cover  in  a  week.  Moreover,  he  is  in  every 
sense  a  gentleman,  a  member  of  the  Methodist  Church  and  just  as 
active  in  church  work  as  in  business  and  politics. 

I  did  not  know  anything  about  his  being  a  candidate  until  long  after 
he  had  become  such.  Upon  inquiry,  I  learned  that  he  announced  during 
the  campaign  of  last  year  that  it  was  his  ambition  to  go  as  a  delegate 
from  this  district  to  the  National  Convention.  From  that  day  to  this 
he  has  been,  no  doubt,  looking  after  the  matter.  So  I  say  I  do  not 
think  any  one  could  have  defeated  him,  but  however  that  may  be,  his 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF  1888        325 

candidacy  was  in  no  sense  whatever  in  opposition  to  Judge  Nash  or 
Senator  Sherman.  But  whatever  else  may  be  said,  I  can  not  be  held 
responsible  for  the  failure  to  send  Nash. 

Senator  Sherman  wrote  me  some  time  ago,  asking  me  to  go  as  a 
delegate-at-large,  but  from  that  day  until  in  the  same  mail  with  your 
letter  I  have  had  nothing  from  him  in  the  nature  of  conferring  about 
any  of  his  interests  here.  I  did  not  know  he  wanted  Nash  to  go.  I 
iirst  heard,  and  I  understand  that  is  the  fact,  that  General  Walcutt  was 
selected  by  some  of  the  Senator's  friends  at  Washington  as  their  can- 
didate, but  afterward  for  some  reason  a  change  was  made  and  Nash 
was  requested  to  become  a  candidate,  and  I  understand  was  a  candidate 
for  a  time,  but  I  heard  nothing  about  it  until  I  heard  he  had  been  a 
candidate  and  withdrawn. 

The  Senator  wrote  me  also  that  he  fears  a  double  convention  in  the 
Xenia  district.  I  shall  not  undertake  to  explain  the  situation  there 
until  I  see  you,  except  to  say  it  will  be  a  mistake  to  treat  every  one 
who  may  aspire  to  be  a  delegate  as  an  ^nemy  of  Mr.  Sherman,  unless 
he  is  of  his  selection.  I  have  told  the  Senator  that  nothing  can  prevent 
his  having  every  delegate  from  Ohio,  except  officious  intermeddling. 
The  people  will  send  their  own  selections  and  they  should  be  allowed 
to  do  so. 

You  speak  of  my  stamping  things  out.  I  have  stamped  out  half  a 
dozen  things;  among  others,  the  Blaine  banquet  here  and  the  Blaine 
movement  in  Cincinnati,  about  which  I  shall  tell  you  when  I  see  you. 
For  the  present  I  shall  only  remark  that  they  were  more  of  a  job  than 
I  care  to  undertake  again;  and,  judging  from  the  lack  of  recognition 
of  any  kind,  a  great  deal  more  of  a  job  than  the  Senator  has  any 
knowledge  of.     But  about  all  that  I  do  not  care. 

So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  there  is  no  trouble,  and  there  will  not  be 
any.  I  have  no  ambition  except  to  see  the  Senator  have  Ohio  solid  and 
the  country  accept  him  if  they  will,  to  which  end  I  shall  labor  quite  as 
zealously  as  I  did  in  1884,  and  you  know  what  that  means.  When  you 
come  here,  I  will  show  you  some  correspondence  which  will  indicate  to 
you  that  I  have  from  the  first,  and  constantly  until  now,  done  my  duty 
and  my  whole  duty,  and  a  great  deal  more  than  any  one  had  a  right 
to  expect  from  me,  since  I  have  not  only  advanced  the  Senator's  inter- 
ests in  every  way  I  could,  but  I  have  done  it,  as  an  abundance  of  cor- 
respondence will  testify,  at  the  expense  of  being  in  direct  and  disap- 
pointing conflict  with  warm  personal  and  political  friends,  not  only  in 
this  State  but  others.  Yours  very  truly, 

J.  B.  FOBAKEB. 

I  then  received  the  following: 

New  York,  March  18,  1888. 
My  Bear  Governor: — I  am  in  receipt  of  yours  of  the  10th  inst.,  being 
"snowed  in"  almost  a  week  at  Atlantic  City.  I  am  behind  with  my 
business  and  will  be  detained  here  until  the  last  of  the  week.  I  will 
run  down  and  see  you  very  soon  after  my  return.  I  have  just  received 
a  letter  from  Senator  Sherman.     He  says,  **I  have  a  letter  from  Gov- 


826  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

crnor  Foraker  which  is  very  satisfactory'*     I  think  I  did  a  good  thing 
while  in  Washington  of  which  I  will  tell  you  on  my  return, 

I  am  in  a  position  now  where  if  any  jealousies  come  to  the  surface 
in  Ohio,  I  can  be  of  service.  Certain  influences  have  been  abridged 
and  I  feel  my  position  to  be  satisfactory  for  the  interests  of  our  party 
at  home.  Sincerely  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanna. 


Again,  on  the  27th  of  March,  he  wrote  me  as  follows: 

New  York,  March  27,  1888. 

My  Dear  Oovemor: — I  am  still  detained  here  by  the  severe  sickness 
of  my  little  daughter.  But  I  am  glad  to  say  that  her  symptoms  are  all 
better  this  morning  and  the  doctor  assures  me  that  he  will  have  her  in 
condition  to  travel  in  about  a  week.  So  I  hope  I  can  start  for  home 
by  Saturday  or  Sunday. 

While  here  I  have  been  studying  the  political  situation  somewhat 
and  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  am  not  pleased  with  the  condition  of  the 
party  in  this  city.  There  are  some  fellows  here  who  are  determined  to 
perpetuate  their  political  power  by  talking  Blaine,  hoping  to  spring 
his  name  when  the  time  comes.  I  need  not  say  that  Steve  Elkins  and 
Tom  Piatt  are  in  the  deal.  On  the  other  hand,  the  business  men  who 
take  a  hand  in  politics  and  pay  their  money  say  that  if  Blaine  is  nom- 
inated again  by  any  such  tricking,  they  would  not  vote  for  him,  etc.,  etc. 

It  makes  me  furious  to  see  these  fellows  trying  to  kill  off  Sherman 
by  belittling  him,  but  the  sensible  business  element  is  for  Sherman,  and 
I  believe  his  chances  are  growing  every  day. 

By  the  time  I  leave  here  I  will  know  pretty  well  the  inside  of  this 
business  and  I  will  come  and  see  you  soon  after  my  return.  If  you 
get  any  overtures  from  this  gang,  set  down  on  them,  or  authorize 
me  to  do  so.  Sincerely  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanna. 


This  was  the  last  letter  I  received  from  him  in  which 
he  made  any  reference  to  Mr.  Sherman's  cause  or  the 
National  Convention  until  after  the  State  Convention. 

While  these  letters  were  passing  between  Senator  Hanna 
and  myself  the  following  were  exchanged  with  Senator 
Sherman : 

Uktted  States   Senate. 
Committee  on  Foreign   Relations. 

January  13,  1888. 

My  Dear  Oovemor: — I  recall  a  remark  made  by  you  to  me  at  Toledo 

that  it  was  your  desire  to  be  a  member  of  the  Republican   National 

Convention  and  the  head  of  a  united  delegation  from  Ohio,  so  as  to 

enable  you  to  secure  my  nomination  by  that  convention.     I  think  the 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        327 

time  has  arrived  wiien  I  ouglit  to  express  to  you  not  only  my  profound 
thanks  for  your  Icindly  preference,  but  my  hearty  acceptance  of  your 
oflFer.  You  have  now  been  inaugurated  for  the  second  time  as  Gov- 
ernor of  Ohio,  and  can  look  forward  with  as  much  confidence  to  the 
future  as  any  man  in  public  life.  I  sincerely  wish  to  support  you  in 
your  laudable  ambition  and  in  the  future  as  in  the  past  hope  to  render 
you  assistance  and  frankly  accept  your  co-operation. 

I  would  like  you  to  head  the  delegation  in  the  convention  if  you  are 
of  the  opinion  that  it  ought  heartily  and  unitedly  to  give  me  support — 
leaving  to  the  body  of  the  convention  to  determine  the  choice  among 
other  candidates  in  case  some  one  else  is  more  likely  to  secure  the  success 
of  the  Republican  Party. 

I  have  committed  myself  to  no  one  else  as  a  delegate  to  the  conven- 
tion, but  will  hold  this  in  reserve  to  consult  with  you  freely  and  frankly 
as  to  details  and  methods.  I  feel  no  such  eager  desire  for  the  nom- 
ination as  would  induce  me  to  do  a  single  act  that  the  most  fastidious 
would  not  consider  proper.  I  will  not  try  to  control  delegates  by  money 
or  other  improper  influences — and  wish  to  be  in  a  condition  if  the 
decision  is  adverse  to  heartily  support  the  nominee.  I  would  not  say 
this  much  to  you,  but  that  from  many  quarters  offers  of  assistance  and 
sup]-  rt  have  been  extended  that  ought  to  be  recognized  and  utilized 
if  I  am  to  be  a  candidate.  I  hope  you  will  consider  this  matter  in 
confidence,  and  as  soon  as  practicable  frankly  state  to  me  the  position 
you  wish  to  occupy  and  what  course  you  advise. 

With  sincere  respect,  I  am  Truly  yours, 

John  Shebmak. 

Gov.    J.    B.    FORAKEK. 


I  answered  as  follows: 

January  16,  1888. 

Dear  Senator: — ^Answering  your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.,  just  received, 
I  want  to  correct  your  statement  as  to  my  remark  at  Toledo,  not  that 
it  is  important,  but  only  that  even  little  things  may  be  kept  straight. 
What  I  said  had  relation  to  what  had  been  my  wish  before  the  differ- 
ence arose  about  the  resolution  of  indorsement,  and  I  was  referring  to 
it  to  show  that  my  dissent  in  that  matter  was  not  founded  on  opposition 
to  you,  as  some  people  had  been  unkind  enough  to  charge.  In  other 
words,  I  was  not  even  thinking  of  such  a  thing  as  asking  you  to  confide 
your  interests  to  me.    I  would  not  do  that  under  any  circumstances. 

With  that  out  of  the  way,  I  want  next  to  say  I  am  glad  to  receive 
your  letter,  and  shall  be  pleased  to  aid  you  in  any  way  I  can.  I  desire 
to  do  this  not  alone  for  your  good,  but  also,  and  even  more,  for  the 
party's,  and  answering  your  suggestion  as  to  the  position  I  should 
occupy,  I  wish  to  assure  you  that  it  is,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned, 
entirely  immaterial.  No  matter  whether  I  am  at  the  head  or  at  the 
foot  or  in  the  middle  of  the  delegation;  and  no  matter,  either,  whether 
I  go  to  the  convention  at  all,  I  shall  aid  you  all  the  same.  I  have  said 
to  all  alike,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances,  that  if  you  can 


328  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

be  nominated  by  having  Ohio  solidly  for  you,  you  should  have  Ohio, 
and  that  if  you  can  not  be  nominated  with  such  support  from  your  own 
State,  then  no  one  who  has  a  preference  for  some  one  else  has  sacrificed 
anything  by  being  for  you,  and  that  consequently  you  should  have,  as 
you  are  entitled  to  have  it,  the  support  of  your  own  State  in  any  event. 

I  think  this  idea  prevails  now  very  generally,  and  that  consequently 
the  sentiment  of  Ohio  Republicans  is  more  favorable  to  you  than  ever 
heretofore,  and  that  no  matter  who  may  be  selected  by  the  District 
and  State  Conventions,  the  delegation  will  be  at  least  substantially  a 
unit  in  your  support.  I  am  sure  this  will  be  true  if  nothing  is  done  to 
stir  up  strife  and  contention.  Certainly  it  will  be  true  of  Southern 
Ohio.  You  doubtless  know  more  of  Northern  Ohio  than  I  do.  I  am 
also  of  the  opinion  that,  no  matter  who  may  be  selected  as  delegates- 
at-large,  they  will  all  support  you — at  least  all  will  whom  I  have  so 
far  heard  discussed  as  probable  delegates. 

I  think  the  wisest  course  for  you  to  pursue  is  to  avoid  contests  or 
appearing  to  control.  I  would  simply  discreetly  keep  in  line,  so  to 
speak,  as  we  go  along.  It  is  about  time,  however,  to  determine  when 
and  where  and  how  the  conventions  should  be  held.  Please  let  me 
know  when  and  where  you  would  like  the  State  Convention  held,  and 
I  will  ask  the  committee  to  comply  with  your  wish  in  that  respect.  As 
to  the  District  Conventions,  I  do  not  knew  who  should  manage  them, 
but  I  presume  the  State  Committee  will  look  after  them  in  due  time. 
If  there  is  anything  you  desire  me  to  do  in  regard  to  any  of  these 
matters,  please  let  me  know.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FORAKEB. 

HoK.  John  Sherb£ak, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Senator  Sherman  replied  as  follows: 

Senate  Chamber. 
Washington,  D.  C. 

January  20,  1888. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  letter  of  the  16th  is  received  and  is  entirely 
satisfactory. 

As  Governor  of  Ohio,  I  would  naturally  expect  you  to  head  the 
delegation,  and,  whenever  the  proper  time  comes,  will  express  that 
desire  to  members  of  the  convention.  No  doubt  the  selection  of  the 
delegates-at-large  will  be  yielded  to  me.  You  will  doubtless  appreciate 
the  propriety  of  my  not  taking  any  active  part  in  movements  prelim- 
inary to  the  nomination.  All  sorts  of  plans  are  announced  to  me  to 
promote  it,  but  thus  far  I  have  declined  to  adopt  any  measures  of 
organization,  but  have  preferred  to  leave  the  choice  to  the  development 
of  public  opinion.  Our  chances  are  not  so  hopeful  that  we  can  afford 
to  weaken  them  by  contests  between  political  friends.  The  course  you 
suggest  is  eminently  wise,  to  avoid  contests  and  all  appearance  of 
control.  I  have  not  thought  as  to  the  time  when  the  State  Convention 
should  be  held,  and  am  perfectly  willing  to  leave  it  to  the  judgment  of 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        329 

the  State  Central  Committee.  Indeed,  that  committee  ought  to  have  a 
meeting  and  determine  all  questions  as  to  the  time,  place  and  manner  of 
holding  district  conventions  and  the  State  Convention  according  to 
their  best  judgment.  Very  truly  yours. 


John  Sherman. 


Hon.  J.  B.  Forakeb. 


Again,  on  March  8,  Senator  Sherman  wrote  as  follows: 

United  States  Senate, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

March  8,  1888. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I  do  not  wish  to  add  to  the  burdens  and  duties  of 
your  office  and  position,  but  I  feel  quite  sure  that  you  will  appreciate 
the  motives  which  induce  me  to  call  your  attention  to  the  differences 
that  have  arisen  about  the  mode  of  calling  District  Conventions  to  elect 
delegates  to  the  Chicago  Convention.  I  have  carefully  abstained  from 
any  interference  in  these  controversies  and  have  no  wish  to  dictate 
delegates,  as,  so  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned,  all  seem  to  be 
friendly  to  a  united  delegation  for  me,  but  I  fear  that  the  uncertainty 
as  to  who  should  call  the  conventions  will  make  double  delegations  from 
Ohio  districts  and  invite  a  controversy  in  the  convention  that  would 
be  exceedingly  unfortunate  all  around.  This  would  appear  to  be  the 
case,  especially  in  the  Columbus  district  and  Xenia  district,  and  perhaps 
others.  Can  you  not  in  some  way,  being  on  the  ground,  intervene  so  as 
to  reconcile  these  differences  and  have  but  one  District  Convention  in 
each  district  and  no  more,  so  that,  whoever  are  designated  as  delegates 
will  be  recognized?  It  would  seem  that  the  regular  way,  wherever 
there  is  a  congressional  committee  in  a  district,  would  be  to  allow  the 
call  to  emanate  from  that  committee,  but  I  am  indifferent  as  to  the 
method  of  the  call  and  to  the  person  selected,  provided  that  it  will  not 
lead  to  a  dispute  as  to  who  is  elected,  I  feel  that  in  the  pending 
contest,  whatever  may  be  the  result,  it  is  of  the  highest  importance  to 
each  of  us  that  there  should  be  no  contest  or  feeling  between  our 
respective  friends.  Our  interests  are  in  common,  and,  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  nothing  can  disturb  my  confidence,  but  we  must  each  look 
out  that  contests  do  not  occur  between  our  friends. 

Everything  is  moving  along  quietly  without  activity  or  bitterness, 
and  I  sincerely  hope  in  a  spirit  that  will  lead  to  a  hearty  union  of  aU 
Republicans  upon  a  ticket  that  will  win. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

John    Sherman. 
Governor  J.  B.  Forakeb. 


I  replied  as  follows: 

March  10,  1888. 

My  Dear  Senator: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  I  thought  it 
unfortunate  at  the  time  that  our  State  Central  Committee  should  have 
been  induced  to  decline,  when  it  held  its  meeting,  to  declare  how  the 


S30  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

conventions  should  be  called.  I  feared  it  would  lead  to  the  uncertainty 
to  which  your  letter  refers.  I  think,  however,  there  will  be  but  little 
trouble  arising  on  that  account.  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  the  committees 
in  nearly  all  the  distsricts  will  act  in  harmony,  agreeing  upon  time, 
place,  etc.  So  far  as  this  district  is  concerned,  there  will  not  be  any 
trouble  whatever.  There  are  a  few  men  in  it  who,  lilce  Capt.  Greiner, 
of  Perry,  having  aided  the  Democrats  during  the  last  campaign,  are 
trying  now  to  do  the  same  by  insisting  there  is  trouble  between  vou 
and  me,  and  that  it  is  to  manifest  itself  in  some  practical  form,  but 
they  are  so  few  in  number  that  they  could  not  elect  anybody  to  any- 
thing if  they  were  to  call  a  dozen  conventions. 

So  far  as  the  delegates  in  this  district  are  concerned,  as  in  all  others,* 
I  have  felt  just  as  I  said  to  you  when  you  were  here,  that  it  was  a 
matter  of  no  concern,  so  fe.r  as  practical  results  were  to  be  considered, 
whether  one  or  another  should  go,  and  therefore  I  have  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  making  of  any  one  a  candidate  or  keeping  any  one  from 
being  a  candidate,  either  here  or  in  any  of  the  districts. 

So  far  as  my  friends  and  your  friends  (if  there  is  a  distinction)  may 
be  concerned,  I  do  not  think  any  line  can  be  drawn,  for  I  know  that 
among  my  warmest  and  best  friends  are  many  of  yours  also,  and  that 
they  will  support  you  as  long  as  you  have  a  chance.  There  are  some 
men,  assuming  and  loudly  claiming  to  be  your  friends,  who,  I  fear,  are 
not  mine,  and  with  whom  I  can  not  very  well  do  business.  They  are 
but  few,  however,  and  you  will  have  a  united  delegation  from  Ohio, 
not  because  of,  but  in  spite  of,  them;  but  if  anything  deprives  you  of 
a  single  delegate,  it  will  be  their  officious  machination  and  impertinent 
insinuations. 

I  write  this  in  view  of  such  things  as  that  which  I  understand  hap- 
pened here  a  few  days  ago  in  connection  with  an  effort  to  defeat  the 
candidacy  of  Mr.  Bliss.  I  did  not  know  Mr.  Bliss  had  a  thought  of 
going  to  the  National  Convention  until  after  he  had  become  a  can- 
didate, and  then  I  learned  it  only  as  all  such  matters  come  to  be  known. 
He  was  not  in  any  sense  whatever  a  candidate  of  my  choosing.  But 
I  recognized  from  the  start  that  he  not  only  had  as  good  a  right  to  be  a 
candidate  as  anybody  else,  but  a  great  deal  better  right  than  anybody 
I  know  of  who  was  finding  fault  with  his  candidacy.  He  has  been 
active  here  for  a  number  of  years  in  politics,  and  is  now,  and  for  some 
time  has  been,  the  chairman  of  the  County  Executive  Committee.  It 
never  occurred  to  me,  however,  that  anybody  would  claim  that  he 
represented  me  or  was  in  any  sense  whatever  a  friend  of  mine,  except 
as  any  good  Republican  might  represent  me  and  be  said  to  be  my 
friend,  until  on  my  return  from  Cincinnati  last  Tuesday  I  heard  that 
some  gentlemen  who  were  unfriendly  to  him  had  started  out  to  raise 
opposition  Jto  him,  and  that  they  had  been  telling  it  around  Columbus 
that  Bliss  was  running  in  hostility  to  you,  and  that  they  had  been 
telegraphing  to  that  effect  to  Washington.  Nothing  more  absurd  and 
without  foundation  could  have  been  imagined.  I  paid  no  attention  to 
it,  knowing  that  it  would  break  down  of  its  own  weight,  as  it  has  done. 
I  did  not  meet  Mr.  Bliss  until  yesterday,  and  then  I  asked  him  about 
his  candidacy  and  what  his  preferences  were,  when  he  told  me  what 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        331 

I  already  knew  from  simply  that  common  knowledge  we  all  have,  that 
he  would  support  you  as  long  as  you  or  your  most  ardent  friends  could 
expect  him  to,  and  be  as  happy  as  anybody  else  if  you  should  be 
nominated.  It  is  simply  an  illustration  of  what  I  have  before  said,  that 
whoever  goes  will  be  for  you,  and  you  can  best  serve  your  own  interests 
by  allowing  all  such  matters  to  take  their  course. 

There  are  people  who  can  not  understand  how  anything  can  ever 
*'do  itself"  in  politics.  They  think  everything  must  come  by  scheming 
and  machination,  and  are  never  happy  unless  they  have  an  enemy  whom 
they  look  upon  as  engaged  in  counter-scheming  and  whom  they  think 
t' ey  are  by  like  means  circumventing.  When  they  have  no  enemy,  their 
imagination  supplies  him.  Such  people  are  always  more  dangerous 
than  real  enemies. 

I  do  not  know  about  the  Xenia  district.  I  learn,  however,  that  the 
State  Central  Committeemen,  acting  with  the  Congressional  Committee, 
issued  the  call  and  that  no  one  objected  to  the  procedure  until  after  the 
selection  of  delegates  for  Greene  County  had  been  made,  when  some  of 
the  defeated  candidates  made  objection.  I  did  not  know  there  was  any 
trouble  about  double  conventions  until  your  letter  came.  I  do  not  think 
you  need  be  uneasy,  but  I  will  ascertain  what  the  trouble  may  be 
and  write  again,  if  necessary. 

I  learn  today  that  there  is  a  conflict  in  the  Ross-Highland  district 
But  Senator  Massie  said  he  would  go  to  Chillicothe  today  and  try  to 
harmonize.    He  thinks  he  and  Mr.  Boggs  can  do  so. 

My  opinion  is  that  in  so  far  as  these  troubles  arise,  they  are  due 
to  the  ambitions  of  men  who  wish  to  go  as  delegates  and  without  regard 
to  you,  except  as  they  may  wish  to  impress  you  with  the  idea  that  they 
are  doing  something  for  which  they  should  be  remembered.  Do  not 
allow  yourself  to  be  imposed  upon.  Such  men  can  rarely  go  unaided 
as  delegates,  and  they  try  to  link  themselves  with  your  cause  to  com- 
mand support  they  can  not  otherwise  have. 

I  presume  Gov.  Foster  has  advised  you  that  your  idea  as  to  who 
should  place  your  name  before  the  convention  is  entirely  satisfactory 
to  me^  Please  remember,  as  I  said  to  him,  not  to  hesitate  to  make 
known  to  me  any  wish  you  may  have.  Very  truly  yours, 

j.  b.  foraker. 
Hon.  John  Sherman, 

"Washington,  D.  C. 

Scores  of  other  letters  of  the  same  general  character 
might  be  quoted  without  throwing  any  important  additional 
light  on  what  was  transpiring.  The  letters  quoted  are 
precisely  similar  in  spirit,  tone  and  purpose  with  those 
which,    for   greater   brevity,   are   omitted. 

Suffice  it  to  say  anyone  reading  this  correspondence  will 
see  that  there  was  not  at  any  time  anything  done  by  me 
"privately"  in  connection  with  the  selection  of  delegates 
to  represent  Ohio  in  the  National  Convention. 


33^  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

It  will  further  appear  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  fact  is 
just  the  opposite.  From  the  beginning  to  the  end  not  only 
did  Mr.  Sherman  and  Mr.  Hanna,  who  was  his  chosen 
manager,  have  full  information  as  to  all  I  was  doing,  but 
also  full  information  as  to  all  I  was  thinking  of  in  con- 
nection with  the  cause  I  had  espoused  and  was  trying  to 
support  in   good  faith. 

It  will  be  further  seen  by  anyone  who  reads  this  cor- 
respondence that  while  I  was  thus  open  and  frank  there 
was  much  going  on  among  some  of  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Sherman    of   which    I    was    not    advised. 

I  did  not  complain  of  it  then,  and  do  not  complain  of 
it  now,  because  I  thought  at  the  time,  under  all  the  cir- 
cumstances, it  was  natural  and  I  have  that  same  feeling 
now,  to  withhold  from  me  evidences  of  their  apprehension 
that  I  might  be  persuaded  by  friends,  or  by  circumstances 
and   developments,   to   become   a   candidate   myself. 

Anyone  who  lived  through  that  period,  and  was  familiar 
with  the  sentiment  of  the  Republicans  in  Ohio,  does  not 
need  to  be  told  that  in  view  of  the  three  campaigns  I  had 
made  for  Governor,  two  of  which  were  successful,  and  in 
all  of  which  I  had  acquitted  myself  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  party  generally,  I  was  preferred  by  many  Republicans 
to  Mr.  Sherman,  Mr.  Blaine  or  anybody  else,  and  that  I 
only  could  keep  this  sentiment  from  crystallizing  into  active 
support  of  me  for  the  nomination. 

Every  day  there  was  something  in  the  newspapers  that 
bore  testimony  to  this  fact. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  indorsement  by  the  Toledo  con- 
vention I  might  have  yielded  to  what  so  many  friends  de- 
sired, but  I  considered  that  indorsement  as  a  part  of  the 
platform  on  which  I  was  elected,  and  that  so  long  as  Mr. 
Sherman  was  a  candidate  it  was  my  duty  to  support  him 
in  preference  to  everybody  else,  myself  included. 

The  State  Convention  of  1888. 

The  State  Convention  was  held  at  Dayton  on  the  18th 
day  of  April.     It  was  largely  attended.     Major  McKinley, 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        SSS 

Governor  Foster,  General  Bushnell  and  Major  Butterworth, 
together  with  General  Keifer,  General  Grosvenor,  and  all 
the  other  leaders  of  the  party  were  present. 

General  Keifer,  as  temporary  chairman,  in  the  opening 
key-note  speech  of  the  occasion  made  an  unusually  strong 
and  eloquent  presentation  of  the  claims  of  Mr.  Sherman 
for  Ohio's  support.  All  others  who  addressed  the  conven- 
tion spoke  in  the  same  strain.  It  was,  therefore,  a  har- 
monious convention  throughout,  so  far  as  the  question  of 
supporting  Mr.    Sherman  was   concerned. 

When  the  selection  of  delegates  was  reached  I  was  unani- 
mously chosen  by  acclamation  to  head  the  Ohio  delegation. 
Then  Major  McKinley,  Major  Butterworth  and  Governor 
Foster  were  chosen  by  ballot.  It  happened,  however, 
that  the  different  delegations  had  so  divided  their  votes  that 
Governor  Bushnell,  as  well  as  the  three  other  candidates, 
received  a  majority  vote.  This  made  it  necessary  to  have 
another  ballot  as  between  him  and  Major  Butterworth,  who 
had  the  next  highest  vote.  General  Bushnell,  seeing  this 
situation,  saved  the  time  of  the  convention  and  made  a  most 
favorable  impression  upon  all  the  delegates  by  protesting 
against  another  ballot  and  good-naturedly  withdrawing 
in  favor  of  Major  Butterworth  and  moving  that  the  nom- 
ination of  the  other  three  candidates  be  made  unanimous. 
His  action  was  so  well  received  that  there  was  a  general 
outcry  from  the  delegates,  "We  will  make  you  Governor 
next  year."  This  spontaneous  nomination  at  once  placed 
him  in  the  front  rank  of  those  who  were  considered  as  can- 
didates for  1889. 

Senator  Hanna  seemed  to  prefer  Bushnell  to  Butterworth. 
At  any  rate  he  wrote  me  May  2nd,  1888,  as  follows: 

...  Do  get  old  Hartshorn  fixed — if  you  love  me.  I  was  sorry 
not  to  have  seen  you  again  at  Dayton.  I  know  our  friend  Bushnell  felt 
hurt  at  his  treatment  by  the  Cuyahoga  delegation.  I  was  simply  sur- 
prised and  disgusted.  It  was  not  my  delegation,  and  I  think  I  know 
who  was  at  the  bottom  of  it,  as  I  had  assurances  that  after  McK.  and 
Foster  that  Bushnell  would  get  a  large  majority  of  the  delegation.  But 
the  spirit  Bushnell  showed  gave  him  more  friends  and  honor  than  going 
to  the  Chicago  Convention. 


884  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

In  the  course  of  a  speech  I  made  to  the  convention,  which 
was  as  strong  for  Sherman  as  I  could  make  it,  I  chanced 
to  say  that  he  would  not  only  have  a  "united  delegation" 
to  start  with,  but  that  they  would  stand  by  him  "as  long 
as  he  had  a  button  on  his  coat."  My  remarks  as  a  whole 
were  commended  by  the  entire  Republican  press  of  the 
State  in  terms  of  most  extravagant  praise,  but  this  one 
homely  expression  attracted  particular  attention  and  was 
the  subject  afterward  of  many  newspaper  notices, — especially 
after  Mr.  Sherman  had  been  defeated,  when  multitudinous 
<iescriptive  accounts,  most  of  them  humorous,  were  pub- 
lished of  how  the  buttons  on  his  coat  had  one  after  another 
disappeared. 

The  following  letter  from  Mr.  Sherman  shows  with  what 
satisfaction  he  read  of  our  proceedings : 

Senate  Chamber, 
Washington,  D.   C. 

April  20,  1888. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I  have  just  read  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  of 
yesterday  the  proceedings  in  Dayton  of  Wednesday,  including  your 
admirable  speech.  I  wish  now  to  say  that  I  heartily  reciprocate  every 
word  uttered  by  you,  and  to  assure  you,  now  that  the  convention  is  over, 
that  you  were  entirely  justified  in  saying  that  I  took  no  part  in  the 
selection  of  delegates,  though  often  appealed  to  by  telegrams  and  letters 
to  do  so.  Since  our  recent  correspondence  I  have  felt  that  it  was  better 
for  me  to  decline  even  to  express  an  opinion  for  or  against  any  delegate 
to  be  named,  and  to  rely  implicitly  upon  the  good  will  of  the  people  of 
Ohio  and,  as  I  knew  I  could,  your  friendship  and  honor.  I  felt  anxious 
that  you  and  Foster  should  be  named  as  delegates-at-large,  on  account 
of  our  previous  conversations,  and  to  this  extent  and  no  more  I  was 
committed.  I  only  regret  that  Bushnell  also  could  not  be  selected,  but 
as  between  him,  Butterworth  and  McKinley,  it  was  impossible  and 
improper  for  me  to  choose. 

And  now  that  Ohio  has  so  clearly  expressed  its  choice,  I  feel  less 
solicitude  for  success  in  the  National  Convention.  I  know  that  the 
contest  is  to  be  a  desperate  one,  in  which  every  effort  and  resource 
must  be  expended,  with  a  doubtful  result,  and  if  any  one  could  be 
nominated  more  likely  to  be  elected  than  I,  I  will  cheerfully  give  way, 
but,  having  entered  into  the  contest,  I  will  not  shirk  the  responsibility, 
nor  shrink  from  the  long  agony  of  a  struggle  with  all  the  desperate  and 
bad  agencies  and  falsehoods  of  the  Democratic  Party. 

Now  that  you  are  the  chosen  leader  of  my  friends  I  intend  to  lean 
upon  you  for  advice  as  well  as  assistance,  and,  even  more  than  before,  to 
confide  in  you.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

John  Sherman. 
Hon.  J.  B.  Forakes. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        335 

To  this  letter  I  made  the  following  answer: 

April  24,  1888. 

My  Dear  Senator: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  20th  inst.  I  am  glad  to 
know  that  you  are  pleased  with  the  proceedings  at  Dayton.  I  assure 
you  that  you  should  be.  They  were  all  you  could  wish,  not  only  in  form 
but  in  spirit.  I  note,  too,  with  much  pleasure  what  you  say  about  my 
remarks.  I  may  have  tramped  on  a  few  toes  in  saying  you  had  no 
candidates  before  that  convention,  but  I  was  determined  that  you  should 
not  be  humiliated  as  you  were  when  Keifer  and  Lawrence  were  defeated, 
and  if  my  remarks  had  no  other  good  result,  they  at  least  saved  you 
from  all  danger  of  such  a  mortification. 

But,  however  that  may  be,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  speak  both  for 
you  and  for  me,  and  I  am  sure  it  had  a  good  effect  for  both  of  us. 
I  do  not  know  what  further  we  can  do  in  Ohio,  but  if  there  should  be 
anything  more  that  you  think  I  can  do,  do  not  hesitate  to  call  upon  me. 

So  far  as  the  situation  outside  of  Ohio  is  concerned,  I  do  not  know 
anything  about  it  except  as  I  learn  from  newspapers  and  general  sources 
of  information.  I  do  not  know  where  I  could  help  you  along  any  out- 
side of  the  State,  but  if  there  should  be  any  such  place,  I  will  do  whatever 
I  can.  I  wanted  you  to  have  Ohio  solid,  and  that  you  will  have.  Should 
there  be  anything  in  connection  with  the  arrangements  at  Chicago  about 
which  you  may  wish  to  confer  with  me,  you  will  please  do  that  also. 
I  hope  your  friends  are  successfully  looking  after  support  from  the 
Southern  States.    And  what  about  New  York  and  New  England? 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 
HoK.  John  Shermak,  J.  B.  Forajcer. 

Washington,  D.  C. 


While  what  I  said  in  this  letter  as  to  the  spirit  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention  was  true  yet  there  was  enough 
opposition  in  many  of  the  Congressional  districts  to  reject 
candidates  who  were  so  "offensively  Sherman,"  to  use  a 
phrase  coined  at  the  time,  as  to  arouse  the  Blaine  men  to 
the  point  of  asserting  their  right  to  be  represented  by  men 
of  their  own  choice.  It  was  this  feeling  that  defeated 
Keifer  and  Lawrence  in  the  Eighth  District  and  General 
Grosvenor  in  his  district,  and  defeated  a  number  of  others, 
and,  as  in  the  Toledo  district,  defeated  a  resolution  to  in- 
struct  for   Sherman. 

Letters  of  the  same  general  character  continued  to  pass 
between  us.  May  18th  he  wrote  me  that  on  the  following 
day  he  was  to  have  a  conference  with  Mr.  Hanna  and 
Governor   Foster   and   others,   who   were   to   meet   with   him 


S36  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

at  Washington  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  all  details 
with  respect  to  the  management  of  his  campaign  in  Chi- 
cago, adding,  "I  will  either  write  you  the  results  or  com- 
municate with  you  through  Hanna  or  Foster." 

May  21st  he  wrote  me  that  he  had  had  the  conference 
with  Foster,  Hanna,  McKinley  and  Butterworth,  adding, 
"a  great  many  things  were  said  and  information  communi- 
cated from  different  parts  of  the  country,  which  it  is  well  for 
me  not  to  attempt  to  repeat,  but  which  it  was  understood 
should  be  communicated  to  you  by  either  Hanna  or  Foster 
at  an  early  day,  together  with  what  was  thought  to  be  best 
as  to  the  organization  of  the  Ohio  delegation  and  its  con- 
venient housing  in  Chicago,  about  which  you  will  be  con- 
sulted by  one  or  other  of  the  gentlemen  named." 

May  25th  he  wrote,  denying  a  story  that  had  been  pub- 
lished in  some  newspaper  to  the  effect  that  he  had  asked 
Mr.  Butterworth  to  place  his  name  in  nomination,  and  added 
that  he  had  no  thought  of  changing  the  arrangement  already 
tentatively  made  that  someone  outside  of  the  State  should 
nominate  him,  and  that  I,  representing  the  State,  should 
second  his  nomination,  with  which  I  had  expressed  my  en- 
tire satisfaction  in  a  letter  written  him  on  the  10th  of 
March. 

May  SOth  he  wrote  me,  "the  matter  of  the  announcement 
of  my  name  at  the  Chicago  convention  is  now  practically 
settled.  Mr.  Quay  suggested  Mr.  Hastings  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, who,  I  believe,  is  Auditor  General,  a  lawyer  of  dis- 
tinction and  among  the  leading  men  of  that  State.  He 
was  authorized  to  invite  Mr.  Hastings  here  and  Quay  thinks 
that  Hastings  will  at  once  accept.  If  so,  we  will  consider 
it  settled  that  he  is  to  make  the  nomination  and  that  you 
will  second  it." 

June  2nd  he  further  wrote  me: 

My  Bear  Governor: — I  had  today  a  full  conference  with  Senator 
Quay  and  Gen.  Hastings  of  Pennsylvania.  It  is  arranged  that  he  make 
the  nominating  speech  and  that  you  second  it.  The  delegation  from  that 
State  will  be  practically  solid. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        337 

I  answered: 

I  have  met  Gen.  Hastings  and  have  some  acquaintence  with  him.  He 
is  not  Auditor  General,  but  Adjutant  General  of  Pennsylvania.  I  never 
heard  him  speak,  but  have  no  doubt,  in  view  of  what  Senator  Quay  says, 
that  he  will  prove  an  excellent  man  to  nominate  you. 


I  added: 

I  have  not  yet  seen  Hanna  or  Foster,  but  will  no  doubt  see  one  or 
the  other  this  week. 


But  I  did  not  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  either  of  them 
until  we  reached  Chicago,  although  in  the  meanwhile  I  had 
written  Mr.  Hanna  as  follows: 

Columbus,  May  25,  1888, 
My  Bear  Hanna: — I  received  a  letter  from  Senator  Sherman  early 
in  the  week,  from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

"We  had  a  long  conference A  great  many  things  were 

said  and  information  communicated  from  different  parts  of  the  country 
which  it  is  well  for  me  not  to  attempt  to  repeat,  but  which  it  was  under- 
stood was  to  be  communicated  to  you  by  either  Foster  or  Hanna  at  an 
early  day,  together  with  what  was  thought  to  be  best  as  to  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Ohio  delegation,"  etc. 

About  the  same  time  I  received  a  letter  from  Gov.  Foster, 
from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

"Mr.  Hanna  has  agreed  to  see  you  this  week,  and  to  have  a  full  talk 
with  you  as  to  what  is  going  on  and  what  is  expected  of  you  generally. 
.  .  .  As  Mr.  Hanna  will  see  you  so  soon,  etc.,  no  further  communi- 
cation from  me  is  needed  at  this  time." 

I  received  a  letter  this  morning  from  Major  Butterworth,  from  which 
I  quote  as  follows: 

*'We  met  Saturday.  Nothing  of  consequence  was  done.  Matters  are 
under  advisement.  I  will  write  you  as  soon  as  anything  worth  your 
hearing  transpires." 

With  these  letters  before  me,  I  was  surprised  to  receive  your  letter 
in  which  you  do  not  speak  of  any  arrangement  having  been  made  accord- 
ing to  which  you  are  to  see  me,  or  of  any  information  which  you  were 
charged  with  the  duty  of  imparting  to  me,  or  of  any  plan  in  accordance 
with  which  we  are  to  work,  or  of  any  organization  of  the  delegation 
that  had  been  determined  upon,  or  suggested,  but  which  is  chiefly  an 
assignment  of  reasons  why  I  should  surrender  the  rooms  in  the  vicinity 
of  our  headquarters   that  I    have  had  engaged   for  more   than  three 


338  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

months,  to  you  and  McKinley  and  Foster  and  Butterworth,  and  take 
others  higher  up. 

These  letters  appear  to  me  "out  of  joint"  with  one  another,  and, 
coupled  with  what  is  reaching  me  from  various  quarters,  satisfy  me 
that  the  so-called  "fool  friends"  are  not  killed  off  yet,  as  I  supposed, 
and  induce  me  to  say  that  I  prefer  to  retain  my  rooms. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 
Hon.  M.  a.  Hanna,  J.  B.  Fobakek. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Mr.  Croly  in  his  "Life  of  Senator  Hanna,"  with  evident 
purpose  to  show  that  prior  to  the  assembling  of  the  National 
Convention  I  was  in  a  treasonable  frame  of  mind  says,  with 
respect  to  the  matter  of  the  assignment  of  rooms,  "As 
Quarter-Master  of  the  delegation  Mr.  Hanna  had  engaged 
accommodations  at  the  Grand  Pacific.  The  rooms  selected 
for  the  Governor  (myself)  were  on  the  floor  above  the  Ohio 
headquarters  instead  of  adjoining  them,  whereupon  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Hanna  and  protested  bitterly  and  indig- 
nantly." It  will  appear  to  anyone  who  compares  this  lan- 
guage of  Mr.  Croly  with  what  I  said  in  my  letter,  which 
is  the  only  reference  I  ever  made  to  the  subject,  that  Mr. 
Croly  was,  to  say  the  least,  capable  of  gross  exaggeration. 

It  is  true,  however,  that  I  was — as  the  closing  paragraph 
of  my  letter  indicated — somewhat  piqued,  and  certainly,  all 
things  considered,  I  had  a  right  to  be. 

Mr.  Hanna  had  time  to  write  me  a  number  of  other  letters 
after  he  received  this  about  the  rooms  for  the  delegation 
and  for  myself  at  Chicago;  that  he  had  been  "appointed 
Quarter-Master  for  the  delegation,"  and  "was  to  look  after 
everything  of  that  nature;"  that  Mr.  Sherman's  chances 
were  "daily  growing  better;"  that  "encouraging  reports 
were  still  coming  in ;"  and  that  "he  had  no  doubt  but  what 
Sherman  would  be  nominated,"  because  of  "strength  he 
would  get  that  nobody  else  knew  about;"  "that  informa- 
tion from  the  West  is  favorable,  and  if  everything  works 
as  it  looks  now  we  are  all  right;"  that  "the  Gresham  boom 
is  weakening  as  it  gets  no  support  in  the  East,  owing  to 
G.  being  a  protege  of  that  free  trade  Chicago  Tribune;^* 
and  so  forth  and  so  on.     I  was  less  optimistic  and  so  in- 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        339 

formed  him.  But  he  never  saw  fit  to  make  any  answer 
whatever,  in  explanation  or  otherwise,  of  the  inconsistent 
character  of  the  different  letters  from  which  I  have  quoted. 
Neither  he  nor  any  other  of  those  who  had  been  in  confer- 
ence with  Mr.  Sherman  wrote  me  or  saw  me  in  regard  to 
any  of  the  details  with  respect  to  the  organization  of  our 
delegation,  who  should  be  selected  to  represent  us  on  the 
different  committees;  who  should  be  chosen  for  National 
Committeeman;  or  as  to  what  should  be  the  details  of  the 
management  of  our  cause,  all  of  which  things  I  knew  from 
Mr.  Sherman's  letter  of  May  21st  had  been  agreed  upon. 
Necessarily,  therefore,  I  arrived  at  Chicago  ignorant  of 
many  matters  about  which  I  naturally  felt  I  should  have 
been  advised,  and  feeling  at  a  corresponding  disadvan- 
tage, on  account  of  such  lack  of  information;  but  in  spite 
of  aU  that,  without  any  abatement  whatever  of  my  purpose 
and  disposition  to  earnestly  and  efficiently,  to  the  best  of 
my  ability,  do  all  in  my  power  to  secure  Mr.  Sherman's 
nomination. 

Of  course  I  did  not  like  such  treatment,  but  I  had  as 
compensation  the  knowledge  that  if  about  any  of  the  mat- 
ters mentioned  anything  should  be  proposed  that  I  did  not 
like,  I  was  at  liberty  to  oppose  it. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


THE   REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 

THOUSANDS  of  Republicans  in  every  State  of  the 
Union,  and  especially  in  Ohio,  looked  forward  to  1888 
as  an  opportunity  to  vindicate  Mr.  Blaine  by  making  him 
again  the  candidate  and  then  electing  him  President.  The 
controversy  in  Ohio  over  the  indorsement  of  Mr.  Sherman 
in  1887,  although  the  indorsement  was  finally  given  unani- 
mously and  enthusiastically,  so  far  as  the  Convention  was 
concerned,  disappointed  and  chilled  the  ardor  of  some  of 
Ohio's  Blaine  followers.  At  the  same  time  my  early  opposition 
to  indorsement,  although  from  the  beginning  I  announced 
willingness  to  assent,  as  I  did,  if  Mr.  Sherman  insisted,  lost 
me  the  hearty  support,  if  not  the  support  altogether,  of 
some  of  Mr.  Sherman's  friends.  I  found  evidences  of  this 
almost  every  place  I  visited  during  the  campaign.  The 
result  was  shown  at  the  election  by  the  fact  that  while  I 
was  re-elected  after  a  most  spirited  and  successful  canvass 
by  a  larger  plurality  than  I  received  in  1885,  yet  my  total 
vote  was  approximately   3,000  less  than  my  vote  in   1885. 

Had  Mr.  Blaine  been  in  good  health  and  been  a  candi- 
date he  would  have  been  nominated  at  Chicago  on  the  first 
ballot,  and  perhaps  unanimously,  notwithstanding  all  the 
sentiment  there  was  for  Mr.  Sherman  and  the  other  can- 
didates presented  to  that  Convention.  But  in  February, 
1888,  Mr.  Blaine,  then  in  Paris,  wrote  a  letter  to  Hon.  B. 
F.  Jones  of  Pittsburg,  Chairman  of  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee,  and  one  of  his  personal,  as  well  as  political 
friends,  telling  him  for  publication  that  he  would  not  be 
a  candidate  for  renomination. 

This  threw  the  Blaine  forces  everywhere  into  confusion 
and  in  a  general  way  helped  us  greatly  in  Ohio  to  secure 
340 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        341 

for  Mr.  Sherman  a  delegation  pledged  to  his  support.  Yet 
in  another  respect  it  made  more  trouble  than  it  cured. 

Many  of  the  Blaine  men  felt  that  he  had  declined  to  be 
a  candidate  for  renomination  because  of  the  active  candi- 
dacy of  Mr.  Sherman  and  others;  his  feeling  being  that, 
under  all  the  circumstances,  the  nomination  was  due  him, 
and  if  his  party  saw  fit  to  give  it  to  him  at  all,  it  should 
give  it  to  him  without  a  contest.  Therefore,  instead  of 
accepting  Mr.  Blaine's  letter  as  final  and  making  a  choice 
as  to  which  of  the  other  candidates  they  would  support, 
they  continued  to  cherish  the  hope  that  Mr.  Blaine's  strength 
might  be  such  that,  notwithstanding  his  letter,  the  Conven- 
tion would  tender  him  the  nomination,  in  which  event  he 
would  accept  it.  Others,  however,  taking  him  at  his  word 
and  eliminating  him  from  the  contest  and  not  feeling  sat- 
isfied to  support  any  of  the  avowed  candidates,  cast  about 
to  find  some  new   man  whom   they   could  support. 

In  this  way  it  came  to  pass  that  some  weeks  before  the 
Convention  assembled  Major  McKinley  came  into  promi- 
nence as  an  available  alternative.  As  early  as  June  2nd 
General  Grosvenor  wrote  me  from  Washington  telling  me 
that  Sherman  would  surely  have  312  votes  on  the  first 
ballot,  but  that 

advances  and  suggestions  are  coining  from  many  directions  toward 
McKinley.  The  Blaine  New  England  papers  are  breaking,  in  what  looks 
as  though  it  might  become  a  boom  at  the  end  of  another  week,  and  this 
is  construed  by  us  here  to  be  an  attempt  to  break  the  Sherman  column 
in  that  direction.  McKinley  denounces  it  in  every  way.  I  do  not  fear 
it,  and  only  speak  of  it  as  indicative  of  the  desperate  condition  these 
(Blaine)  people  are  in. 

The  Blaine  "people"  referred  to  had  been  mentioned  by 
him  in  a  previous  paragraph  as  Charles  A.  Boutelle  of 
Maine;  William  Walter  Phelps  of  New  Jersey;  Whitelaw 
Reid  of  New  York,  and  the  Philadelphia  Press.  Of  these 
he  said  they  , 

are  hurriedly  striving  to  form  combinations  that  will  place  them  and 
<  their  fellows  in  supporting  relations  to  the  coming  administration,  who- 
ever it  may  be. 


842  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

There  was  a  daily  growth  of  this  kind  of  talk  in  the 
newspapers,  so  that  when  I  arrived  in  Chicago  Saturday, 
June  16th,  I  not  only  found  the  hotels  rapidly  filling  up 
with  delegates,  alternates,  and  Republican  leaders  from  all 
the  different  States,  but  I  also  found  many  of  them  much 
at  sea  as  to  what  should  be  done.  On  every  hand  men  were 
talking  for  Blaine  and  urging  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the 
Republican  Party  and  that  the  nomination  was  due  him 
and  that  he  could  be  more  surely  elected  than  anybody  else; 
and  if  not  Blaine,  some  new  man,  and  in  this  connection 
there  was  much  favorable  talk  of  McKinley. 

In  my  first  conference  with  Mr.  Hanna  I  found  that  he 
was  fully  alive  to  this  actual  situation  and  that  he  felt  that 
success  for  Mr.  Sherman  could  be  achieved,  if  at  all,  only 
by  the  most  earnest  efforts.  Major  Butterworth,  Governor 
Foster  and  Major  McKinley  all  shared  this  same  view.  Nat- 
urally, under  the  circumstances.  Major  McKinley  had  very 
little  to  say,  but  Butterworth  and  Foster  talked  to  this 
effect  very  freely.  Many  reports  came  to  me  as  to  what 
they  and  other  Ohio  men  were  saying  to  the  delegates  from 
other  States  as  to  the  purposes  and  hopes  of  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation. Some  of  these  were,  no  doubt,  untruthful,  and 
many  of  them,  perhaps  most  of  them,  more  or  less  exagger- 
ated; but  according  to  many  such  reports  they  did  not 
hesitate  while  saying  that  Ohio  would  present  a  solid  front 
for  Mr.  Sherman,  and  that  the  delegates  from  Ohio  hoped 
to  secure  his  nomination,  to  add  also  that  if  they  could 
not  secure  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman  the  delegation 
and  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  would  prefer  Major  McKinley 
to  anybody  else. 

These  reports  came  to  McKinley  as  well  as  to  me,  and 
as  often  as  two  or  three  different  times  he  spoke  of  them 
in  a  way  that  indicated  that  they  were  rather  pleasing  yet 
extremely  embarrassing.  I  am  sure  he  never  at  any  time 
encouraged  them ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  did  all  he  could  do 
with  propriety  to  suppress  them  on  the  ground  that,  having 
gone  there  as  a  delegate  pledged  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Sher- 
man, he  would  not  be  at  liberty  to  accept  the  nomination  even 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        348 

if  it  should  be  tendered  to  him.  Mr.  Hanna  was,  no  doubt, 
as  fully  informed  about  all  this  as  I  was,  for  he  saw  more  of 
McKinley  than  I  did — ^they  occupied  adjoining  and  con- 
necting rooms. 

This  kind  of  talk  constantly  grew  in  volume  until  the 
Convention  assembled  and  several  ballots  had  been  taken. 
On  the  fourth  ballot  Connecticut  was  called  and  one  of  her 
delegates  voted  for  McKinley.  He  took  occasion  to  address 
the  Convention  and  appealed  to  those  voting  for  him  to 
desist  therefrom  on  the  ground  that  he  was  pledged  to 
support  Mr.  Sherman  and  that  he  could  not  consistently 
accept  their  support. 

No  one  criticised  him  because  of  the  outspoken  prefer- 
ences of  his  friends  for  his  nomination  that  were  heard 
every  day  and  every  hour  from  the  time  we  arrived  in 
Chicago  until  he  thus  put  an  end  to  whatever  chances  he 
may  have  had. 

On  the  contrary,  all  his  friends  seemed  to  rejoice  in  the 
fact  that  he  was  so  mentioned  and  to  take  pains  to  give 
voice  and  volume  to  it  whenever  and  wherever  they  could. 
This  was  especially  true  of  some  of  his  friends  among  the 
delegates  and  alternates  and  many  friends  who  were  not 
members  of  the  Convention.  I  myself  took  no  exception. 
I  thought  all  that  was  said  and  done  in  his  behalf  in  the 
way  mentioned  was  natural  and  legitimate  and  that  no  one 
had  a  right  to  complain  of  him  because  of  what  his  friends 
were  doing  in  that  respect,  so  long  as  he  had  no  responsi- 
bility  for  it. 

At  the  same  time  I  recognized,  as  he  did,  that  he  was 
in  an  embarrassing  situation  and  that  the  course  pursued 
by  him  was  the  proper  one  for  him  to  take  unless  and  until 
Mr.  Sherman,  the  only  one  who  could  do  so,  should  see 
fit  to  release  him  from  the  obligation  he  was  under. 

Other  men  not  candidates  were  also  mentioned,  myself 
among  them.  I  had  friends  among  the  delegates  and  among 
the  alternates  who  preferred  my  nomination  over  that  of 
anybody  else,  and  there  were  many  Republicans  present 
from   Ohio  and  other  States  who  felt  the  same  way.     My 


v/ 


344  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

rooms  at  the  hotel  were  constantly  thronged  by  these  would- 
be  supporters.  All  this  was  the  subject  of  ugly  comment 
by  the  very  men  who  were  doing  the  same  thing  for 
McKinley. 

It  was  advertised  that  on  Tuesday  evening,  the  evening 
of  the  first  day  of  the  Convention,  there  would  be  a  grand 
parade  of  all  the  Republican  clubs  that  might  be  in  attend- 
ance. To  induce  clubs  to  come  excursion  rates  were  given 
on  the  railroads.  There  happened  to  be  at  that  time  a  large 
Foraker  Club  in  Columbus.  They  were  active,  vigorous 
young  "men  who  had  supported  me  through  two  successful 
campaigns  as  Governor,  who  were  anxious  because  of  the 
pride  they  had  in  their  organization  and  the  respect  and 
regard  they  had  for  me  to  participate  in  this  parade.  Ac- 
cordingly, without  consulting  me  and  without  any  notice 
to  me  whatever,  they  arrived  Tuesday  in  Chicago,  some  five 
or  six  hundred  strong.  They  were  neatly  uniformed.  They 
carried  beautiful  banners,  among  them  a  Sherman  banner 
to  show  that,  notwithstanding  their  name,  they  were  there 
to  support,  in  so  far  as  their  presence  might  amount  to  sup- 
port, the  same  candidate  I  was  supporting.  They  made 
as  fine  an  appearance  as  any  club  that  participated  in  the 
parade.  Accordingly  they  attracted  great  attention  and 
were  much  talked  about,  but  while  most  of  this  talk  was 
friendly,  yet  much  of  it  was  exceedingly  unfriendly.  Re- 
publicans of  Ohio  who  desired  the  nomination  of  Sherman 
or  McKinley  looked  upon  it  as  an  active  movement  in  my 
behalf  and  charged  me  with  responsibility  for  it.  They 
went  further  and  criticised,  as  an  evidence  of  intended 
treachery  to  Sherman  on  my  part,  every  demonstration  of 
friendship  for  me  that  was  made  either  in  the  hotel  lobbies, 
on  the  streets  or  in  the  Convention.  They  said  many  harsh 
and  aggravating  things  for  which  there  was  no  excuse  what- 
ever so  far  as  I  was  concerned.  Such  talk  was  especially 
unjust  and  annoying  because  every  man  there  knew,  or 
ought  to  have  known,  that  without  what  I  had  done  in  that 
behalf  a  solid  and  instructed  delegation  for  Sherman  from 
Ohio  would  have  been  impossible. 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION   OF   1888        345 

This  had  been  going  on  long  enough  and  had  become 
sufficiently  offensive  and  annoying  to  cause  me  to  feel  that, 
when  the  Ohio  delegation  met  for  the  purpose  of  organiza- 
tion, it  was  at  least  desirable,  if  not  necessary  as  a  repressive 
factor,  to  have  a  test  vote  on  something  or  somebody  that 
would  show  how  the  delegation  stood  with  respect  to  Mr. 
Hanna  and  myself.  I  concluded  this  could  be  most  nat- 
urally and  effectively  had  upon  some  part  of  the  program 
which  Mr.  Hanna  and  those  who  had  been  in  conference 
with  him  had  prepared  with  respect  to  the  organization  and 
honors  of  the  delegation.  Looking  over  his  list  I  discovered 
that  he  had  selected  for  National  Committeeman  the  Honor- 
able Amos  Townsend,  of  Cleveland,  who  had  served  several 
times  in  Congress  but  was  not  then  in  public  life.  I  recalled 
that  Mr.  Townsend  was,  according  to  the  newspapers,  one  of 
the  gentlemen  who  participated  in  the  famous  Canton  con- 
ference prior  to  the  State  convention  of  1887,  and  who  in 
Democratic  reports,  was  quoted  as  saying  that  he  doubted 
if  "a  weak,  dizzy-headed  man  like  Foraker"  could  be  elected 
over  Mr.  Powell,  who  was  then  a  prominent  candidate  for 
the  Democratic  nomination  for  Governor,  and  that  I  would, 
according  to  this  statement,  be  beaten  by  at  least  50,000 
if  Senator  Thurman  instead  of  Mr.  Powell  should  be  made 
the  Democratic  candidate.  I  was  personally  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Townsend  and  supposed  I  was  on  good  relations  with 
him  politically  and  otherwise;  but,  although  his  statement 
was  published  over  and  over  again,  he  never  took  the  trouble 
to  deny  it  or  to  make  any  reference  to  it  whatever,  either 
by  letter  to  me  or  in  any  other  way — public  or  private. 

Col.  A.  L.  Conger  of  Akron,  a  large  manufacturer  and 
a  prominent  Blaine  man,  was  a  delegate  from  his  district 
and  he  was  anxious  to  be  a  member  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee. I  concluded  I  would  make  the  test  that  I  thought 
it  desirable  to  make  as  between  these  two  men.  Accord- 
ingly I  notified  Mr.  Hanna  that  I  could  not  support  Mr. 
Townsend  but  would  support  Col.  Conger.  This  led  to 
a  preliminary  canvass  of  the  delegation  that  showed  31  votes 
for  Conger  and  only  15  for  Townsend.     In  the  presence  of 


S46  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

these  figures  Mr.  Hanna  concluded  not  to  allow  a  vote  to 
be  taken.  The  result  was  that  Col.  Conger  was  chosen 
without  opposition.  This  displeased  Mr.  Hanna  and  caused 
him,  according  to  reports  made  to  me,  to  say  some  very 
unkind  things,  but  he  did  not  say  any  of  them  to  me. 

While  this  feeling  was  acute  the  Foraker  Club  started 
out  Tuesday  evening  on  a  serenading  expedition.  They 
called  on  most  of  the  prominent  leaders  of  the  party  in 
attendance  upon  the  Convention.  Among  others  they  called 
upon  me,  and  called  so  urgently  and  repeatedly  for  me 
to  say  something  that  I  finally  addressed  them  as  follows: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Foraker  Club: — I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  kind 
compliment  you  have  paid  me  in  making  this  imexpected  call.  I  want 
to  congratulate  you,  now  that  I  have  an  opportunity  of  doing  so, 
upon  the  magnificent  appearance  and  demonstration  which  you  have 
made  since  you  came  to  Chicago.  As  you  marched  up  the  streets  of 
this  great  city  it  was  the  conmient  on  all  sides  that  there  was  one  of 
the  most  splendid  organizations  in  the  way  of  a  political  club  that  had 
yet  come  to  town.  (Applause.)  I  am  glad  to  see  you  have  been  so 
generous  in  the  bestowal  of  your  compliments  on  the  distinguished  men 
of  the  nation  who  are  here.  I  was  glad  you  called  upon  our  distin- 
guished friend  from  New  York,  Mr.  Depcw,  and  the  others  whom  you 
have  been  serenading,  and  I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  appreciate  the 
proprieties  of  this  occasion  as  you  have  manifested  that  you  do. 
(Applause.)  I  am  glad  to  see  that  among  your  banners  is  one  which 
proclaims  your  fidelity,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  Ohio  Repub- 
licans who  are  here,  to  the  most  illustrious  son  of  Ohio  whom  we  are 
here  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  for  the  Presidency.  (Great  applause, 
and  voice,  "Three  cheers  for  John  Sherman!")  Hold  on;  don't  take 
that  job  away  from  me.  Somebody  has  proposed  three  cheers  for  John 
Sherman.  I  want  to  propose  them  myself,  and  I  want  every  member 
of  the  Foraker  Club  to  give  them  in  a  way  that  will  put  to  shame  every 
cowardly,  scurrilous  scoundrel  who  has  been  indulging  in  malicious 
aspersions  and  villainous  insinuations.  (Applause.)  Now,  gentlemen 
of  the  Foraker  Club,  one  and  all  with  me,  three  cheers  for  John 
Sherman. 

They  were  given  with  a  rousing  heartiness  that  bespoke 
genuine   sincerity. 

These  remarks  and  the  election  of  Col.  Conger  over  Mr. 
Townsend  were  two  incidents  that  intensified  the  hostility 
of  my  enemies,  but  they  had  the  effect  I  thought  they  would 
have,  of  making  them  a  great  deal  more  respectful  in  what 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        347 

they  said.  They  stopped  short  their  misrepresentation  as 
to  "how  the  Ohio  delegation  stood." 

These  same  mischief  makers  were  made  still  more  hostile, 
without  any  fault  of  mine,  by  a  demonstration  by  the  Con- 
vention at  the  evening  session  of  the  second  day. 

The  order  of  business  was  reached  where  a  report  from 
the  Committee  on  Credentials  was  in  order.  The  Chairman 
of  that  Committee  answered,  when  the  report  was  called  for, 
that  the  Committee  was  not  yet  quite  ready  to  make  its  re- 
port.    A  motion  was  made  to  adjourn,  but  failed  to  carry. 

Then  the  Convention  commenced  to  call  for  speeches  from 
different  delegates.  A  number  were  called  upon,  among  them 
Governor  Bradley  of  Kentucky,  who  was,  as  always,  very 
eloquent.  After  he  had  concluded  his  remarks  there  were 
loud  calls  for  me,  to  which  I  refused  to  respond  until  com- 
pelled to  do  so  by  a  formal  request  of  the  Convention. 
The  following  is  a  report  of  this  incident  as  published  the 
next  morning  in  the  Chicago  Tribune,  and,  so  far  as  my 
remarks  are  concerned,  in  all  the  other  papers.  The  descrip- 
tive account  given  by  the  Chicago  Tribune  was  similar  in 
character  and  strain  to  that  given  by  all  the  others. 

The  Tribune  said: 

Then  the  Convention  insisted  on  Foraker.  He  was  not  ready.  It 
required  no  great  penetration  to  know  that  at  this  period  in  the  pro- 
ceedings it  is  not  diplomatic  in  Governor  Foraker  to  address  the  Con- 
vention. He  can  not  afford  to  alienate  even  the  least  significant 
faction  in  it.  He  can  not  afford  to  antagonize  either  the  confident  or  the 
despondent.  The  elements  of  uncertainty  in  the  status  of  candidates 
are  so  numerous,  so  perilous,  that  the  slightest  error  of  tactics  might 
prove  irreparable.  He  sat  still,  his  keen  face  impassive,  his  arms  folded 
on  his  breast.  But  the  galleries  would  not  be  quieted,  and  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials  did  not  appear.  The  chairman  was  evidently 
not  in  sympathy  with  the  call  upon  the  impetuous  young  magistrate. 
He  was  engrossed  with  desk  affairs  while  the  clamor  went  on  like  a 
cj'-clone.  When  it  reached  high  climaxes  he  pounded  vigorously  with  his 
gavel,  and  the  more  opposition  he  showed  the  louder  was  the  chorus. 
Finding  the  demand  insatiable,  he  recognized  Mr.  Hallowell,  of  Kansas, 
who  made  a  formal  motion  that  Governor  Foraker  be  invited  to  address 
the  convention.    Governor  Foraker  said: 

"I  could  not  be  insensible  to  the  compliment  you  have  paid  me  if  I 
would,  and  I  would  not  be  if  I  could.  (Loud  applause.)  Hence 
it  is  that  I  sincerely  thank  you  and  assure  you  of  my  appreciation  for 


348  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

the  honor  which  you  have  shown.  At  the  same  time  I  trust  you  will 
believe  me  when  I  say  I  would  greatly  have  preferred  that  the  honor 
had  not  been  conferred  upon  me.  I  know  not  what  I  can  say  to  you 
at  this  stage  of  our  proceedings  that  will  be  of  either  interest  or  profit, 
unless  it  would  be  to  take  up  and  make  further  answer  to  the  question 
put  by  the  distinguished  gentleman  from  Kentucky  just  before  he  took 
his  seat;  and  that  was  as  to  what  we  are  here  for.  (Loud  laughter 
and  applause.) 

"We  have  come  to  formulate  an  expression  of  Republican  principles 
and  to  nominate  the  next  President  of  the  United  States.  (Loud 
applause  continued  for  many  seconds.)  That  is  what  we  are  here  for. 
The  first  of  these  duties  it  is  not  difficult  to  perform.  There  is  not  a 
member  of  this  Convention  who  could  not  easily  frame  an  acceptable 
platforrn.  There  is  not  an  intelligent  schoolboy  in  all  the  land  who  does 
not  already  know  what  our  declarations  will  be.  (Loud  applause.) 
Every  Democrat  as  well  as  every  Republican  knows  what  the  attitude 
of  the  Republican  Party  is  with  respect  to  the  questions  that  concern 
the  American  people  today.  It  ever  was  so,  and  so  it  ever  will  be,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  Republicanism  is  sincerity,  and  sincerity  never 
equivocates.     (Loud  applause.) 

"We  believe,  as  Mr.  Bradley  has  pertinently  said,  in  a  free  ballot 
and  a  fair  count.  (Applause  and  cries  of  *Good*  and  *That's  right!') 
And  we  shall  not  hesitate  to  say  so  with  all  the  emphasis  that  we  can 
thunder  into  the  declaration.  (Cheers  and  applause.)  We  believe  in  a 
protective  tariff.  (Great  cheers  and  applause.)  No  objection  to  it 
because  revenue  may  be  incidental.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  And 
we  shall  not  hesitate  to  say  so  as  to  that,  either.  We  believe,  too,  as 
our  eloquent  friend  said,  that  the  present  Democratic  administration 
is  but  a  sham  and  a  false  pretense.  (Applause.)  It  is  a  great  fraud, 
and  already  it  has  outlived  its  usefulness.     (Applause  and  laughter.) 

"We  want  a  change,  and  are  determined  to  have  one.  (Applause.) 
We  believe  that  the  free  trade  message  and  tendencies  of  Grover  Cleve- 
land are  fraught  with  harm  to  the  highest  and  best  interests  of  our 
country,  and  we  shall  protest  against  them  accordingly.  (Loud 
applause.)  We  believe  in  taking  care  of  Americans,  of  American  home 
markets,  American  wages,  American  laborers,  American  interests 
(applause),  American  laborers  of  every  description,  from  our  fisheries 
on  the  eastern  coast  to  the  Chinese  question  on  the  West.  (Applause.) 
And  we  are  going  to  say  so  as  to  all  these  matters  in  our  platform. 

"And  when  we  have  finished  that  platform,  we  are  going  to 
nominate  our  candidate.  I  do  not  know,  any  more  than  the  other  dis- 
tinguished gentleman  (General  Bradley)  did,  just  who  he  will  be." 

A  voice  in  the  gallery  shouted  "Gresham,"  and  other  voices  came  in 
with  the  name  of  Harrison,  Blaine,  Sherman  and  Allison.  Continuing, 
Governor  Foraker  said:  "I  think  I  know  something  about  it.  I  will 
tell  you  some  of  his  qualities." 

At  this  point  the  names  of  the  various  candidates  were  repeated  by 
parties  in  difi'erent  parts  of  the  house,  and  in  response  Governor 
Foraker  said: 

One  at  a  time.  (Laughter.)  I  can  not  give  you  his  name,  but  I 
can  tell  you  some  of  his  qualities.     In  the  first  place  he  will  be  a 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        S49 

gentleman.  (Tremendous  cheering,  with  waving  of  hats  and  fans,  many 
of  the  delegates  standing  on  their  chairs.)  That  is  saying  a  great 
deal,  isn't  it?  (Laughter.)  In  the  light  of  experience,  of  course. 
A  voice:  He  won't  go  fishing  on  Decoration  Day.  (Laughter.) 
Governor  Foraker:  He  will  be  a  man  of  good  moral  character,  and 
he  will  have  some  social  standing  in  the  community  (cheers  and  laugh- 
ter) ;  and,  as  some  gentleman  has  indicated,  he  will  be  a  loyal  son  of  the 
republic.  (Cheers.)  I  thought  a  few  minutes  ago,  when  this  convention 
was  applauding  the  son  of  our  great  heroic  leader  in  the  war  of  the 
rebellion  (referring  to  the  cheers  which  greeted  Colonel  Fred  Grant 
and  his  wife  as  they  entered  the  Convention),  how  badly  I  would  feel 
if  I  belonged  to  a  party  to  whom  he  would  not  be  welcome  as  he  was 
as  he  walked  down  yonder  aisle.     (Applause.) 

Yes,  the  man  we  nominate  will  be  a  man  who  will  cherish  the 
patriotic  recollections  of  the  past.  The  names  of  Grant  and  Sherman 
and  Sheridan  (cheers)  will  be  dear  to  our  candidate.  (Applause.) 
I  might  go  on  and  indicate  to  you  many  other  qualities  that  he  will 
possess.  I  might  point  out  to  you  the  character  of  a  man  he  will  be 
in  other  respects,  touching  him  as  an  individual,  touching  him  as  to 
record,  and  all  those  matters,  but  let  me  simply  say,  and  with  that  quit 
the  platform,  that  he  will  not  only  be  a  man  who  will  cherish  patriotic 
recollections,  but  he  will  have  a  record  as  a  Republican  that  will  be 
without  spot  or  blemish.  (Cheers.)  He  will  be  a  man  who  will  take 
our  standard  in  his  hands  and  carry  it  to  victory  in  the  name  of  Repub- 
licanism (cheers)  without  extenuation  or  apology  to  anybody,  and  when 
he  has  once  been  elected,  it  will  be  his  first  and  highest  business  to 
give  us  a  Republican  administration.  (Applause.)  He  will  not  do  it 
by  any  false  pretense.  He  will  not  do  it  by  any  kind  of  indirectness, 
but  he  will  go  straight  ever  at  the  mark.  He  will  do  it  in  the  name  of 
Republicanism  and  because  he  will  have  the  good  sense  to  know  and 
the  courage  to  proclaim  and  act  upon  the  principle  that  he  serves  the 
republic  best  who  best  serves  the  Republican  Party.  (Applause.) 
That  is  the  kind  of  a  man  I  came  here  to  try  to  nominate.  (Applause.) 
If  we  get  that  kind  of  a  man  nominated,  we  can  catch  up  that  glorious 
refrain  that  comes  to  us  from  Oregon  and  sweep  the  whole  country 
with  a  magnificent  triumph  that  will  knock  Grover  Cleveland  and  the 
red  bandana  into  "innocuous  desuetude."     (Applause.) 


The  comments  upon  this  speech  and  upon  myself  in  con- 
nection with  it  were  all  favorable,  even  those  appearing  in 
the  Democratic  newspapers.  The  following,  quoting  fur- 
ther from  the  Chicago  Tribune,  is  a  fair  sample  of  what 
appeared  in  all  the  newspapers  the  next  morning : 

The  popular  reception  given  the  speaker  was  not  less  enthusiastic 
than  that  of  the  Convention  itself.  The  cheers  were  the  lustiest,  the 
longest  and  the  heartiest  that  had  been  heard  in  the  Convention  hall. 


350  JOSEPH  BENSON  FORAKER 

It  was  impossible  for  him  to  proceed  for  several  minutes,  and,  when 
he  was  permitted  to  speak,  he  delivered  a  speech  as  curious  for  what  he 
suggested,  but  left  unsaid,  as  for  what  he  said  with  a  directness  and 
hammer-like  force  that  kept  the  cheers  ringing  incessantly. 

He  was  compelled  to  speak  extemporaneously  to  avoid  making  an 
impression  that  would  savor  of  selfishness  or  of  disloyalty  to  the  can- 
didate for  whom  his  state  is  pledged.  \.  more  difficult  task  under  all 
the  circumstances  a  man  could  not  confront.  Ke  showed  at  once  that 
if  Mr.  Thurston  was  made  the  victim  Tuesday  of  his  subordination  of 
idea  to  rhetoric,  Foraker  was  perfectly  able  to  subordinate  language 
to  idea,  and  so  to  adjust  the  idea  as  to  arouse  party  passion  to  the 
highest  pitch,  while  not  offending  against  either  faction,  prudence  or 
public  taste.  He  said  with  characteristic  bluntness  that  they  had  met 
to  formulate  a  declaration  of  Republican  principles  and  to  nominate 
the  next  President  of  the  United  States. 

"I  do  not  know  what  his  name  is  to  be,"  he  said,  "but  I  do  know 
what  some  of  his  qualities  will  be."  After  an  instant's  pause  he  added: 
"He  will  be  first  a  gentleman."  The  hit  was  so  sudden,  its  pungency 
so  bitter,  its  direction  so  swift,  that  it  dazed  the  galleries  and  hushed 
the  floor,  but  that  brief  instant  exploded  in  a  long  series  of  shouts, 
clapping  of  hands,  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and  other  miscellaneous 
expressions  of  ecstatic  satisfaction.  The  10,000  or  12,000 — for  every  seat 
even  to  the  skyline  on  all  sides  was  filled — laughed,  screamed,  shouted, 
cheered  and  laughed  again.  The  hit  was  palpable.  "He  will  be  a  man 
of  good  moral  character,"  and  the  laughter  was  silenced,  but  the  cheers 
were  more  emphatic.  "He  will  have  some  record  as  a  patriot;  he  will 
have  been  a  loyal  citizen."  Each  shaft  at  the  head  of  the  Democratic 
Party  was  sent  relentlessly  on  its  errand,  and  the  point  hissed  on  the 
object  it  struck. 

The  effect  of  the  speech  was  to  make  Governor  Foraker  the  favorite 
of  the  Convention.  It  was  manifest  that  he  stood  before  it  an  ideal 
partisan,  reckless  of  the  censure  of  its  enemies,  proud  of  its  achieve- 
ments and  indifferent  to  every  effect  except  that  upon  party  success. 
Oratory  is  not  always  a  thing  of  splendor  of  imagery,  of  glowing 
periods,  of  magnificent  sweeping  of  emotions.  It  is  often  the  irresistible 
expression  of  an  impassioned  character,  speaking  in  brief,  terse,  stu- 
diously bare  and  cautious  words.  Its  fire  may  be  in  the  eye,  not  in  the 
phrase.  Its  power  may  be  discerned  in  the  man,  reserved  and  held 
back  by  art  more  subtle  than  the  art  of  copiousness.  The  personality 
of  Governor  Foraker  is  made  up  largely  of  the  elements  of  oratory; 
and  those  who  study  him  closely  incline  to  the  belief  that  a  younger 
Blaine  is  in  the  Republican  Party — a  Blaine  who  is  profiting  by  the 
experience  of  the  elder  in  the  science  of  leaving  much  unsaid  and  of 
saying  clearly,  boldly  and  brilliantly  what  it  is  courageous  and  saga- 
cious to  say. 

In  due  time  on  Thursday,  the  third  day  of  the  Conven- 
tion, the  order  of  business  was  reached  under  which  the  roll 
of  States  was  called  for  the  presentation  of  candidates.      When 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        351 

Connecticut  was  called  General  Joseph  H.  Hawley  was  placed 
in  nomination  by  a  delegate  from  that  State,  but  without  any 
speech  and  without  any  second.  When  Illinois  was  reached 
General  Walter  Q.  Gresham  was  placed  in  nomination  by 
the  Honora;ble  Leonard  Swett,  who  commenced  by  telling 
of  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  by  a  Convention  held 
in  Chicago  and  attended  by  him  twenty-eight  years  before. 
He  then  sketched  the  achievements  of  the  Republican  Party 
from  that  day  until  the  Convention  he  was  addressing,  giv- 
ing in  connection  therewith  a  long  detailed  biographical 
account  of  the  political  affiliations  and  military  and  other 
services  of  his  candidate.  This  nomination  was  seconded  by 
the  Honorable  Frank  F.  Davis  of  Minnesota,  in  which  he  told 
us  that  if  challenged  to  match  Abraham  Lincoln  he  would 
do  it  with  Walter  Q.  Gresham.  Speaking  of  the  demand 
for  him  he  said: 

I  hear  it  amid  the  murmur  of  the  Northern  pines.  I  hear  it  in  the 
sighs  of  heaven  that  come  from  harvest-laden  prairies  waiting  the 
garner's  sickle  to  feed  a  hungry  world,  from  lands  that  yearn  for 
Statehood  wrongfully  denied.  I  hear  it  in  the  thunder  of  the  cloud- 
capped  peaks  of  Allegheny  and  Sierra,  speaking  in  tongues  of  aval- 
anche down  mountain  canyon.  I  hear  it  in  the  rush  and  whirl  of  the 
marts  of  commerce,  and  amid  the  crash  of  loom  and  wheel.  It  rides 
upon  the  wind  that  blows  through  the  Golden  Gate  or  fans  the  brow 
of  Liberty  upon  Manhattan's  bay — ^wherever  toil  from  earth  or  air  or 
sea  brings  to  the  human  race  its  fruits  of  labor. 

And  so  he  went  on  to  the  end  with  one  such  sentence 
after   another. 

This  nomination  was  further  seconded  by  Hon.  John  R. 
Lynch,  a  delegate  from  the  State  of  Mississippi,  who  had 
been  Temporary  Chairman  of  the  Convention  of  1884,  and 
who  was  a  very  able  representative  of  the  negro  race.  He 
made  a  good  speech,  showing  that  his  candidate  was  loyal 
to  the  principles  of  Republicanism  in  their  application  to 
his  race,  but  it  was  too  long.  The  Convention  became  some- 
what impatient  and  interrupted  him  with  calls  of  time. 

A  third  seconding  speech  made  by  the  Honorable  Samuel 
W.    McCall  of  Massachusetts,   followed  that  made  by   Mr. 


352 


JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 


Lynch.  In  simple,  beautiful  and  strong  sentences  he  cham- 
pioned the  cause  of  his  candidate,  making  a  good  impression 
as  to  himself,  at  least,  on  all  that  great  audience.  That  was 
the  first  time  I  ever  saw  and  heard  Mr.  McCall.  The  impres- 
sions of  him  then  formed  were  strengthened  into  positive 
admiration  and  warm  personal  regard  by  my  acquaintance 
with  him  in  subsequent  years  while  he  was  serving  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  I  in  the  Senate. 

Although  most  abundantly  nominated  by  the  principal 
and  seconding  speeches  already  made,  still  another  delegate, 
Mr.  John  B.  Rector  of  Texas,  again  seconded  the  nomi- 
nation. 

In  all  the  political  conventions  it  was  my  privilege  to 
^  4,  y  h  5  attend  I  never  knew  a  candidate  so  voluminously  presented 
to  the  Convention;  or  anything  like  so  much  time — nearly 
two  hours — taken  up  with  such  a  matter. 
I  1  In  all  these  speeches  the  speakers  took  pains  to  claim  for 
General  Gresham  that  he  was  a  sound  Republican — sound 
on  the  tariff  and  sound  as  to  all  other  Republican  principles 
and  that  it  should  not  injure  his  cause  that  he  was  a  favor- 
ite with  the  Mugwumps,  who  had  defeated  Blaine  in  1884. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Rector's  speech  the  call  of  the 
States  was  continued.  When  Indiana  was  reached  the  Honor- 
shle  and  venerable  Richard  W.  Thompson  announced  that  the 
Honora:ble  Albert  G.  Porter,  ex-Governor  of  Indiana,  would 
present  the  candidate  of  the  Indiana  delegation.  Governor 
Porter,  in  a  very  able  speech,  nominated  Benjamin  Harrison. 
This  nomination  was  seconded  by  E.  H.  Terrell  of  Texas, 
and  Senator  Gallinger  of  New  Hampshire.  This  was  the 
first  time  I  saw  and  heard  Senator  Gallinger.  His 
modest  manner  but  strong  and  effective  speech  made  him  a 
favorite  with  all  who  heard  him,  whether  in  strict  accord 
with  him  or  not.  I  had  afterward  a  delightful  acquaint- 
ance with  him  when  I  served  with  him  for  twelve  years 
in  the  Senate. 

When  Iowa  was  called  Mr.  Hepburn  placed  Senator  Alli- 
son in  nomination.  His  speech  was  worthy  of  the  occasion 
and  of  the  man  whose  cause  he  championed.  His  nomi- 
nation was  seconded  by  Mr.  Bosworth  of  Rhode  Island. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        353 

And  then  when  Michigan  was  called  came  the  nomination 
of  Russell  A.  Alger.  The  principal  speech  was  made  by 
Hon.  Robert  G.  Eraser.  He  was  one  of  the  readiest,  most 
eloquent  and  most  forcible  of  all  the  men  who  addressed  the 
Convention.  His  speech  made  a  most  favorable  impression 
and  was  punctuated  from  time  to  time  by  loud  applause 
not  only  by  the  Convention  but  by  the  thousands  who  filled 
the  galleries.  This  nomination  was  seconded  by  Charles 
J.  Noyes  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  that,  taken  with 
McCall's  plea  for  Gresham,  showed  that  where  Mr.  Sherman 
was  supposed  to  be  strongest  outside  of  Ohio  and  Pennsyl- 
vania his  antagonists  were  to  have  a  strong  and  earnest  sup- 
port. Several  other  speeches  were  made  seconding  the  nom- 
ination of  General  Alger. 

When  New  York  was  called  Senator  Frank  Hiscock  placed 
Chauncey  M.  Depew  in  nomination.  The  quality  of  his 
speech  was  good  but  he  did  not  arouse  much  enthusiasm. 
Mr.  Hartley  of  Minnesota,  in  a  few  brief  sentences,  sec- 
onded Mr.  Depew's  nomination. 

Next  Ohio  was  called.  In  response  General  D.  H.  Has- 
tings of  Pennsylvania  took  the  platform  and  in  a  well  con- 
sidered, very  eloquent  and  very  comprehensive  speech,  pre- 
sented the  name  of  John  Sherman.  I  then  seconded  the 
nomination,  speaking  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: — Ohio  is  sometimes 
like  New  York.  She  occasionally  comes  to  a  National  Republican  ^-^ 
Convention  divided  as  to  her  choice  for  the  Presidency,  and  sometimes 
she  comes  united.  She  has  so  come  on  this  occasion.  (Loud  applause.) 
Her  forty-six  delegates  are  here  to  sper.k  as  one  man.  (Applause.) 
And  it  is  at  their  bidding,  on  their  behalf  and  in  their  name  that  I 
take  this  platform  to  second  the  nomination  that  has  been  made. 
(Applause.)  Not  so,  however,  because  John  Sherman  is  a  citizen  of 
our  State.  Knowing  him  as  we  do,  we  should  support  him  here  with 
the  same  unanimity,  the  same  zeal,  and  with  the  same  determination 
and  intensity  of  purpose,  no  matter  from  what  section  he  might  be. 
(Loud  applause.)  For  we  know  and  pledge  for  him  that  which  you 
gentlemen  of  aU  the  other  States  must  recognize  and  concede — that 
he  is  not  so  much  a  citizen  of  any  one  State  as  a  citizen,  in  the  highest 
sense  of  the  word,  of  all  the  States  of  all  this  XJnion.  (Applause.) 
His  name  and  fame  fiU  the  whole  land  and  brighten  every  page  of 
American  history  that  has  been  written  since  he  entered  public  life. 


354  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Nominate  him,  and  you  need  not  waste  any  time  on  biographical 
sketches.     (Cries  of  "That's  so.") 

When  you  recall  what  has  been  said  from  this  platform  today  you 
can  appreciate  the  value  of  that  advantage.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
He  is  the  immediate  friend  and  acquaintance  of  all  classes  and  con- 
ditions of  our  people  (applause),  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor,  white 
and  black,  native  and  foreign.  (Applause.)  As  it  was  written  in  our 
platform,  as  it  was  read  from  that  desk  today,  all  alike  know  and  honor 
him,  because  all  alike  have  a  common  part  and  a  common  claim  in 
his  illustrious  achievements.  (Applause.)  But  no  more  do  they  honor 
him  for  his  distinguished  services  to  his  country  than,  as  it  was  well 
said  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  because  of  the  exalted 
character  and  purity  of  his  private  life-  (Applause.)  He  is  in  the 
highest  sense  of  the  word  a  typical  representative  of  American  life, 
American  citizenship  and  American  statesmanship  at  the  same  time. 
(Cheers  and  applause.) 

General  Hastings  well  said  that  he  would  not  repeat  his  record  to 
you  from  this  platform.  If  he  were  to  detain  you  until  he  could  do 
so,  we  would  not  get  a  standard  bearer  until  the  next  term  of  the 
Presidency  commenced.  (Applause.)  It  covers  all  there  is  of  Repub- 
licanism. (Applause.)  It  commences  before  the  party  commenced 
(applause),  and  it  has  gone  continually  on  from  that  moment  until 
this.  There  is  not  a  question,  and  has  not  been  in  thirty  years,  affecting 
American  people  internally  or  externally  that  John  Sherman  has  not 
dealt  with.  (Applause.)  And  how?  In  such  a  way  as  to  command 
the  unbounded  confidence  not  only  of  the  business  interests,  but  of 
fT^  "\*  every  other  kind  of  interests  in  the  United  States,  (Applause.)  I 
j^  jf/'  ^  I  have  not  heard  of  any  breezes  wafting  sighs  for  his  nomination,  as 
,    j>^  was  the  case  with  another  gentleman.     (Laughter.)     But  I  have  heard, 

/*^  .  as  you  have  heard,  a  Macedonian  call  coming  up  from  every  section 

of  the  United  States.  (Cheers.)  But  John  Sherman  is  something  more 
than  a  good  citizen  and  a  great  statesman;  something  more  in  the  sense 
that  we  want  to  have  something  more  in  the  candidate  whom  we  nom- 
inate today.     I  am  becoming  a  little  particular  in  this  matter. 

I  want  a  Republican  this  time.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "Good, 
good.")  I  want  one  of  the  kind  of  Republicans  we  had  on  this  plat- 
form  last  night.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "That's  right.")  I  want  a 
,  \  man  who  is  not  only  a  Republican  from  the  top  of  his  head  to  the 
soles  of  his  feet,  but  who  has  been  one  sU  his  life.  I  don't  mean  to 
insinuate  anybody  is  not  that.  (Cries  of  "Oh,  no,  oh,  no.")  But  I  do 
want  to  impress  upon  you  that  John  Sherman  is  all  that.  (Applause.) 
He  has  ever  been  ready — no  matter  how  much  personal  disappointment 
might  be  involved — to  support  the  platform  and  the  nominee  of  the 
Convention.  He  never  sulks,  he  never  strays  away  with  bad  company. 
(Applause  and  laughter.)  On  the  contrary,  he  is  always  in  line  and 
ready  for  duty.  (Applause.)  Yes,  he  is  always  on  duty,  and  that, 
too,  at  the  very  forefront.     (Applause.) 

Where  the  fight  is  thickest  there  he  always  delights  to  be.  And  he 
is  a  leader  of  men — a  natural-born  leader.  He  belongs  to  a  family 
of  leaders.    (Cheers,  and  some  one  in  the  audience  called  out,  "Hurrah 


y^^ 


^: 


»/' 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        355 

for  Sherman!"  but  Foraker  deprecated  any  display,  and  proceeded.) 
He  is  a  brother  of  that  grand  old  hero  and  leader,  so  dear  to  the 
heart  of  every  man  who  wore  the  blue,  who  once  split  the  Jeff  Davis 
wing  of  the  Democratic  Party  wide  open  when  he  marched  in  triumph 
from  Atlanta  to  the  sea.  (Great  enthusiasm.)  Put  your  banner  into 
the  hands  of  John  Sherman,  and  let  him  do  a  similar  job  for  you  now. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  He  will  not  only  carry  it  to  victory;  he 
will  givi.  the  country  the  laenefit  of  that  victory  (applause) — not  in  any 
narrow  or  bigoted  sense;  not  certainly  by  a  resort  to  such  pusillanimous- 
methods  as  those  known  under  the  name  and  guise  of  "offensive  par- 
tisanship" (laughter  and  applause) ;  not  either  by  a  cowardly  assassi- 
nation of  individual  character  (cries  of  "Good!"  and  applause),  the- 
method  that  seems  so  dear  to  our  over-righteous  Mugwump  friends, 
(laughter  and  applause),  but  he  will  do  it  in  a  manly  and  couragecBDus? 
way.  He  will  administer  our  public  affairs  by  Republican  agenciear, 
according  to  Republican  principles.  (Cries  of  "Good!"  and  applause.) 
He  will  fulfill  the  pledge  with  which  we  commenced  our  platform, 
namely,  that  the  Constitution  and  the  l.iws  of  this  country  shall  be 
enforced  everywhere  throughout  our  boundaries.     (Applause.) 

A  voice:    Even  in  South  Carolina? 

Mr.  Foraker:  Yes,  even  in  South  Carolina.  (Great  applause.) 
What  is  the  use  of  talking  about  reducing  the  surplus  revenue  unless  you 
first  settle  it  that  when  the  people  have  reached  conclusions  they  shall 
be  allowed  to  express  the  conclusions  they  have  reached?    (Applause.) 

Yes,  John  Sherman  is  a  Republican  who  will  see  to  it  that  American 
citizens  are  protected  in  the  enjoyment  and  the  exercise  of  their  rights 
of  citizenship  wheresoever  the  flag  may  float.  (Applause.)  He  will 
uphold  and  force  the  wise  and  patriotic  policy  of  a  protective  tariff. 
(Cries  of  "Good,  good"  and  cheers.)  His  aim  and  ambition,  policy  and 
affections,  if  you  please,  will  be  national.  They  take  in  South  Carolina 
(applause),  and  we  will  make  it  a  decent  place  even  for  Republicans 
to  live — yes,  under  the  benevolent  guidance  of  his  administration  the 
whole  South  will  be  given  an  opportunity  to  develop  her  resources  and 
build  up  her  industrial  pursuits,  and,  under  such  provisions  as  those 
proposed  by  the  Blair  bill,  educate  her  children  (cheers)  until  they 
have  been  brought  abreast  in  the  march  of  progress,  in  the  development 
of  wealth  and  power,  with  their  sister  States  in  the  Union.  (Cries  of 
"Good,  good.") 

And  then,  when  we  are  all  abreast,  there  will  be  no  rivalries  such  as 
have  existed  heretofore,  but  under  the  blessings  of  a  common  prosperity 
all  this  wicked  spirit  of  sectionalism  that  the  present  administration 
has  revived  (cries  of  "Good,  good")  will  be  overthrown,  and  the  South, 
bound  to  the  North  and  every  other  section  of  the  country  in  the 
bonds  of  prosperity,  which  are  ever  stronger  than  any  that  can  be  forged 
by  constitutional  provisions  or  legislative  enactments,  all  will  be  started 
with  us  on  that  march  to  a  destiny  that  is  greater  and  grander  than  any 
language  can  describe.  (Applause.)  If,  therefore,  high  personal 
character,  long-tried  and  capable  statesmanship,  unfaltering  and 
unswerving  devotion  to  the  principles  of  Republicanism,  as  you  have 
announced  them  here,  coupled  with  a  guarantee  of  success  at  the  polls 
in  November,  to  be  followed  by  such  magnificent  results   as  I  have 


S66  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

indicated,    are    commendations    to    your    favor,    then    nominate    John 
Sherman,  not  of  Ohio,  but  of  the  United   States.      (Great  applause.) 

As  I  made  my  way  to  the  platform  a  huge  floral  piece 
was  placed  near  where  I  was  to  stand  while  speaking,  bear- 
ing the  reibel  flag  message,  "No  rebel  flags  will  be  sur- 
rendered while  I  am  Governor."  I  had  no  intimation  that 
any  such  thing  was  contemplated  until  I  saw  it  done.  I 
was  both  surprised  and  annoyed  by  it,  for  I  at  once  realized 
that,  under  the  circumstances  it  was  not  only  in  bad  taste, 
but  that  it  was  another  incident  that  would  be  utilized  to 
my  disadvantage  by  my  enemies  and  defamers.  I  impa- 
tiently ordered  it  removed  and  as  soon  as  I  had  concluded 
my  speeech  instituted  an  inquiry  to  find  out  who  was  respon- 
sible. I  supposed  some  over-zealous  friends  from  Ohio  had 
done  it,  and  was  much  relieved  when  it  was  found  that  two 
ladies  living  in  Chicago,  whom  I  had  never  seen  but  once, 
were  the  "guilty  parties."  Governor  Foster,  who  was  one 
of  the  closest  friends  of  Senator  Hanna  and  in  thorough 
sympathy  with  him  in  all  he  legitimately  did  in  that  con- 
test, promptly  and  frankly  vindicated  me  by  giving  to  the 
press  the  following  statement: 

How  IT  Happeked. 

Gov.  FosTEE  Explains  About  Those  Foraker   Flowebs 
AND  Their  Source. 

Special  to  the  Evening  Journal. 

Chicago^  June  22. — Some  criticism  having  been  made  on  Gov.  Foraker 
because  of  the  introduction  in  the  convention  of  the  beautiful  floral 
piece  which  was  exhibited  yesterday,  ex-Gov.  Foster  said:  "I  deem  it 
proper  to  make  the  following  explanation:  About  a  year  ago  two  ladies 
called  upon  me,  highly  accredited  by  citizens  of  Chicago,  of  excellent 
standing,  in  the  interest  of  their  brother,  who  had  but  a  short  time 
previous  been  sent  to  the  Ohio  penitentiary  from  the  county  in  which 
I  live.  These  ladies  had  not  heard  of  their  brother  for  many  years, 
and  supposed  him  dead.  They  made  the  statement  that  they  were  well 
to  do;  that  the  husband  of  one  of  them  was  engaged  in  a  business  in 
which  he  employed  many  people.  They  were  disposed  to  give  this 
brother  employment  and  a  home  with  them  in  case  he  was  pardoned. 
I  wrote  Gov.  Foraker,  recommending  a  pardon,  as  did  several  other  of 
our  citizens.  The  Governor  granted  the  pardon.  To  manifest  their 
appreciation  of  this  kindly  act  on  the  part  of  the  Governor,  these  ladies, 
without  his  knowledge,  secured  the  preparction  of  the  floral  piece  exhib- 
ited in  the  Convention  today  at  the  time  of  Gov.  Foraker's  speech." 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF  1888        357 

Mr.  Kerr,  in  his  very  excellent  "Life  of  Sherman,"  tells 
of  this  incident  without  the  explanation  given  by  Governor 
Foster.  He  also  says  of  my  speech  seconding  Mr.  Sher- 
man's nomination  that  it  lacked  "tact  and  diplomacy."  In 
making  this  statement  he  was  but  repeating  what  a  few  of 
my  active  enemies  said  of  it  at  the  time.  The  overwhelm- 
ing newspaper  comment  was  entirely  favorable,  even  more 
than  favorable.  In  view  of  Mr.  Kerr's  comments  I  quote 
briefly   from   an   almost   unlimited   supply: 

The  New  York  Sun  said : 

Foraker  followed  with  a  seconding  speech.  Need  any  more  be  said? 
Foraker  is  the  pet  and  darling  of  this  Convention.  The  appearance  of 
his  face,  the  mention  of  his  name,  the  sound  of  his  voice,  electrify  the 
delegates  and  the  spectators.  In  Chicago  today  the  word  Foraker  is 
synonymous  with  wild  enthusiasm.  As  he  strode  upon  the  platform 
some  burly  men  were  seen  bearing  a  great  floral  piece.  It  was  several 
feet  high  and  half  a  foot  thick.  It  was  as  gorgeous  as  Solomon  in  his 
glory.  Worked  with  red  flowers  upon  a  white  background  was  this 
sentiment:  "No  rebel  flags  will  be  surrendered  while  I  am  Governor." 
These  were  the  words  of  the  famous  dispatch  the  magnetic  Republican 
sent  at  the  time  of  the  Cleveland  battle-flag  episode.  One  can  imagine 
the  excitement  of  the  crowd  when  it  is  known  that  because  the  men  in  the 
gallery  over  the  platform  could  not  read  the  words  on  this  floral  piece, 
an  uproar  amounting  to  a  small  riot  was  developed.  "Turn  it  around, 
turn  it  around,"  could  be  heard  above  the  tornado  of  yelling.  Nothing 
would  satisfy  the  people  until  it  was  so  turned,  although  the  chairman 
pounded  his  gavel  until  splinters  flew  from  it  in  the  bushy  locks  of 
Fred  Douglass  and  the  well-barbered  head  of  Jones,  of  the  National 
Committee.  Thus  Foraker's  boom  was  launched  in  the  middle  of  the 
Sherman  boom. 

Foraker  is  a  reckless  talker — as  pugnacious  as  a  terrier  and  as  quick 
as  a  flash. 

Here  is  one  sentence.  Said  he:  "Nominate  Sherman  and  you  needn't 
waste  any  time  on  biographical  sketches.  From  what  has  been  said 
here  today  you  can  appreciate  the  full  value  of  that  advantage."  Here 
is  another:  "I  haven't  heard  of  any  sighs  being  wafted  here  for  Sher- 
man, as  another  gentleman  did  for  his  candidate.'*  This  was  a  reference 
to  something  said  by  Davis  of  Minnesota.  "I  want  a  Republican  this 
time.  I  am  getting  particular.  I  want  one  who  has  been  a  Repub- 
lican without  interruption."  This  was  how  he  put  the  knife  into  Depew. 
"I  don't  say  that  any  one  has  not  been  one.  I  only  want  one  of  that 
kind."     (Yells  and  tumultuous  applause.) 

Then  he  made  some  good  points.  This  was  one  sentence:  "Sherman 
is  a  leader;  he  is  a  natural-born  leader.  He  belongs  to  a  family  of 
leaders."  Here  is  another  sentence  that  took  the  crowd:  "The  General 
broke  the  Jeff  Davis  wing  of  the  Democracy  wide  open.  Let  his 
brother  take  command  and  he  will  do  a  similar  job  for  you." 


368  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  truth  is,  Foraker  is  a  transparently  honest  man.  Whatever  is 
in  him,  as  has  well  been  said,  shines  out  through  him  and  can  not  be 
hidden.  If  he  loves  or  if  he  hates,  you  know  it,  and  if  he  has  a  brief 
and  human  spasm  of  ambition  or  jealousy,  it  is  apparent.  These  are 
things  which  people  can  forgive  in  a  fighter  of  such  quality  as  Ohio's 
Governor,  in  whose  belt  the  scalp  of  Grover  Cleveland,  who  has  been 
heard  of  in  connection  with  certain  battle  flags,  dangles  beside  that  of 
Hoadly  and  Powell. 

So  long  as  Foraker  knocks  out  the  enemies  of  the  Republican  Party 
with  celerity  and  finality  he  will  be  a  figure  of  great  honor  among  us 
and  impulsiveness  will  not  be  set  down  greatly  to  his  discredit. 

The  Cleveland  Leader  said: 

Governor  Foraker  arose  to  second  the  nomination.  He  was  greeted 
with  a  tremendous  ovation.  Just  before  he  began  speaking  a  large 
floral  tribute  was  brought  down  the  central  aisle  to  the  stage.  Across 
it  in  red  flowers  were  wrought  these  words:  "No  rebel  flags  will  be 
surrendered  while  I  am  Governor."  When  Foraker  saw  it  he  indig- 
nantly waved  it  away  and  began  his  speech.  You  can  read  it  in  another 
column,  and  you  will  see  that  he  is  in  every  sentence  loyal  to  the  Ohio 
candidate  and  that  it  is  a  complete  and  overwhelming  repudiation  of 
the  despicable  calumnies  of  which  Governor  Foraker  has  been  made 
the  victim.  It  was  the  finest  speech  of  the  day  by  all  odds,  and  the 
Governor  put  so  much  energy  into  it  that  the  applause  was  almost 
continuous  while  he  talked,  and  when  he  had  concluded  half  the  delegates 
and  every  person  in  the  audience  were  on  their  feet  cheering  with 
might  and  main.  The  applause  continued  for  fully  fifteen  minutes, 
and  the  cheers  were  turned  into  a  song,  and  the  immense  throng  joined 
in  that  grand  air  so  closely  connected  with  the  name  of  Sherman, 
"Marching  Through  Georgia." 


The  Ohio  State  Journal  said: 

The  tribute  of  our  Governor  Foraker  to  John  Sherman  was  so  con- 
spicuously grand,  so  clear,  so  comprehensive,  so  pertinent,  so  patriotic, 
so  generous  to  the  South,  so  suggestive,  so  inspiring,  as  to  create  in  the 
convention  a  commotion  and  an  uprising  that  swept  over  all  bounds 
and  made  the  place,  the  hour  and  the  man  historic.  Gov.  Foraker  even 
captured  his  enemies  and  transformed  them  into  hearty,  eulogistic 
friends,  if  not  partisans.    We  quote  the  following  from  a  Chicago  special: 

"Major  Bickham  was  sitting  by  your  correspondent  and  said  that  he 
heard  Bob  IngersoU  at  the  Cincinnati  Convention  in  1876,  Conkling  and 
Garfield  in  1880,  and  the  great  master  efforts  four  years  ago,  but  For- 
aker's  effort  had  beaten  them  all.  Those  who  read  the  Governor's 
speech  will  get  no  idea  of  it  as  a  masterpiece.  What  he  excelled  all 
other  speakers  today  in  was  the  grace,  force  and  pointedness  of  his 
delivery.  He  was  at  home  on  his  feet  in  the  presence  of  the  multitude 
and  charmed  them  with  the  magnetism  of  his  faultless  intonation,  ring- 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        359 

ing  voice  and  musical  climaxes.  He  spoke  without  notes  and  with  all 
the  power  there  was  in  both  his  mind  and  his  body,  and  he  followed 
men  who  had  become  noted  as  speakers  in  both  branches  of  Congress. 

"The  demonstration  that  followed  Foraker's  speech  was  the  greatest 
ever  seen  in  a  convention.  It  lasted  twfnty  minutes  and  all  efforts  to 
cut  it  off  failed.  Other  demonstrations  may  have  lasted  longer,  but  it 
was  conceded  among  the  newspaper  men  who  have  attended  all  national 
conventions  for  years  that  none  equaled  it  in  extent  of  enthusiasm  or 
wild  demonstrations.  The  Governor  was  cut  short,  in  fact,  and  quit 
at  the  end  of  a  climax  before  he  had  finished.  It  was  a  Sherman  speech 
through  and  through,  and  the  first  to  rush  up  and  congratulate  the 
Governor  were  Foster,  McKinley,  Butterworth,  Hanna  and  other  dele- 
gates who  have  been  said  to  be  jealous  of  Foraker's  popularity. 

"The  Chicago  Tribune,  which  has  been  sneering  at  Foraker,  General 
Boynton,  Mr.  Halstead — and  indeed  everybody — upraises  the  Governor's 
speech  in  the  highest  terms." 

The  Buckeye  Volunteer,  a  soldier  paper  of  large  circu- 
lation in  Ohio  at  that  time,  said: 

But  it  was  reserved  for  our  gallant  and  eloquent  Foraker  to  set  the 
convention  wild  over  Sherman  in  seconding  his  nomination.  It  was 
certainly  the  greatest  effort  and  the  greatest  event  of  Foraker's  eventful 
life.  Much  was  expected  of  him,  but  he  outdid  the  greatest  that  was 
expected.  When  he  was  called  to  the  pla^form  there  was  placed  on  the 
opposite  side  or  end  from  where  he  stood,  a  great  floral  tribute  of  a 
bank  of  flowers,  fully  as  large  as  an  ordinary  bed,  on  which  was 
inscribed,  in  bright  letters  of  flowers,  the  words,  now  famous,  "No  rebel 
flags  will  be  surrendered  while  I  am  Governor."  Foraker  was  evidently 
surprised  at  this  and  manifested  his  surprise  and  disapprobation  by  a 
wave  of  his  hand  and  telling  the  bearers  of  it  to  take  it  away,  no  doubt 
feeling  that  it  might  be  a  fresh  source  of  misrepresentation  as  to  his 
sincerity  of  the  support  of  Sherman.  But  if  any  one  thought  this,  he 
was  soon  set  aright  as  to  Foraker's  loyalty  to  Sherman,  by  the  eloquent 
manner  in  which  he  presented  Sherman's  name,  which  was  interrupted 
throughout  by  applause,  and  which,  when  Foraker  ended,  broke  out  into 
a  regular  pandemonium,  which  lasted  for  over  fifteen  minutes,  accom- 
panied by  a  scene  of  shouting  and  waving  of  flags,  handkerchiefs  and 
throwing  of  hats  and  the  like,  which  equalled  the  demonstration  when 
Blaine  was  put  in  nomination  four  years  ago. 

F.  D.  Mussey,  in  the  Commercial  Gazette,  said: 

When  Foraker  arose  to  second  the  nomination  there  was  a  second 
outbreak,  lasting  longer  than  the  first.  The  whole  convention  and 
audience  joined  in  the  applause.  This  was  deepened  when  an  enormous 
floral  emblem  was  carried  to  the  stage  and  placed  so  as  to  face  the 


^  ^ 


360  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

people,  showing  in  bright  flowers  the  words:  "No  rebel  flags  will  be 
surrendered  while  I  am  Governor."  This  caused  so  much  enthusiasm 
that  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  famous  Ohio  Governor  could  speak, 
eager  as  the  throng  were  to  hear  him.  At  last  it  became  quiet  and 
Foraker  began  his  great  speech,  and  the  Convention  entered  upon  the 
scenes  that  will  live  in  history  among  the  most  remarkable  ever  recorded 
of  the  deliberations  of  civil  assemblages. 

Mr.  Foraker  had  gone  on  in  his  speech  amid  rapidly  growing  excite- 
ment. As  he  scored  brilliant  point  after  brilliant  point  in  his  magnetic 
manner,  he  wrought  the  vast  throng  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthu- 
siasm. The  crowd  had  been  almost  bursting  with  it  for  two  days. 
Foraker  removed  the  pressure,  and  the  greatest  popular  explosion  of 
patriotic  sentiment  ever  known  in  the  country  was  the  result.  Foraker's 
eulogy  of  Sherman  was  grand  beyond  expectation,  especially  when  taken 
in  connection  with  the  unprecedented  combination  of  surroundings.  He 
closed  his  speech  with  an  allusion  to  the  fact  that  the  Democrats  had 
chosen  the  red  bandana  for  their  banner,  and  that  the  Republican 
Party,  the  party  of  America  and  for  America,  would  carry  for  their 
banner  the  American  flag. 

That  broke  the  last  link  that  held  down  the  pent-up  and  bubbling 
feelings  of  the  Convention.  They  burst  forth  with  a  mighty  roar  like 
a  storm  on  a  rock-bound  coast  or  the  thunders  of  the  sky.  The  Conven- 
tion passed  beyond  all  control  or  thought  of  control.  Ten  thousand 
banners  of  the  stars  and  stripes  were  waved  aloft.  The  heads  of  the 
people  disappeared  under  the  dazzling  commingling  of  red,  white  and 
blue  in  silk  and  bunting  and  muslin.  The  men  jumped  upon  chairs 
and  tables.  Every  person  in  the  house  was  on  his  feet,  every  voice 
was  raised.  The  din  was  deafening.  It  was  not  for  a  man,  it  was  not 
for  a  platform,  it  was  for  the  flag — the  flag  of  America,  the  flag  of 
the  free.  It  was  for  all  that  flag  means  and  represents.  It  was  the 
mighty  reflex  wave  from  all  the  tendency  of  things  in  the  last  few 
years.  It  was  the  patriotic  pride  of  the  people,  their  devotion,  their 
love,  their  faithfulness  expressing  itself.  Faster  and  faster  the  myriad 
of  banners  waved,  wilder  and  wilder  grew  the  excitement  and  grander 
grew  the  scene.  Upon  it  looked  the  faces  of  the  great  heroes  of  the 
Republican  Party  and  calmly  facing  it  in  marble  the  heroic  head  of 
John  A.  Logan.  Overhead,  all  around,  by  thf*  tens  of  thousands, 
appeared  the  beautiful  flag  of  America.  The  air  was  full  of  inspiration. 
It  was  charged  with  electricity  of  patriotism  and  love  of  home  and 
glorification  of  great  souls,  great  deeds,  a  great  land,  great  anticipa- 
tion ,and  memories  that  thrill  men's  hearts  of  days  that  will  never  die. 
On  and  on  went  the  mighty  demonstration  as  the  minutes  crept  away. 
Is  there  a  pause?  No.  Is  not  the  limit  reached?  No.  It  has  not  yet 
reached  the  verge  of  frenzy,  but  men  who  are  wise  and  calm  men  are 
moved  out  of  themselves,  and  with  flaming  eyes  and  strained  voices 
join  in  the  acclaim.  Higher  and  higher  it  goes,  wider  and  wider  broad- 
ens this  field  of  patriotic  sentiment.  A  hundred  feet  above  your  head 
hands  that  look  like  those  of  children  reach  out  and  wave  the  great 
bands  of  red,  white  and  blue  bunting  that  run  across  the  hall  for  hun- 
dreds of  feet.  From  this  lofty  elevation  flutter  down  small  flags,  so 
that  the  air  itself  has  its  share  of  the  starry  emblems. 


REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION   OF   1888        361^ 

The  minutes  pass  away — ^nine  minutes.  Do  you  think  what  nine 
minutes  of  this  sane  delirium,  this  wild  outpouring  of  the  human  soul's 
most  sacred  sentiments  is?  There  is  no  pause,  there  is  no  appearance 
of  cessation.  Every  time  the  President  pounds  with  his  gavel  they 
go  a  note  higher,  if  possible.  They  can  see  the  gavel,  they  cannot  hear 
it.  Suddenly  the  last  volume  of  sound  begins  to  assume  a  rhythmic 
cadence.  It  does  so  involuntarily.  The  same  impulse  comes  to  every 
unit  in  that  great  aggregate.  It  grows  and  deepens.  Slowly  but  surely 
it  becomes  more  evident,  and  at  last  it  takes  form  in  "Marching  Through 
Georgia,"  and  as  the  mighty  chorus  swelled  in  perfect  harmony  from  ten 
thousand  throats,  the  scene  became  sublime.  Men  ordinarily  collective 
lost  their  heads  and  were  men  in  the  excitement  of  battle. 

Those  who  were  present  might  never  forget  that  scene,  and  the 
memory  might  always  stir  their  heart's  yearning.  Men  who  met  in 
that  hall  could  get  some  idea  of  the  feeling  behind  the  American  flag, 
of  the  sentiment  it  stands  for,  with  its  power  to  move  men's  souls 
and  understand  as  they  never  did  before  why  their  fathers  poured 
out  their  blood  that  it  should  not  touch  the  earth.  The  old  snuff  rag 
— it  seems  a  sacrilege  to  mention  it  here — played  a  good  part  in  that 
it  was  the  instrument  in  bringing  about  this  demonstration  which  was, 
in  its  way,  as  grand  and  effective  and  as  unexpected  as  the  storming 
of  the  heights  of  Missionary  Ridge. 

When  the  adjournment  came  everybody  went  away  saying:  "This 
has  been  a  great  and  memorable  day,  and  it  is  good  that  we  have 
been  here," 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

1888 
THE   NOMINATION  OF  HARRISON. 

AFTER  a  whole  day  spent  in  listening  to  nominating 
-^^  .and  seconding  speeches  the  Convention  adjourned 
until  Friday  morning  when  balloting  for  candidates  com- 
menced. I  had  already  learned  enough  of  the  sentiment 
of  the  different  delegations  to  know  that  the  hopes  I  had 
as  to  Mr.  Sherman,  based  on  the  representations  of  Mr. 
Sherman,  Mr.  Hanna,  General  Grosvenor  and  others,  would 
not  be  realized;  but  I  was  not  prepared  for  so  much  of  a 
disappointment  as  I  received.  The  total  vote  for  Mr.  Sher- 
man on  the  first  ballot  was  only  229;  but  this  much  smaller 
vote  than  I  had  been  assured  he  would  get  was  not  the 
worst  feature.  My  greatest  disappointment  was  in  the  fact 
that  outside  of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  practically  all  his 
support  came  from  the  South.  Massachusetts,  with  a  dele- 
gation of  28,  gave  him  only  9  votes.  Maine,  with  her  12, 
gave  him  only  1.  With  the  exception  of  these  10  votes 
he  had  no  support  whatever  from  the  whole  of  New  Eng- 
land, New  York  or  New  Jersey,  and  with  the  exception 
of  3  votes  from  Nebraska  he  had  no  support  whatever  from 
the  Western  and  Northwestern  parts  of  the  country.  In 
other  words,  the  great  bulk  of  the  votes  from  the  Republican 
States  were  distributed  among  the  other  candidates,  who 
received  respectively:  Gresham,  107;  Harrison,  85;  Depew, 
99 ;  Allison,  72,  and  Alger,  84. 

We  knew  we  would  have  a  larger  vote  on  the  second 
ballot  from  Pennsylvania,  but  beyond  that  fact  all  was 
mere  speculation,  with  the  chances  against  us,  although  the 
next  highest  vote  to  Sherman's  on  the  first  ballot  was  only  107 
for  Gresham.  Ordinarily  such  a  lead  as  this  would  have 
362 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  368 

indicated  ultimate  success,  but  the  trouble  in  this  instance 
was  that  the  large  vote  from  the  South  came  from  States 
that  could  not  give  our  nominee  an  electoral  vote,  and  came 
under  circumstances  that  did  more  harm  than  good. 

The  Purchase  of  Tickets   from   Southern  Delegates. 

Each  delegate  to  the  Convention  was  entitled  to  two  extra 
tickets  of  admission  for  each  session.  The  purpose  of  these 
extra  tickets  was  to  enable  those  furnished  with  them  to 
accommodate  friends,  but  the  delegates  from  the  Southern 
States  were  far  from  home  and  short  of  cash.  They  had 
few  friends  to  accommodate,  but  many  necessities  that  were 
urgent.  Even  before  the  first  session  of  the  Convention 
was  held  rumors  were  afloat  that  the  Southern  delegates 
were  selling  their  extra  tickets  and  that  they  were  being 
purchased  in  the  respective  interests  of  different  candidates. 
The  names  of  General  Alger  and  Mr.  Sherman  were  both 
mentioned  in  this  connection. 

I  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  anything  of  the  kind 
being  done  by  anybody  until  a  day  or  two  before  the  ballot- 
ing commenced,  when  I  had  occasion  to  go  to  Mr.  Hanna's 
room  to  see  him  about  something  and  found  him  there  en- 
gaged in  buying  and  paying  for  such  tickets.  There  were 
a  number  of  negro  delegates  in  his  room,  and  he  was  taking 
their  tickets  and  paying  them  therefor  in  the  most  open, 
business-like  way. 

I  was  greatly  surprised  by  what  I  saw  and  ventured  to 
express  displeasure  therewith.  He  defended  his  action  as 
necessary  because  the  same  tactics  were  being  resorted  to  by 
others.  I  quickly  left  his  room  and  never  returned  to  it. 
I  also  succeeded  in  exchanging  my  room,  then  near  his,  for 
another  on  a  different  floor,  which  I  occupied  until  the 
close  of  the  Convention. 

Mr.  Sherman  in  his  "Personal  Recollections"  states  that 
he  was  informed  and  made  to  believe  that  the  friends  of 
General  Alger  were  bribing  delegates  from  the  Southern 
States,  who  had  been  instructed  to  vote  for  him  and  to  desert 
him  and  vote  for  Alger  by  buying  their  tickets.     What  was 


364  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

done  in  that  respect  I  do  not  know,  but  a  glance  at  the  vote 
cast  by  the  Southern  delegates  will  show  that  Mr.  Hanna 
did  not  allow  very  many  of  them  to  get  away  from  him. 
For  instance,  out  of  20  votes  from  Alabama,  Alger  got  6, 
Sherman  12;  Georgia,  Alger  none,  Sherman  19;  Louisiana, 
Alger  2,  Sherman  9 ;  Mississippi,  Alger  none,  Sherman  12 ; 
North  Carolina,  Alger  2,  Sherman  15 ;  South  Carolina, 
Alger  S,  Sherman  11;  Tennessee,  Alger  9,  Sherman  7; 
Virginia,  Alger  3,  Sherman  11,  and  so  on  to  the  end. 

I  came  to  know  General  Alger  in  later  years  much  better 
than  I  knew  him  at  that  time.  I  know  enough  of  the  two 
men,  Sherman  and  Alger,  to  know  that  neither  one  would 
have  countenanced  or  permitted  the  doing  of  any  such 
thing  in  his  behalf  if  he  had  been  informed  about  it,  and 
I  am  sure  that  neither  one  ever  believed  that  anything  of 
the  kind  had  been  done  in  his  behalf.  Mr.  Sherman  says 
so  in  so  many  words  in  his  "Personal  Recollections,"  and 
General  Alger  said  so  in  the  most  emphatic  manner  as  often 
as  he  had  occasion  to  speak  on  the  subject. 

There  was  much  discussion  among  the  delegates  as  to  what 
was  going  on  with  respect  to  the  Southern  vote,  but  I  did  not 
hear  of  anybody  denying  that  Mr.  Hanna  was  purchasing 
tickets  from  the  negro  delegates ;  certainly  there  was  no 
denial  by  Mr.  Hanna.  An  entirely  different  defense  was  made. 
It  was  that  he  was  only  trying  to  hold  delegates  who  had  been 
instructed  by  their  constituents  to  support  Mr.  Sherman.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  was  asserted  that  nobody  was  bound  to 
respect  the  instructions  for  the  reason  that  they  had  been 
purchased  in  the  first  place,  as  the  tickets  were  then  being 
purchased.  The  whole  subject  is  unsavory  and  disagreeable 
and  I  mention  it  at  all  only  because  of  what  Mr.  Sherman 
said,  and  because  of  what  Mr.  Croly  has  said  in  his  life  of 
Mr.  Hanna,  and  to  the  end  that  justice  may  be  done  to  all 
concerned,  including  Mr.  Hanna,  who  was  so  constituted  that 
he  was  unable  to  see  anything  in  the  transaction  except  only 
that  he  was  holding  on  to  what  belonged  to  him  and  that 
there  was  nothing  to  consider,  except  only  the  price  he  had  to 
pay  ;  and  he  was  not  the  man  to  allow  that  to  stand  in  the  way. 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  365 

Mr.  Croly,  after  referring  to  this  incident,  and  quoting 
from  a  statement  I  made  at  the  time  with  respect  to  it,  adds 
the   following : 

There  is  some  truth  in  the  foregoing  statement.  Other  members  of 
the  Convention  state  that  Mr.  Hanna  had  in  his  trunk  more  tickets  to 
the  Convention  than  he  could  have  obtained  in  any  way  except  by  their 
purchase  from  negro  delegates.  Such  practices  were  common  at  the 
time,  but  they  were  indefensible,  and  if  they  evoked  a  protest  from 
Mr.  Foraker  he  deserves  credit  for  the  protest. 

Mr.  Croly  seems  to  have  investigated  for  himself  and  to 
have  found  confirmatory  proof  of  the  truth  of  my  state- 
ment. If  he  made  any  earnest  investigation  he  is  unjust 
in  trying  to  minimize  by  saying,  "there  is  some  truth"  in 
my  statement.  My  statement  was  the  exact  truth — nothing 
more,  nothing  less — and  almost  any  member  of  the  dele- 
gation would   tell  him  so. 

He  is  in  error  in  saying,  "Mr.  Hanna  had  in  his  trunk 
more  tickets,"  etc.  These  tickets  were  turned  over  by  Mr. 
Hanna  to  another,  who  voluntarily  told  me  several  years  after- 
ward that  he  still  had  them  in  his  trunk  and  that  while  he 
could  not  state  the  exact  number,  yet  he  could  say  there  were 
a  great  many  of  them. 

But  the  greatest  inaccuracy  in  Mr.  Croly 's  statement  is 
that  such  practices  "were  common  at  the  time."  Such  prac- 
tices were  not  common.  I  never  heard  of  any  such  practice 
except  in  this  one  instance  and  it  was  my  fortune  to  attend 
as  a  delegate  six  consecutive  National  Republican  Conven- 
tions. 

My  opportunity  has  been,  therefore,  fairly  good  to  hear 
of  such  practices  if  they  were  common. 

The  Second  Ballot. 

On  the  second  ballot  Mr.  Sherman  received  S4  additional 
votes  from  Pennsylvania,  making  his  total  support  from 
that  State  53  votes;  but  he  lost  a  few  votes  from  other 
States,  so  that  his  total  vote  on  the  second  ballot  was  only 
249.  This  was  the  highest  vote  he  received  at  any  time. 
On  this  second  ballot  the  vote  for  other  candidates  stood  as 


366  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

follows:  Alger,  116;  Allison,  75;  Depew,  99;  Gresham,  108; 
Harrison,  91. 

On  the  third  ballot  Mr.  Sherman  fell  to  244,  while  the 
other  candidates  received  the  following:  Alger,  122;  Har- 
rison, 94 ;  Depew,  91 ;  and  Allison,  88.  Thereupon  Mr. 
Depew  withdrew  his  name  from  further  consideration  and 
the  Convention  adjourned  until  Saturday  morning,  when 
the  fourth  ballot  was  taken,  on  which  Mr.  Sherman  received 
only  235  votes.  The  other  candidates  received  the  follow- 
ing: Harrison,  216;  Alger,  135;  Gresham,  98;  Allison, 
88  votes. 

With  Depew  out  of  the  race  and  his  strength  thrown 
to  Harrison,  whose  vote  was  largely  increasing  while  Sher- 
man's vote  was  steadily  decreasing,  coupled  with  a  story 
that  Mr.  Blaine  would  be  made  a  candidate  on  the  next 
ballot,  the  situation  seemed  a  hopeless  one  for  Mr.  Sherman. 
All  of  us  felt  relieved  when  the  Convention  took  a  recess 
until  four  o'clock. 

Blaine  Puessuue. 

During  this  recess  the  story  gained  wide  circulation  and 
credence  that  the  Blaine  men  would  turn  to  the  support 
of  Blaine  on  the  next  ballot.  Not  only  was  this  asserted 
but  it  was  confidently  claimed  that  they  would  have  enough 
votes  on  that  ballot  to  nominate  him. 

Most  of  the  Ohio  delegates,  feeling  that  Mr.  Sherman's 
chance  was  hopeless,  and  believing  that  Blaine  could  and 
would  be  nominated  as  suggested,  notified  me  as  the  Chair- 
man of  the  Delegation  that  if,  by  the  time  Ohio  was  reached 
on  the  next  ballot,  it  should  appear  that  Blaine  was  to  be 
nominated  they  would  demand  the  right  to  vote  for  him. 
In  such  event  I  could  not  have  denied  the  right  they  pro- 
posed to  assert;  but  I  had  no  disposition  to  do  so.  I  felt 
that  a  large  majority  of  the  Convention  favored  the  nom- 
ination of  Mr.  Blaine,  and  that  if  there  should  be  a  serious 
turn  to  him  he  would  be  nominated,  and  that  such  nomi- 
nation would  be  evident  by  the  time  Ohio  was  reached,  and 
that  in   such   case  it   would   not  only   be  our  privilege  but 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  367 

our  duty  toward  Mr.  Sherman,  as  well  as  the  party,  to  cast 
our  vote  for  Mr.  Blaine,  to  the  end  that  he  might  be  nom- 
inated with  as  much  cordiality  and  unanimity  as  possible, 
if  he  was  to  be  nominated  at  all. 

It  was,  therefore,  not  only  in  accordance  with  my  own 
views,  but  the  wisest  policy  for  me,  under  the  circumstances, 
to  concede  to  the  Ohio  delegates  the  right  they  were  pro- 
posing to  claim,  and  to  go  further  as  I  did,  and  say  that 
in  the  event  mentioned  I  should  join  with  them  in  voting 
for  Mr.  Blaine,  but  I  urged  them  to  remain  steadfast  until 
the  last  moment;  that  we  could  break  at  any  time,  but  it 
would  be  impossible  to  mend  matters  if  a  break  should  be 
made  prematurely  and  unnecessarily. 

When  four  o'clock  came  the  Convention  reconvened,  but 
adjourned  without  a  ballot  until  Monday   morning. 

This  gave  us  Saturday  evening  and  Sunday  in  which 
to  thoroughly  survey  the  situation  and  find  out  how,  if 
possible,  it  could  be  improved.  We  were  delivered  from  the 
Blaine  peril  by  the  receipt  on  Sunday  of  a  message  from 
Mr.  Blaine,  positively  prohibiting  the  use  of  his  name,  and 
announcing  that  he  would  not  accept  the  nomination  if 
tendered. 

This  put  a  new  aspect  on  everything.  Some  of  the  Sher- 
man men  took  new  courage,  and  claimed  there  was  a  promise 
of  the  New  York  delegation  coming  to  Mr.  Sherman's  sup- 
port on  Monday.  They  claimed  to  have  good  prospects  of 
additional  strength  from  various  other  quarters.  Personally 
I  did  not  hear  of  anything  that  was  encouraging,  and  I 
knew  that  Mr,  Hanna  and  a  number  of  others  in  the  Ohio 
delegation,  who  claimed  to  be  closer  to  Mr.  Sherman  than 
anybody  else,  were  of  the  same  opinion.  Some  of  them  so 
expressed  themselves;  not  only  to  me,  but  to  others.  In 
this  way  they  explained  their  activity  in  making  favorable 
mention  of  Major  McKinley. 

Much  might  be  repeated  that  was  said  in  this  respect; 
but  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  they  were  busy  not  only  in 
Chicago  among  the  delegates,  in  Convention  circles,  but  also 
by  wire  with  Mr.  Sherman  at  Washington. 


S68  JOSEPH    BENSON    FOKAKEm. 

I  was  not  aware  of  what  was  passing  between  them  ariS 
Mr.  Sherman  until  I  received  from  him  on  Sunday  after- 
noon the  following  telegram: 

Hon.  J.  B.  Forakeb,  Washikoton,  June  24,  1888. 

National  Republican  Convention, 
Chicago,  Illinois. 
I  appreciate  your  position.  Think  it  best  for  all  for  you  to  stand 
united.  Have  declined  request  of  McKinley's  friends.  There  should 
be  a  test  vote  on  Blaine  before  I  withdraw.  His  nomination  should 
be  assured  before  Ohio  breaks.  Will  you  accept  nomination  as  his 
(Blaine's)  vice?  Joh^  Sherm:an. 

To  which  I  answered: 

Hon.  John  Sherman,  Chicago,  June  24,  1888. 

Washington,  D.  C. 
I  have  refused  to  allow  my  name  to  be  mentioned  by  anybody  for 
anything,  and  I  do  not  think  it  will  be  mentioned  in  the  Convention, 
but  if  it  should  be  it  will  be  without  my  consent  or  approval,  and  if 
I  should  be  nominated  it  will  be  declined  unless  you  should  request  me 
to  accept.  J.  B.  Foraker. 

Tender  of  Blaine  Support. 

Except  only  to  Mrs.  Foraker  and  two  or  three  close 
friends  I  said  nothing  about  these  telegrams  until  at  two 
o'clock  Monday  morning  I  was  wakened  by  a  delegation 
of  Blaine  men,  among  whom  were  Senator  Stephen  B. 
Elkins  of  West  Virginia,  and  Hon.  Samuel  Fessenden 
of  Connecticut.  I  do  not  now  recall  the  names  of  the 
others. 

They  told  me  they  had  just  come  from  a  meeting  of  Blaine 
leaders,  at  which  it  was  determined  to  throw  the  entire  Blaine 
strength  to  me  on  Monday  morning  if  I  would  accept  the 
nomination. 

I,  of  coarse,  greatly  appreciated  the  compliment,  and 
would  have  been  glad  to  have  accepted  the  support  thus 
tendered  if  I  had  considered  myself  in  a  situation  that  per- 
mitted me  to  do  so.  I  thereupon  told  them  of  these  tele- 
grams that  had  passed  between  Mr.  Sherman  and  myself 
only  a  few  hours  before ;  that  I  could  not,  and  would  not, 
accept  the  nomination,  no  matter  how  cordially  it  might  be 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  369 

tendered,  unless  preceded  or  accompanied  with  a  request 
from  Sherman  that  I  should  accept. 

After  talking  with  me  at  some  length,  endeavoring  to 
persuade  me  that  I  had  done  everything  in  my  power  to 
secure  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman,  and  that  Mr.  Sher- 
man's nomination  having  become  impossible,  and  that  fact 
being  manifest  to  all,  I  was  no  longer  under  obligation 
to  allow  him  to  obstruct  my  own  nomination,  and  I  refusing 
to  accede  to  their  wishes,  they  retired  to  make  a  report  to 
those  who  had  sent  them,  who  thereupon  concluded  to  sup- 
port General  Harrison,  whose  vote  had  been  so  largely  in- 
creased on  the  last  ballot.  The  interview  and  the  nature 
of  it  were  of  confidential  character,  especially  after  General 
Harrison  was  nominated,  and  on  that  account  nothing  was 
published  so  far  as  I  am  aware  until  Mr.  Fessenden,  prompted 
by  something  Senator  Elkins  was  reported  to  have  said,  gave 
a  full  account  of  the  incident  substantially  as  I  have  narrated 
it,  in  an  interview  which  was  at  the  time  widely  published. 

I  quote  from  the  news  columns  of  the  Cincinnati  Tribune 
of  January  2nd,  1896,  the  following: 

WAS  JOSEPH  B.  TRUE  TO  JOHN? 

FoRAKER's  Friends  Claim  He  Was  "Dead  Straight"  ik  '88.  Elkins 
AND  Fessenden  Tell  a  Wonderful  Tale  About  Harrison's  Nom- 
ination.— Sherman  Not  Sold  Out. — The  Blaine  Men  Say  For- 
AKER  Generously  Refused  to  Be  President,  and  Was  Loyal  to 
Ohio's  Candidate. 

New  York,  Jan.  2. — The  discussion  provoked  by  the  publication  of 
Senator  Sherman's  recollections  is  bringing  to  light  a  great  deal  of 
political  history,  some  of  which  is  of  extraordinary  interest  and  im- 
portance. 

A  complete  history  of  the  convention  which  nominated  Harrison 
will,  perhaps,  not  be  written,  but  a  great  many  salient  facts  have  been 
related  during  the  last  few  days. 

Senator  Elkins  of  West  Virginia,  in  an  interview  in  Washington 
recently,  said  that  he  was  Mr.  Blaine's  personal  representative  in  the 
Convention  of  1888,  and  was  in  frequent  communication  with  him  by 
cable.  He,  and  he  alone,  possessed  the  cipher  code  of  which  they  made 
use. 

"The  Blaine  forces  in  the  convention  of  1888,"  said  Mr.  Elkins,  "were 
compact  and  efficiently  organized.  The  nomination  of  General  Har- 
rison was  not  the  result  of  a  bargain  of  any  kind,  as  Senator  Sherman 
has  perhaps  been  led  to  believe.    It  grew  out  of  the  situation,  and 


370  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

was  inevitable.     Many  of  the  Blaine  men  wanted  to   go  to   Governor 
Foraker. 

"In  the  excitement  incident  to  the  continued  refusal  of  Mr.  Blaine 
to  allow  his  name  to  be  placed  before  the  convention,  from  the  time 
of  adjournment  Saturday  until  Monday,  there  was  considerable  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  candidates  and  who  would  be  named. 

Foraker's  Name  Disctjssed. 

"A  great  many  Blaine  men  and  others  discussed  the  name  of  For- 
aker on  the  ground  that  he,  perhaps,  could  have  the  entire  vote  of  Ohio 
in  case  it  broke  away  from  Sherman.  This  went  so  far  that  some  of 
Mr.  Blaine's  friends,  who  were  very  friendly  to  Foraker  and  admirers 
of  his,  urged  him  to  become  a  candidate. 

"Governor  Foraker  not  only  said  once,  biit  often,  that  under  no 
circumstances  would  he  permit  his  name  to  be  used  in  connection  with 
the  Presidency  so  long  as  the  name  of  Senator  Sherman  was  before  the 
convention." 

Today  a  representative  of  the  United  Press  had  a  talk  with  the 
Hon.  Samuel  Fessenden  about  the  Convention  of  1888.  Mr.  Fessenden 
is  the  Connecticut  member  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  and 
has  been  for  a  number  of  years.  He  was  a  devoted  friend  of  Mr.  Blaine, 
and  has  been  one  of  the  leading  spirits  in  the  last  three  Republican 
national  conventions.    He  said: 

"I  remember  perfectly  the  incident  to  which  Senator  Elkins  refers. 
Mr.  Blaine  had  finally  declined.  His  determination  could  not  be  shaken. 
We  were  at  sea  and  casting  about  for  some  one  else.  We  had  discussed 
a  number  of  the  older  leaders  of  the  party,  and  several  of  us  who  were 
very  active  Blaine  men  came  to  the  conclusion  that  we  could  unite  most 
effectively  upon  a  newer  and  younger  man  than  any  of  those  who  had 
been  formally  named  as  a  candidate. 

"Foraker,  of  Ohio,  had  by  his  presence,  his  oratory,  his  earnestness 
and  his  magnetism,  made  a  powerful  impression  upon  the  Convention. 
It  seemed  to  me  and  many  of  my  friends  that  he  was  tlie  man  to  go  to. 
"I  discussed  the  matter  with  Mr.  Elkins  and  others,  and  about  2 
o'clock  on  Monday  morning  we  were  taken  to  the  room  of  Governor 
Foraker  by  Mr.  Kurtz,  a  delegate  from  Ohio,  whom  we  asked  to  con- 
duct us. 

Ikterviewed  Foraker  in  Bed. 

"We  found  Foraker  had  gone  to  bed. 

"After  some  delay  we  were  admitted  rather  reluctantly  to  his  bed- 
side. We  sat  down  on  the  bed  beside  him  and  told  him  that  we  had 
come  to  an  important  moment  and  upon  important  business,  and  we 
desired  his  earnest  attention  while  we  stated  the  case. 

"We  then  went  over  the  ground  fully  and  showed  him  that  the  Blaine 
following  controlled  the  Convention,  and  assured  him  that  if  he  would 
consent  to  become  a  candidate  we  could  secure  more  than  600  votes. 
We  told  him  that  Blaine  was  out  of  the  race,  and  that  the  majority 
of  his  friends  seemed  more  disposed  to  support  him  than  any  one  else. 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  371 

"We  made  it  very  clear  to  him  that  if  he  would  consent  to  become 
a  candidate  he  could  be  nominated  without  fail,  and  without  diflaculty, 
on  the  first  or  second  ballot  Monday. 

"We  assured  Governor  Foraker  that  we  desired  no  pledges  from 
him  respecting  policies  or  patronage,  and  that  we  only  wanted  him  to 
agree  not  to  get  up  and  decline  the  nomination  after  the  Convention 
had  made  him  its  candidate.  Mr.  Foraker,  without  hesitation,  said  firmly 
and  emphatically: 

Stood  bt  Shehman. 

"  'I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  with  all  my  heart,  but  I  could  not  accept 
the  nomination  if  it  came  to  me  unless  Mr.  Sherman  first  withdrew  and 
asked  me  to  become  a  candidate.  I  feel  sure  he  will  not  do  that.  I 
came  here  to  try  and  nominate  him,  and  cannot  consider  the  proposi- 
tion to  become  a  candidate.     I  will  stand  by  him.* 

"I  then  tried,"  continued  Mr.  Fessenden,  "to  convince  him  that  the 
situation  was  beyond  his  control.  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Garfield  had  accepted  the  nomination  after  it  was  plain  that  Mr.  Sher- 
man could  not  be  nominated. 

"Governor  Foraker  answered  quick  as  a  flash:  *I  can  prevent  my 
nomination  and  I  will.  It  is  not  too  late,  and  I  do  not  wish  to  be 
put  into  the  position  which  Garfield  was  put  in.' 

"This  closed  the  interview  with  Governor  Foraker,  and  the  lines 
were  at  once  closed  up  for  Harrison  and  he  was  nominated  easily  and 
promptly,  just  as  Foraker  would  have  been  had  he  chosen  to  become 
a  candidate  himself." 

Would   Not   Talk — The   Ex-Governor   Too    Deeply   Interested 
IN  Other  Matters. 

A  Tribune  man  called  at  ex-Governor  Foraker's  residence  last  night 
and  found  him  busy  at  work  preparing  a  case  which  he  is  to  try  today. 
He  was  told  of  the  fact  that  statements  were  given  out  by  Elkins  and 
Fessenden  telling  what  the  circumstances  were  which  compelled  him 
to  decline  the  nomination  for  President  in  1888,  and  asked  if  he  would 
make  any  statement  himself. 

This  he  positively  refused  to  do,  saying:  "Wait  until  I  have  read 
the  statements  of  Elkins  and  Fessenden,  and  perhaps  I  will  make  one." 

It  was  then  proposed  to  the  Governor  that  the  reporter  send  to  The 
Tribune  office  for  the  telegraphic  reports  of  these  statements  and  show 
them  to  him. 

"I  am  more  interested  in  this  case  I  am  preparing  than  the  Presi- 
dency, and  I  cannot  give  you  any  more  time  tonight." 

"More  than  the  Presidency,  Governor?" 

"Oh,  well,  of  corpse,  I  did  not  mean  that;  but  more  than  in  the 
matter  which  you  want  me  to  talk  about." 

I  have  never  myself  publicly  said  an3rthing  about  the 
interview  until  now,  thinking  it  should  be  told  first  by  the 
gentlemen  who  sought  it  rather  than  by  myself,  and  when 
they  published  an  account  of  it  I  was  occupied  with  more 


372  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

important  matters.  I  did  not  know  that  either  Senator 
Elkins  or  Mr.  Fessenden  intended  to  say  anything  about 
it  until  I  saw  their  statements  in  print. 

Some  months  later,  August,  1896,  there  appeared  in  Leslie^ s 
Popular  Monthly  an  article  by  Rufus  R.  Wilson  on  the  gen- 
eral subject  of  National  Conventions,  in  the  course  of  which  he 
related  and  confirmed  all  Mr.  Fessenden  said. 

I  do  not  know  Mr.  Wilson,  never  did  know  him,  and  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  preparation  or  publication  of  his 
article,  and  do  not  know  and  never  did  know  how  he  came 
to  write  it.  I  do  know,  however,  that  as  to  all  important 
facts  touching  this  subject  it  is  a  truthful  statement.  There 
are  several  other  persons  still  living  who  were  present  at 
the  interview  and  are  familiar  with  all  I  have  narrated. 

If  knowledge  of  this  incident  could  have  been  made  public 
at  the  time  it  might  have  prevented  a  good  deal  of  the 
abuse  to  which  I  was  subjected,  but  I  managed  to  take  care 
of  myself  fairly  well  without  using  it. 

No  ban  of  secrecy  was  upon  the  telegrams  that  passed 
between  Senator  Sherman  and  myself;  therefore,  I  was 
at  liberty  to  use  them  and  did  so  most  effectively. 

I  was  not  aware  until  I  reached  Columbus  on  my  return 
from  the  Convention  that  any  telegrams  reflecting  upon  the 
Ohio  delegation  or  on  myself  had  been  sent  out  during 
the  last  days  of  the  Convention.  I  was  greatly  surprised, 
therefore,  when  I  read  day  after  day  for  several  days  ugly 
charges  of  treachery,  bad  faith  and  selfish  purposes  against 
both  the  delegation  and  myself,  that  had  no  foundation 
in  fact,  and  no  excuse  whatever,  except  in  the  imagination  of 
a  lot  of  sore,  disappointed  and  disgruntled  mischief  makers 
who  knew  they  were  disseminating  malicious  misrepresenta- 
tion. 

One  of  the  first  speeches  I  had  occasion  to  make  after 
the  nomination'  of  Harrison  and  Morton  was  at  a  ratifica- 
tion meeting  held  at  Springfield,  Ohio,  July  Snd.  It  was 
a  tremendously  large  and  exceedingly  enthusiastic  meeting. 
There  had  been  so  much  said  in  the  newspapers  about  the 
conduct  of  the  Ohio  delegation  at  Chicajgo,  most  of  it  with 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  373 

the  evident  purpose  to  saddle  upon  me  in  some  way  respon- 
sibility for  Mr.  Sherman's  defeat,  that  I  deemed  it  my  duty 
to  take  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  speak  in  detail, 
not  only  of  the  delegation  as  a  whole,  but  of  my  own  part 
in  that  Convention  in  particular.  This  part  of  my  speech 
was  as  follows: 

And  now,  having  said  that  much  to  you  about  the  Convention  as  a 
whole,  I  want  to  say  something  to  you  particularly  about  the  Ohio 
delegation  to  that  Convention.  This  is  a  little  bit  personal.  There  is 
no  fun  in  this;  at  least  there  has  not  been  any  fun  for  me  since  the 
Convention  adjourned.  To  be  serious  with  you,  I  want  to  make  a  state- 
ment to  this  intelligent  audience  as  to  the  part  taken  by  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation in  that  Convention.  I  was  not  aware  until  I  got  home  from 
Chicago  that  anybody  had  been  saying  any  bad  things  about  the  dele- 
gation as  a  whole,  or  about  any  individual  member  of  it.  Then  I  learned 
that  some  telegrams  had  been  sent  out  from  Chicago  that  had  excited 
a  great  deal  of  comment,  a  great  deal  of  criticism,  and  a  great  deal  of 
discussion  that  ought  never  to  have  been  started  at  all,  simply  because 
there  was 

Never  a  Just  Foundation  for  It. 

I  understand  that  on  Saturday  of  the  Convention — ^that  is,  I  have 
learned  this  since  I  came  home — it  was  telegraphed  from  Chicago  that 
a  portion  of  the  Ohio  delegation  had  threatened  to  lead  a  bolt  from  the 
support  of  Senator  Sherman,  and  the  comments  on  account  of  that  are 
what  I  want  to  talk  to  you  about  for  a  moment.  I  want  to  tell  you 
how  much  truth  there  is  in  it,  and  I  have  two  or  three  documents  here 
that  I  want  to  read  to  you  in  connection  with  it.  I  do  this,  not  so 
much  on  my  personal  account,  as  because  it  is  due  every  member  of 
the  Ohio  delegation.  I  want  to  say  about  the  delegation  as  a  whole, 
in  the  first  place,  that  Ohio  never  before  sent  a  delegation  to  a  National 
Republican  Convention  that  was  so  determined  to  be  a  unit  on  every 
important  question,  concerning  which  they  might  have  to  vote  (ap- 
plause), a  unit  for  Sherman,  and  a  unit  for  everything  that  concerned 
his  interests,  and  hence  it  was  that  at  the  very  first  meeting  the  delega- 
tion held  they  instructed  me,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  as  chairman  of  the 
delegation,  to  cast  on  every  ballot 

Fortt-Six  Votes  for  John  Sherman 

until  otherwise  notified.  On  the  first  and  second  and  third  and  fourth 
and  fifth  ballots  forty-six  votes  were  cast  without  anybody  asking  to 
have  the  delegation  polled.  But  after  the  fifth  ballot  had  been  cast 
a  recess  was  had,  which  was  taken  at  noon  Saturday  to  4  o'clock  that 
afternoon.  When  we  were  assembling  after  the  recess  at  4  o'clock 
^some  of  the  delegates  came  to  me  and  said:  "We  have  learned  that 
on  this  next  ballot,  which  in  a  few  minutes  is  to  be  taken,  the  Blaine 
men  in  this  convention  intend  to  put  before  it  as  the  candidate  to  be 
nominated,  James  G.   Blaine."    They   said  to  me  that  they  were  in- 


374  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

formed  that  he  not  only  was  to  be  put  before  the  Convention  as  a  can- 
didate for  nomination,  but  that  they  were  satisfied  that  there  were 
votes  enough  in  the  Convention  to  nominate  him;  and  I  was  satisfied  of 
it,  too.  I  think  every  other  intelligent  man  who  was  without  bias  of 
judgment  was  of  the  same  opinion.  They  said,  "Now,  if  that  break  is 
made  it  means  that  by  the  time  Ohio  is  reached — for  Ohio,  you  know, 
comes  well  down  the  list  of  states,  comes  after  New  York — it  will  be 
manifest  not  only  that  Mr.  Sherman  can  not  be  nominated,  but  Mr. 
Blaine  will  be,  whether  we  want  him  or  not."  They  said  in  that  event 
they  wanted  the  delegation  polled 

That  They  Might  Vote  for  Him. 

As  the  chairman  of  the  delegation  I  had  no  right  to  deny  them 
that  request.  More  than  that  I  did  not  wish  to  deny  it  to  them.  And 
I  will  tell  you  why  I  did  not.  I  said  to  them,  I  said  to  all,  I  said  it 
openly,  I  said  it  without  any  thought  of  anybody  misconstruing  it  or 
misrepresenting  it,  that  it  was  not  certain  the  break  would  come.  If 
no  break  did  come,  I  thought  we  should  continue  to  stand  a  unit,  but 
I  said  if  such  a  break  comes,  and  if  it  is  manifest,  when  Ohio  is  reached, 
that  Sherman's  column  is  gone,  and  that  James  G.  Blaine  is  to  be  the 
choice  of  the  Convention,  then,  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances,  I  shall 
feel  it  the  duty,  and  shall  so  insist  to  the  Ohio  delegation,  that  the 
whole  delegation  shall  accept  the  result  in  good  humor  and  give  a  solid 
vote  to  the  man  from  Maine.  (Tremendous  applause.)  Why?  Simply 
because  if  he  was  to  be  the  nominee  of  that  Convention  we  owed  it  to 
the  cause  of  Republicanism  to  make  the  nomination  with  as  much  zeal 
and  unanimity  as  we  could;  and  we  owed  it  to  John  Sherman,  and  to 
ourselves  as  his  followers,  to  accept  the  result  in  good  humor.  That 
is  the  way  the  matter  stood;  in  other  words,  no  break  was  ever  con- 
templated except  only  on  the  basis  I  have  named.  And,  in  the  second 
place,  no  break  ever  came,  because,  when  we  met  at  four  o'clock,  in- 
stead of  proceeding  to  ballot,  we  concluded  to  adjourn  until  Monday. 

The  delegation  immediately  had  a  meeting  after  the  adjournment 
was  made.  At  that  meeting  they  wanted  to  discuss  what  further  course 
they  would  pursue,  but 

Upon  Mt  Suggestion, 

made  before  anyone  was  allowed  to  take  the  floor,  the  discussion  and 
consideration  of  the  matter  was  postponed  until  Monday  morning,  in 
the  hope,  as  I  expressed  it,  that  when  Monday  morning  came  the  danger 
that  threatened  to  break  our  column  might  have  passed  away.  When 
Monday  morning  came  I  had  the  pleasure  of  announcing  to  the  delega- 
tion that  the  danger  that  threatened  it  had  passed  away,  and  that  Ohio 
ought  to  continue  to  cast  her  vote  solidly  for  John  Sherman.  With 
that  the  delegation  agreed  and  we  did  so  cast  our  ballot,  with  the 
exception  that  on  the  seventh  and  the  eighth  ballots  Mr.  Luckey  insisted 
that  he  had  been  an  old  soldier  who  had  marched  with  Ben  Harrison 
to  the  sea,  and  he  was  going  to  vote  for  Ben  Harrison,  no  matter  who 
said  to  the  contrary.      (Applause.) 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  376 

That  is  the  record.  I  mention  all  this  simply  because  there  has 
been  so  much  discussion  in  the  newspapers  that  has  been  based  on  mis- 
information that  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  toward  the  Republicans  of 
Ohio,  and  particularly  toward  the  members  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  to 
state  the  exact  facts.  I  am  fortunate  in  having  on  this  platform  with 
me  tonight  Mr.  John  Foos,  your  own  distinguished  fellow  townsman, 
who  represented  this  district,  in  part,  with  much  credit  to  himself  in 
that  Convention.  (Applause.)  He  can  confirm  the  truth  of  every  word 
I  utter.  I  am  saying  this  not  simply  for  this  audience,  but  because 
these  stenographers  here  will  give  it  to  the  Republicans  of  the  whole 
State.  I  want  simply  to  add  that  there  is  nothing  in  my  conduct, 
or  in  the  conduct  of  any  member  of  that  delegation,  so  far  as  I  know, 
that  needs  to  be  explained,  excused  or  defended  by  any  man.  (Ap- 
plause.) On  the  contrary,  for  every  act,  for  every  word,  for  every 
deed,  I  challenge  and  defy  the  criticism  of  even  the  most  unkind  or 
the  most  malicious. 

Now,  something  else  still  more  personal.  It  is  due  the  Republicans 
of  the  State  to  know  aU  the  truth.     I  have  seen  it  stated  that  I  was 

Posing  as  a  CANDmATE 

for  a  place  on  the  ticket.  Your  townsman,  Mr.  Foos,  can  refute  that. 
Every  other  delegate  in  that  Convention  who  spoke  to  me  on  the  sub- 
ject can  refute  it. 

To  every  man  who  spoke  to  me  on  the  subject  before  I  went  to  Chi- 
cago, and  to  every  delegate  or  non-delegate,  in  Chicago  who  suggested 
such  a  thing  to  me,  I  had  but  one  answer,  and  that  was,  not  that  they 
would  embarrass  me  by  voting  for  me,  but  that  though  they  might 
nominate  me  by  acclamation  I  would  not  accept  it,  unless  such  a  nom- 
ination was  coupled  with  a  request  from  John  Sherman  that  I  should 
accept.  (Tremendous  applause  and  cheers.)  "While  there,  on  the  day 
before  the  nomination  was  made,  I  received  a  telegram  from  Mr.  Sher- 
man from  which  I  read :  "I  appreciate  your  position."  This  was  after 
the  threatened  break  of  Saturday,  when  he  was  fully  acquainted  with 
the  whole  matter.  "Think  it  best  for  all  for  Ohio  to  stand  united.  Have 
declined  request  of  McKinley's  friends."  Whatever  that  might  be;  I 
did  not  know  what  it  was;  I  made  no  request.  I  did  not  know  any- 
body else  was  making  requests.  "There  should  be  a  test  vote  on  Blaine 
before  I  withdraw."  I  did  not  know  who  had  asked  him  to  withdraw; 
I  never  did;  never  thought  of  such  a  thing;  neither  did  any  friend  of 
mine  ask  him  to  withdraw.  You  can  surmise  for  yourselves  who  may 
have  asked  him  to  withdraw.  "His  (Blaine's)  nomination  should  be 
assured  before  Ohio  breaks."  That  is  exactly  what  I  said  and  insisted 
upon. 

Now   Comes   Another  Sentence 

which  I  want  all  to  hear:  "Will  you  accept  the  nomination  as  his 
(Blaine's)   vice? — John  Sherman." 

I  answered  that  as  follows:  "I  have  refused  to  allow  my  name  to 
be  mentioned  by  anybody  for  anything,  and  I  do  not  think  it  will  be 
mentioned  in  the  Convention;  but  if  it  should  be,  it  will  be  without  my 


376  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

consent  or  approval,  and  if  I  should  be  nominated  it  will  be  declined, 
unless  you  should  request  me  to  accept. — J.  B.  Fobaker."  (Long  ap- 
plause.) 

The  last  thing  I  heard  from  Senator  Sherman  was  in  the  shape 
of  a  telegram  that  came  to  the  Convention  shortly  after  Mr.  Harri- 
son had  been  nominated.  It  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Hanna,  one  of  the 
delegates,  and  his  special  manager,  who  gave  me  the  telegram  as  I  read 
it  to  you:  "My  hearty  thanks  to  the  Ohio  delegation.  We  have  preserved 
our  honor  and,  though  beaten,  are  not  disheartened. — John  Sherman." 

That  I  put  before  you  only  because  I  have  said  the  misrepresenta- 
tions have  seemed  to  make  it  necessary,  not  for  me  alone,  but  for  the 
whole  delegation  and  for 

The  Caitsk  of  Republicanism: 

throughout  this  State,  in  order  that  it  may  be  made  apparent  to  every 
Republican  in  this  State,  just  as  John  Sherman  said,  we  saved  our 
honor,  something  that  was  never  in  danger,  however,  of  being  lost  ex- 
cept only  in  the  imagination  of  a  lot  of  infernal  scoundrels  who  never 
had  any  honor  to  save.     (Loud  applause.) 

Now,  my  fellow  citizens,  I  trust  that  is  enough.  It  is  said  for  the 
good  of  Republicanism;  it  has  been  said  to  shut  the  mouth  of  slander. 
The  time  has  come  to  tell  the  truth  and  stop  all  bickering;  to  join 
together  as  one  man  about  our  standard,  to  carry  this  great  party  to  a 
triumphant  victory  with  General  Harrison  at  the  head  of  it.  (Great 
applause  and  cheers.) 


No  one  knew  better  than  Governor  Foster  what  occurred 
in  the  Chicago  Convention.  He  was  a  delegate-at-large, 
an  out-and-out  Sherman  man  and  in  close  co-operation  with 
Hanna,  McKinley  and  Butterworth,  previous  to  the  Con- 
vention, during  the  Convention,  and  for  a  long  time  after 
the  Convention.  Seeing  how  I  was  assailed  he  wrote  me 
as  follows: 

July   13,   1888. 

My  Dear  Governor : —  .  .  .  Your  experience  and  mine  in  1880 
are  so  much  alike  as  to  compel  my  sympathy. 

I  have  no  doubt  of  your  good  purposes;  if  any  errors  were  com- 
mitted they  are  not  chargeable  to  a  disposition  to  be  other  than  faith- 
ful to  Mr.  Sherman's  interests. 

I  had  faith  in  his  canvass  up  to  the  first  ballot  on  Monday.  This 
was  because  I  relied  upon  information  and  promises  made  that  did  not 
materialize. 

As  soon  as  I  can  do  so  conveniently  I  will  have  a  full  talk  and  will 
give  you  the  benefit  of  all  I  know.  I  am  glad  to  know  that  Mr.  Sher- 
man does  not,  as  he  did  in  my  case,  feel  unkindly  toward  yourself. 

Yours  very  truly, 
Hon.  J.  B.  Fobakeh.  Chas.  Foster. 


NOMINATION    OF    HARRISON  377 

There  was  some  discussion,  however,  in  the  newspapers 
more  pleasant  to  me  than  to  the  other  gentlemen  who  were 
the  subjects  of  it.  Among  other  articles  published,  and  a 
fair  sample  of  many,  is  the  following  from  the  Toledo 
Blade : 

No  man  could  be  placed  in  a  more  trying  position  than  was  Governor 
Foraker  at  the  Chicago  Convention,  and  no  one  could  acquit  himself 
more  honorably. 

Ohio  had  put  John  Sherman  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency and  placed  Governor  Foraker  at  the  head  of  the  delegation.  Of 
the  Ohio  delegates  not  more  than  fifteen  out  of  forty-six  were  at  heart 
in  favor  of  Sherman.  There  was  no  probability  of  his  selection  from 
the  start.  Yet  Governor  Foraker,  obeying  instructions  of  his  State, 
and  indulging  in  the  hope  of  success,  held  the  Ohio  delegates  solid  for 
Sherman  to  the  last.  He  did  this  in  the  face  of  circumstances  most 
discouraging  in   every  particular. 

Senator  Sherman  showed  himself  suspicious,  jealous  and  unappre- 
ciative. 

His  close  friends  were  disposed  to  be  insolent  and  oflFensive. 

The  men  in  the  delegation  and  out  of  it,  who  were  actively  arrang- 
ing a  McKinley  boom  in  the  case  of  the  failure  of  Sherman,  sought  to 
divert  attention  from  themselves  by  insinuations  that  Governor  For- 
aker was  not  acting  heartily  for  Sherman.  The  truth  is,  that  if  For- 
aker had  not  been  in  the  delegation;  or,  being  there,  had  not  exerted 
all  his  influence  in  behalf  of  Sherman,  the  Blaine  sentiment  would  have 
asserted  itself  almost  at  the  start,  and  the  Sherman  machine  would 
have  collapsed  at  once. 

It  is  well  enough  for  Republicans  in  the  State  to  understand  that 
Governor  Foraker  was,  by  all  odds,  the  most  popular  Ohio  man  in  the 
Convention;  that  he  exerted  the  influence  which  this  gave  him  to  hold 
the  Ohio  delegation  solid  and  to  promote  the  interest  of  the  candidate 
which  this  State  was  supporting;  that  he  acted  a  most  manly  and  hon- 
orable part;  that  he  did  not  indulge  in  any  dramatic  efforts  to  bring 
himself  prominently  before  the  Convention  at  the  critical  juncture;  that 
if  he  had  worked  to  that  end,  and  permitted  his  friends  to  do  so,  the 
probability  is  very  strong  that  he  would  have  been  the  nominee  of  the 
Convention.  These  are  facts  and  logical  conclusions  which  it  is  well 
enough  to  understand  at  this  time. 

The  Springfield  speech  and  the  disclosures  of  the  tele- 
grams that  passed  between  Sherman  and  me  had  the  effect 
of  silencing  the  hostile  critics  of  the  delegation  and  myself 
until  after  the  election  of  Harrison. 

I  have  already  shown  the  demands  upon  me  during  the 
summer  of  1888  on  account  of  the  National  G.  A.  R.  En- 
<jampment  and  our  numerous  Centennial  celebrations. 


378  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

In  addition  to  all  that  and  the  National  Convention  there 
came  the  demands  of  the  campaign. 

I  was  flooded  with  invitations  to  speak  both  outside  and 
inside  Ohio.  In  response  to  them  I  spoke  in  Maine,  Massa- 
chusetts, New  York,  Connecticut,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  a 
number  of  other  Western  States.  Some  of  these  meetings 
were   of  memorable   character. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  PITCHER  GOES  TO  THE  WELL  ONCE  TOO  OFTEN. 

HARRISON  was  no  sooner  elected  than  Cabinet  making 
commenced.  Ohio  had  three  or  four  men  who  seemed 
available  for  such  a  service,  and  were  much  talked  about  in 
that  connection.  These  were  Senator  Sherman,  ex-Gover- 
nor Foster,  Major  Butterworth  and  myself.  I  did  not  want 
any  such  position  and  very  promptly  made  the  fact  known. 
Senator  Sherman  preferred  to  remain  In  the  Senate,  and 
so  announced.  Major  Butterworth  had  been  re-elected  to 
Congress,  and  was  credited  with  ambitions  for  the  Speak- 
ership. The  result  was  that  General  Harrison  finally  gave 
Ohio  recognition  In  connection  with  his  Cabinet  by  making 
ex-Governor  Foster  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

The  election  being  over  and  everything  dependent  upon 
it  being  apparently  out  of  danger  the  newspapers  felt  at 
liberty  to  throw  off  all  restraint  and  be  ugly  or  otherwise, 
as  they  might  choose.  The  Honorable  Richard  Smith  had  sev- 
ered connection  with  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette  and 
had  become  editor  of  the  Toledo  Commercial.  He  soon  gave 
evidence  that  a  change  of  pasture  had  not  changed  his 
unfriendly  attitude  with  respect  to  myself.  He  published 
several  editorials  that  were  of  hostile  and  criticising  character, 
all  based  upon  alleged  treachery  to  Sherman  at  the  Chicago 
Convention;  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  him,  however, 
until  on  February  16th  he  made  an  exceedingly  offensive 
attack.  In  the  course  of  which  he  said : 

If  Governor  Foraker  should  be  a  candidate  for  re-election  for  Gov- 
ernor; or  if  he  should  name  the  candidate,  whether  it  be  Bushnell  or 
anybody  else,  his  throat  would  be  cut  from  ear  to  ear. 

He  had  other  paragraphs  even  more  offensive,  but  the 
gist  of  all  was  expressed  In  what  has  been  quoted.     Bush- 

379 


380  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

nell,  since  the  Dayton  Convention,  had  been  much  talked 
about  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  but  until  that  editorial 
was  published  I  was  not  aware  that  anybody  was  thinking 
about  making  me  a  candidate  for  a  third  term.  The  effect 
was  what  might  have  been  foreseen.  Immediately  everybody 
commenced  thinking  about  it  and  talking  about  it.  There 
was  so  much  talk  that  General  Bushnell,  without  any  notice 
to  me  and  without  my  knowledge  that  he  was  thinking  of 
any  such  thing,  publicly  announced  that  he  would  not, 
under  any  circumstances,  be  a  candidate. 

The  ostensible  precipitating  cause  of  this  outbreak  was 
some  remarks  I  made  at  a  Lincoln  Day  banquet  held  at 
Columbus  under  the  auspices  of  the  Ohio  League  of  Re- 
publican Clubs  February  12th,  at  which  Governor  Alger 
of  Michigan,  and  Governor  Bradley  of  Kentucky,  were  the 
guests  of  honor.  I  took  occasion  to  compliment  them  upon 
the  sturdy  quality  of  their  Republicanism.  As  to  Governor 
Alger  I  said: 

Governor  Alger,  let  me  say  to  you  that  nowhere  in  the  United 
States  have  you  warmer  or  better  friends  and  more  devoted  admirers 
than  you  have  among  the  fighting  Republicans  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 
(Immense  applause,  during  which  the  entire  audience  rose  to  their 
feet  and  waved  handkerchiefs.  A  voice:  "Don't  forget  Bradley.") 
I  will  get  to  Bradley  in  a  minute,  I  am  not  done  with  Alger. 
(Renewed  applause.)  The  reason  for  this  is  in  the  fact  that  the 
Republicans  of  Ohio,  like  a  man  who,  when  he  meets  with  defeat  in 
the  party  accepts  the  situation,  steps  to  the  front,  and,  like  a  gallant 
knight,  helps  to  carry  the  banner  on,  to  victory.  (Great  applause.) 
Michigan,  since  four  years  ago,  had  been  called  a  doubtful  State,  but 
when  the  Chicago  Convention  registered  its  verdict  in  favor  of  another 
than  Michigan's  leader,  the  word  came  to  us  from  Governor  Alger, 
*'Turn  your  attention  to  New  York,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey  and  In- 
diana, and  I  will  take  care  of  the  State  of  Michigan."  (Applause.) 
And  he  did  take  care  of  the  State  of  Michigan.  (Cries  of  "He's  aU 
right,  you  bet.")  But  he  did  more  than  take  care  of  the  State  of 
Michigan.  It  was  my  fortune  when  in  the  Eastern  States  in  New 
York,  Connecticut  and  elsewhere  wherever  I  went,  to  find  Gov- 
ernor Alger  a  leader  among  the  leaders,  preaching  the  doctrine  of 
Republicanism  and  rallying  the  hosts  of  our  party  to  the  victory  that 
we  won.  (Applause.)  We  like  Republicans  who  know  how  to  take 
their  medicine.  (Continued  applause.)  That  is  the  kind  of  Repub- 
licans that  are  here  tonight,  representing  the  three  hundred  Republican 
clubs  of  the  State  of  Ohio  with  their  forty  thousand  membership  of 
fighting  Republicans.     (Tremendous  applause.) 


TO   THE   WELL   ONCE   TOO    OFTEN         381 

I  had  no  thought  whatever  of  giving  offense  to  anybody 
by  paying  General  Alger  the  deserved  compliment  I  ex- 
pressed, but  the  Honorable  Richard  Smith  took  umbrage  and 
published  the  offensive  and  warlike  editorial  mentioned. 
General  Grosvenor,  and  all  those  who  had  been  so  hostile  at 
the  Chicago  Convention,  broke  out  in  similar  fashion.  The 
offense  I  gave  was  in  the  truth  I  stated. 

The  Republican  press  of  the  State,  almost  unanimously, 
took  Mr.  Smith  to  task  in  severest  terms  of  criticism.  As 
a  sample  of  what  practically  all  were  saying  I  quote  the 
following  from  the  Ironton  Register: 

The  present  editor  of  the  Toledo  Commercial ,  who  is  writing  so  ven- 
omously against  Gov.  Foraker,  is  the  man  who  wrote  the  editorial 
in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette,  during  the  Chicago  Convention, 
that  was  an  insult  to  every  member  of  the  Ohio  delegation.  As  soon 
as  Halstead  got  away  from  the  office  the  deacon,  who  used  to  be  good, 
began  to  rage  and  imagine  a  vain  thing.  He  cavorted  and  bulged 
around  like  a  bull  in  a  china  shop,  on  which  account  Halstead  had  to 
discipline  him.  Now  he  has  a  paper  of  his  own,  where  he  can  lash  him- 
self into  fury  every  day  in  the  year.  But  he  will  do  no  harm  except  to 
the  Republican  Party.  Gov.  Foraker  has  carried  on  his  administration 
with  an  eye  to  the  honor  of  the  State  and  the  welfare  of  the  people; 
and  he  is  the  leader  of  the  rank  and  file  and  the  active  young  Repub- 
licans of  the  State,  and  enjoys  their  confidence,  whether  the  played-out 
bosses  of  other  days  like  it  or  not. 

After  saying  that  it  had  been  difficult  to  find  out  why  I 
was  so  assailed,  the  editor  proceeded: 

.  .  .  But  now  we  have  some  exact  charges,  with  specifications  as 
to  time  and  place.  They  are  made  by  Gen.  Grosvenor,  whose  facility 
to  get  himself  interviewed  when  his  spleen  against  Foraker  shows  signs 
of  movement,  is  somewhat  remarkable.  In  his  last  interview  the 
ubiquitous  General  charges: 

1st.  That  Foraker  produced  disaffection  among  the  ancient  mug- 
wumps at  the  Chicago  Convention,  when  he  offered  as  one  reason  why 
Sherman  should  be  nominated  that,  "he  (Sherman)  had  always  been 
a  Republican." 

2nd.  That  Foraker,  at  the  Lincoln  banquet,  addressing  Gov.  Alger, 
who  was  a  guest,  declared  that  "it  was  due  to  him  (Alger)  that  Mich- 
igan was  carried  by  the  Republicans." 

Now  this  is  the  fullness  of  Grosvenor's  indictment,  and  it  is  about 
on  a  par  with  all  the  slush  that  has  been  scraped  up  against  For- 
akcr's  door.    Possibly  the  reader  may  not  see  behind  it  the  suspicion 


382  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

and  assumption  that  make  the  real  offense.  It  is  that,  in  saying  Sher- 
man was  always  a  Republican  was  a  hit  at  New  York's  candidate,  who 
had  voted  for  Greeley,  and  thus  hurt  Sherman  in  New  York;  and 
in  complimenting  Alger,  at  the  Lincoln  banquet,  he  had  slurred  Sher- 
man, because  they  were  opponents  for  the  nomination  at  Chicago. 

Did  anybody  ever  see  such  a  despicably  absurd  and  idiotic  mess 
as  this?  And  yet  if  Foraker  or  his  friends,  who  are  legion,  hit 
back  at  the  purveyors  of  it,  there  is  a  great  blubbering  in  two  or  three 
parts  of  the  State. 

Mr.  Hanna's  letter  to  me  of  March  27th,  already  quoted, 
shows  what  was  the  matter  with  New  York ;  and  his  intem- 
perate reference  to  the  men  mentioned  in  that  letter  as  "this 
gang,"  publicly  and  still  more  offensively  repeated  over 
and  over  again  at  Chicago,  shows  why  that  delegation  could 
not  be  brought  to  Mr.  Sherman's  support. 

The  Belief ontaine  Republican  said: 

Shall  Foraker  be  relegated  to  the  rear  in  disgrace?  What  say  the 
Republicans  of  Ohio?  The  suggestion  of  such  a  thing  will  raise  a  storm 
of  indignation  that  will  sweep  him  higher  on  the  wave  of  popular  favor 
than  he  has  ever  gone  before.  There  is  no  man,  not  even  Sherman,  who 
is  more  popular  with  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  than  Governor  Foraker. 
His  brilliant  leadership,  his  magnetism,  his  candor,  his  courage,  his 
eloquence,  his  magnificent  campaigns,  his  successful  administration  of 
the  State's  affairs,  have  won  him  a  warmer  regard  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people  than  that  of  any  other  leader  in  the  State.  Shall  the  people 
forego  their  choice  because  malcontents  and  envious  rivals  threaten  his 
political  assassination?  That  is  not  according  to  the  temper  of  the 
American  people,  and  they  will  crush  out  of  political  life  any  cut- 
throats who  assume  that  role. 

There  has  been  no  effort  that  we  know  of  to  create  any  sentiment 
in  tavor  of  renominating  Governor  Foraker;  but  there  has  been  lat- 
terly, a  turning  toward  him  of  Rejiublicans  from  all  parts  of  the  State, 
without  concert  of  action  or  any  suggestion,  but  the  exigencies  of  the 
situation. 

If  the  majority  of  the  Republicans  of  the  State  decide  that 
Foraker  is  the  leader  that  we  want  in  the  coming  campaign;  that  he 
is  the  man  who  can  arouse  the  masses  and  enthuse  the  boys,  and  call 
out  the  vote  of  the  State,  why  should  their  judgment  not  be  respected? 
A  minority  cannot  nominate  him,  a  majority  will  not,  unless  a  majority 
want  him.     Should  the  majority  or  the  minority  rule  the  party? 

The  question  arises:  Who  shall  rule  the  party,  the  people  or  a  few 
political  assassins?     A  party  that  cannot  throttle   such  assassins  does 


TO  THE  WELL  ONCE  TOO  OFTEN 

not  deserve  to  live,  and  a  party  that  would  allow  such  assassins  to 
dictate  to  it  should  meet  with  instant  political  death. 

What  is  the  matter  with  Foraker  that  there  is  such  opposition  to 
him  among  a  few?  The  question  is  easily  answered.  He  is  getting 
to  be  too  big  a  man.  He  may  be  U.  S.  Senator.  He  may  be  President. 
He  is  getting  in  their  way.  They  had  ambitions,  and  thought  they 
stood  next  to  Sherman  in  popular  favor.  And  now  they  see  Foraker 
standing  side  by  side  with  Sherman  in  popular  favor,  and  though  they 
have  beeen  honored  with  public  favor  and  office,  yet  "all  this  availeth 
them  naught,"  so  long  as  they  see  this  Foraker  sitting  in  the  high 
places  of  honor  and  preferment. 

This  is  all  of  it. 


The  Circleville  Union  Herald  said: 

Richard  Smith,  of  the  Toledo  Commercial,  is  trying  to  read  Foraker 
and  his  friends  out  of  the  party.  As  a  boss.  Brother  Smith  is  a  fraud. 
Who  is  he  that  he  shall  proclaim  who  shall  and  who  shall  not  have 
honors  in  the  Republican  Party?  Better  leave  that  to  the  State  Con- 
vention. Meanwhile  let  us  have  peace.  Don't  read  anybody  out  of 
the  party,  but  encourage  some  deluded,  but  penitent.  Democrats  to 
come  in. 


The  Bucyrus  journal  said: 

If  Mr.  Smith  with  his  enlarged  experience  is  at  the  head  of  a  com- 
bination to  force  Governor  Foraker  to  accept  a  nomination  for  a  third 
time,  he  has  taken  a  very  shrewd  and  eflFectual  way  to  do  it.  There 
is  no  man  in  Ohio  who  occupies  so  large  a  place  in  so  many  Republican 
hearts  as  Governor  Foraker.  He  has  literally  captured  the  Repub- 
licans of  the  State,  and  the  captives  have  no  idea  of  mourning  over 
their  captivity. 

If  it  were  left  to  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  in  their  primary  assem- 
blages whom  they  would  prefer  for  Governor,  by  an  almost  unanimous 
acclaim  the  choice  would  be  Foraker.     .     .     . 

If,  after  such  an  attack,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Foraker  feel  that  their 
vindication  demands  his  renomination,  it  is  difficult  to  anticipate  how 
he  can  refuse  his  consent,  little  as  he  may  desire  it. 

Mr.  Smith  in  effect  says  there  are  traitors  in  the  Republican  Party 
who  will  defeat  it  if  a  vast  majority  of  the  party  do  not  allow  their 
favorite  to  be  assailed  without  any  attempt  at  vindication.  It  is  not 
in  the  nature  of  American  manhood  to  quietly  bear  this.  Before  that 
unfortunate  editorial  was  written  no  one  was  thinking  of  Governor 
Foraker  for  a  third  term;  but  now  the  question  is  how,  in  the  presence 
of  such  a  direct  assault,  can  the  Governor  escape  being  compelled  to 
be  Governor  for  two  more  years,  for  when  he  is  nominated  he  will  be 
elected;  for  then  woe  to  the  men,  however  exalted,  who  may  have  con- 
spired to  attempt  to  defeat  him. 


384  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  Dayton  Journal  responded  to  Mr.  Smith's  attack 
in  its  issue  of  February  18th  with  an  unfurled  flag  at  the 
head  of  its  leading  editorial,  nominating  me  as  a  candidate 
for  re-election  as  Governor,  in  the  course  of  which  it  said: 

The  gallant  Republican  Party  is  challenged  to  do  it  by  a  mischievous 
faction  of  mossbacks,  who  are  hostile  to  the  introduction  of  new  and 
vigorous  leaders  in  the  party.  The  Republicans  of  Ohio  know  and 
appreciate  Governor  Foraker's  pure  and  elevated  character,  his  splen- 
did leadership,  and  his  unquestioned  abilities  as  the  chief  executive  of 
the  State.  We  are  told  by  the  Toledo  Commercial  that  Foraker  and 
his  friends  are  to  be  kicked  out  of  the  party.  Now  let  us  see  if  the 
vigorous  and  victorious  Republicans  will  submit  to  such  an  insolent 
challenge.  Let's  have  the  cpnvention  at  Toledo,  too,  where  Mr.  Smith 
is  editing  his  paper,  and  see  who  is  boss  of  the  grand  old  party.  Let 
us  see  who  of  the  old  leaders  who  have  been  made  great  by  the  party 
will  rally  at  the  State  Convention  to  read  the  magnetic  Foraker  and 
his  army  of  friends  out  of  the  party  which  he  has  so  gloriously  led 
to  victory.  Rally  your  malcontents.  Brother  Richard  Smith,  and  see 
what  a  royal  Republican  State  Convention  will  do  with  them. 

The  Journal  is  for  Joseph  Benson  Foraker  for  Governor,  against  the 
field,  if  he  will  consent. 

The  following  day  the  Dayton  Journal  said  editorially: 

To  correct  any  possible  misapprehension  or  misunderstanding,  it 
seems  proper  to  say  that  the  announcement  in  yesterday's  Journal  of 
Governor  Foraker  for  renomination  for  Governor  was  done  without 
consultation  with  any  one.  There  was  an  issue  to  be  met  and  it  seemed 
proper  to  meet  an  arrogant  assumption  with  a  spirited  defiance.  Edi- 
tor Richard  Smith,  of  the  Toledo  Commercial,  formerly  of  the  Cincin- 
nati Gazette,  and  now  also  of  the  Commercial  Gazette,  and  a  man  of 
decided  standing,  insolently  assumed  in  an  editorial  in  the  Toledo  Com' 
mercial  of  the  15th  inst.,  that  Governor  Foraker,  the  recognized  and 
elected  leader  of  the  grand  army  of  Republicans  of  Ohio,  and  his  friends 
shall  "stand  aside"  and  let  a  faction  opposed  to  them  dominate  the 
party  by  sacrificing  him  and  his  friends  to  them.     .    .    . 

We  thought  it  proper  to  accept  the  challenge  in  behalf  of  the  royal 
host  of  young  and  stalwart  Republicans  of  Ohio  who  do  the  campaign 
work,  and  thus  the  matter  stands.  We  have  no  information  from  Gov- 
ernor Foraker,  or  from  anybody  who  has  authority  to  speak  for  him, 
whether  the  Journal's  announcement  will  be  agreeable  to  him  or  not, 
but  we  are  confident  that  it  will  prove  acceptable  to  the  "vim,  vigor 
and  victory"  majority  of  the  party.  .  .  .  The  Republican  Party, 
which  has  been  led  to  brilliant  victories  by  a  leader  so  pure,  upright, 
able  and  splendid  in  all  his  developments,  will  not  idly  stand  by  and 
see  him  and  his  friends  sacrificed  to  anybody's  envy,  jealousy,  personal 
or  political  spleen. 


TO  THE   WEIX   ONCE   TOO    OFTEN        385 

The  Toledo  Blade,  the  Cleveland  Leader,  the  Ohio  State 
Journal,  and  almost  every  leading  newspaper  in  the  State 
followed  the  lead  thus  taken  by  the  Dayton  Journal  to  the 
full  extent  of  warmly  approving  the  sentiments  expressed, 
and  most  of  them  joined  in  the  demand  for  my  renomina- 
tion,  although  a  very  few  questioned  the  wisdom  of  that 
proposition. 

Quickly  the  political  pot  was  boiling.  All  the  papers 
in  the  State  were  discussing  the  subject  pro  and  con.  So 
many  untruthful  things  were  said  about  the  Chicago  Con- 
vention in  the  papers  that  were  hostile  to  me,  and  among 
others  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette,  that  I  took 
occasion  to  write  an  open  letter  to  Mr.  Halstead,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  copy : 

M.  Halstead,  Esq.,  Columbus,  February  26,  1889. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  have  just  read  your  editorial  in  today's  Commercial 
Gazette,  also  the  Eckels  letter.  I  do  not  see  any  particular  point  to  the 
latter.  I  might  say  with  respect  to  it,  however,  that  I  never  had  any 
formal  interview  with  anybody  at  Chicago.  I  talked  freely  with  all 
who  came  to  my  room  or  addressed  me  elsewhere.  I  had  no  secrets 
about  the  matter  to  which  it  relates  to  keep  from  anybody  at  any  time. 
Mr.  Eckels'  interview,  in  so  far  as  he  had  one,  was  written  by  him 
after  he  had  talked  with  me,  but  it  was  in  his  language  and  not  mine. 
I  never  saw  it  until  after  it  appeared  in  the  newspapers.  He  simply 
ran  together  the  results  of  a  conversation,  most  of  which  was  in  re- 
sponse to  interrogatories  addressed  to  me  by  him.  If  these  interroga- 
tories had  been  reported,  it  would  at  least  appear  that  I  was  not  for- 
ward in  making  statements  to  the  interviewer,  as  you  may  imagine  I 
would  not  be  with  a  gentleman  I  had  never  before  seen  or  heard  of. 
With  that  explanation  I  have  no  objections  to  the  interview  and  never 
made  any.  .  In  other  words,  I  objected  to  it  only  as  inaccurate,  but 
the  statement  that  I  denied  it  is  not  true.  I  never  referred  to  it, 
and,  in  fact,  never  thought  of  it  from  that  moment  until  now,  when  it 
has  been  reproduced.  What  I  referred  to  in  my  Springfield  speech 
was  the  general  drift  of  many  matters  appearing  at  that  time  in  the 
newspapers. 

With  these  explanations  made,  let  me  add  that  I  had  but  little 
hope  for  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman  at  any  time  after  the  first 
ballot  was  taken.  I  was  led,  by  the  statements  of  Mr.  Sherman,  Mr. 
Hanna  and  others,  to  expect  a  much  larger  vote.  The  disappointment 
shook  my  faith  considerably,  but  what  was  more  unfavorable  to  his 
chances,  in  my  judgment,  than  simply  the  number  of  his  votes,  was 
the  fact  that  he  had  no  support  whatever  outside  of  the  South,  except 


S86  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

only  Ohio,  a  part  of  Pennsylvania  and  a  few  votes  in  New  England. 
Not  a  solitary  vote  from  any  doubtful  State.  Moreover,  it  was  well 
known  that  there  was  no  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  delegates  from 
the  other  Northern  States  to  come  to  us.  Notwithstanding  this,  I  kept 
my  fears  as  to  the  ultimate  result  to  myself  and  encouraged  every  one, 
as  well  as  I  could,  to  hope  for  success  until  after  we  adjourned  Sat- 
urday  morning,  the  23rd.  You  will  remember  we  recessed  at  that  time 
until  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  During  that  recess  there  came  the 
rumor  sweeping  through  the  corridors  of  the  hotels  that  Mr.  Blaine's 
name  would  be  formally  placed  before  the  Convention  when  we  re- 
assembled at  4  o'clock. 

You  will  remember  what  intense  excitement  this  occasioned.  I  first 
learned  of  it  by  Ohio  delegates  coming  to  me  at  my  room  to  tell  me 
of  it,  and  to  insist  that  in  such  an  event  Mr.  Blaine  would  be  nomi- 
nated and  they  would  want  to  vote  for  him.  To  every  one  who  so  came 
I  made  an  appeal  to  stand  firmly  by  Mr.  Sherman  until  after  a  break 
should  come  or  the  character  of  it  might  be  developed,  arguing  that 
it  might  fail  even  after  it  came;  that  at  any  rate  we  would  know  by 
the  time  Ohio  was  reached  whether  or  not  it  would  be  sufficient  to 
defeat  Mr.  Sherman  and  nominate  Mr.  Blaine,  saying  to  them,  as  an 
inducement  for  them  to  act  upon  this  suggestion,  that  if  a  break  did 
come,  and  it  should  be  manifest  by  the  time  Ohio  was  reached  that 
Mr.  Sherman  could  not  be  nominated  and  that  Mr.  Blaine  would  be, 
I  would,  in  such  event,  not  object  to  their  voting  for  Mr.  Blaine,  but 
that,  on  the  contrary,  I,  too,  would  vote  for  him  and  would  insist  that 
the  delegation  should  do  so  as  a  whole,  for  the  simple  reason,  as  I 
then  expressed  it,  that  if  Mr.  Blaine  was  to  be  our  candidate,  we  owed 
it  to  him  and  to  the  party,  in  view  of  the  attitude  he  had  assumed 
with  respect  to  the  nomination,  to  nominate  him  with  the  utmost  zeal 
and  unanimity  we  might  be  able  to  command.  This  proposition  sat- 
isfied our  restless  delegates,  and  it  appeared  to  be  the  only  one  that 
would  satisfy  them. 

In  the  meanwhile  4  o'clock  had  come,  and  we  reconvened  at  the  hall. 
I  felt  greatly  troubled  about  the  situation.  Seeing  you  upon  the  re- 
porters' platform  I  went  to  you  and  told  you  of  the  situation  in  our 
delegation,  just  as  I  have  here  detailed  it,  and  told  you  what  I  had 
proposed,  and  you  cordially  and  heartily  agreed  with  me  and  commended 
my  course,  telling  me  that  in  your  judgment  it  was  idle  to  think  longer 
of  nominating  Mr.  Sherman.  The  emergency  which  we  all  thought  was 
upon  us  was  escaped  by  the  motion  to  adjourn  prevailing  before  the 
ballot  was  taken.  The  adjournment  was  until  Monday  morning.  Our 
delegation  were  very  much  excited,  and  many  of  them  demanded  that 
a  meeting  be  at  once  held  to  determine  what  course  we  should  pursue. 
It  was  my  duty  under  such  circumstances  to  call  such  a  meeting.  "When 
we  were  assembled  I,  as  chairman,  took  the  floor  and  stated  that  be- 
fore anyone  said  anything  at  all  I  wanted  to  say  to  the  delegates  that 
the  danger  which  threatened  while  at  the  convention  hall  had  at  least 
temporarily  passed  away;  that  the  situation  might  be  changed  by  Mon- 
day morning;  that  I  thought  it  would  be  the  wisest  thing  for  us  to 
adjourn  until  Monday  morning  at  9  o'clock  without  any  discussion  what- 


TO  THE   WELL   ONCE   TOO    OFTEN         38T 

ever,  expressing  the  hope  that  when  we  assembled  Monday  morning 
the  skies  might  be  brighter,  and  we  might  see  our  way  clear  to  remain 
a  united  delegation.  This  met  the  approbation  of  all  and  an  adjourn- 
ment until  Monday  morning  at  9  o'clock  was  immediately  had.  When 
we  met  Monday  morning  I  again  said,  in  calling  the  delegates  to  order, 
that  the  danger  that  threatened  to  break  us  up  had  passed  away;  that 
Mr.  Blaine's  name  would  not,  as  I  understood,  be  presented  to  the 
Convention,  and  that  we  had  encouraging  reports  of  a  disposition  to 
turn  toward  us  in  other  States,  and  in  view  of  all  this  I  appealed  to 
them  to  allow  me  to  continue  casting  the  vote  solidly  for  Mr.  Sher- 
man. This  they  agreed  to  and  we  repaired  to  the  Convention  and  con- 
tinued so  to  cast  the  vote  until  Mr.  Luckey  demanded  the  privilege  of 
voting  for  General  Harrison. 

All  Saturday  evening,  after  the  4  o'clock  adjournment,  I  was  without 
a  particle  of  hope  for  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman.  So,  too,  I  think,, 
was  almost  every  one  else.  I  do  not  remember  to  have  talked  with  any 
one  either  in  our  delegation  or  outside  of  it,  who  seemed  to  have  any 
idea  that  Mr.  Sherman's  nomination  was  a  possibility. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Mr.  Eckels  called  upon  me,  as  did  Mr. 
Mussey  and  others.  I  had  no  hesitation  in  expressing  to  them  what  I 
have  here  said  about  the  situation.  It  never  occurred  to  me  that  any 
one,  under  such  circumstances,  could  expect  us  to  do  anything  else  than 
the  next  best  thing,  whatever  that,  in  our  judgment,  might  be.  More- 
over, every  one  seemed  to  approve,  without  exception,  so  far  as  I  can 
recall,  what  I  have  suggested  here  as  the  course  we  should  take;  and 
I  was  not  aware  until  the  convention  was  over  that  any  one  was  even 
criticising  what  had  been  done,  or  what  we  had  proposed  to  do.  On 
the  contrary,  I  thought  everybody  was  commending  us  for  the  perti- 
nacity with  which  we  had  clung,  under  such  circumstances,  as  a  united 
delegation,  to  our  candidate. 

I  need  not  remind  you  that  before  I  thought  of  such  a  thing 
as  consenting  to  a  break  in  any  event  in  our  delegation,  you  had  been 
telegraphing  Mr.  Sherman,  as  others  were  telegraphing  him,  that  his 
chances  were  practically  gone  and  that  the  probabilities  were  that 
McKinley  or  Blaine  would  be  nominated.  During  the  Saturday  morn- 
ing session,  when  I  had  no  thought  of  Mr.  Blaine  coming  before  the 
Convention,  you  sent  the  following  telegrams,  which  show  this  conclu- 
sively: 

June  23. — ^'*McKinley's  speech  was  very  strong.  He  made  it  on  the 
vote  of  a  Connecticut  delegate.  You  are  losing  on  this  ballot  in  the 
South." 

June  23. — "In  my  judgment  the  question  is  coming  on  next  ballot 
between  Blaine  and  McKinley.  I  make  no  comment  and  want  no  per- 
sonal reply,  but  it  is  due  you  that  I  tell  you  the  hour  is  critical." 

June  23. — "You  lost  eleven  votes  this  ballot.  This  is  a  slow,  bleed- 
ing process,  and  there  is  a  shake  in  Pennsylvania." 

June  23. — "I  think  after  the  second  ballot  we  shall  adjourn  until  7 
o'clock.  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  will  stick  this  ballot.  The  second  of 
today." 


388  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

June  28. — "The  convention  is  now  on  point  of  adjourning  until  4 
o'clock,  under  circumstances  such  that  your  friends  will  need  to  hear 
from  you." 

I  mention  this  only  to  show,  what  I  am  sure  you  will  accord,  that 
I  was  among  the  last  of  those  who  at  any  time  consented  to  a  break 
in  our  delegation,  and  that  when  I  did  consent  it  was  under  such  cir- 
cumstances as  made  it  a  necessity  as  well  as,  in  my  judgment,  the  wisest 
policy.  You  will  also  agree  with  me  that  when  on  Sunday  hopes  for 
Mr.  Sherman  were  revived,  I  was  among  the  first  to  catch  the  inspira- 
tion, and  that  it  was  I  who  went  from  man  to  man  in  our  delegation 
and  rallied  them  again  to  his  cause,  something  I  could  not  have  done 
had  I  obstinately  differed  from  them  on  Saturday.  If  you  do  not  know 
this,  y9u  can  learn  it  from  each  and  every  one  of  the  disaffected  dele- 
gates. 

This  is  a  plain  statement  of  the  whole  matter,  except  only  that  I 
have  not  gone  into  many  of  the  details  of  proof  to  which  I  might  easily 
resort,  and  would,  only  by  doing  so  this  communication  would  be  un- 
duly lengthened. 

Regarding  all  this  matter  Mr.  Sherman  was  fully  advised,  as  I  assume 
from  a  telegram  of  which  the  following,  in  so  far  as  it  relates  to  this 
matter,  is  a  copy: 

"I  appreciate  your  position.  Think  it  best  for  sJl  for  Ohio  to  stand 
united.  Have  declined  request  of  McKinley's  friends.  There  should 
be  a  test  vote  on  Blaine  before  I  withdraw.  His  nomination  should  be 
assured  before  Ohio  breaks.    Will  you  accept  nomination  as  his  vice? 

"JOHK   SUHRMAN." 

My  position,  not  only  throughout  the  whole  Chicago  Convention,  but 
all  the  way  from  the  Toledo  Convention  until  the  end  of  the  Chicago 
Convention  was  expressed  precisely  by  the  answer  which  I  made  to  that 
telegram,  a  copy  of  which  is  as  follows: 

"I  have  refused  to  allow  my  name  to  be  mentioned  by  anybody  for 
anything,  and  do  not  think  it  will  be  mentioned  in  the  Convention;  but, 
if  it  should  be,  it  will  be  without  my  consent  or  approval,  and  if  I 
should  be  nominated  for  either  place,  it  will  be  declined  unless  you 
should  request  me  to  accept.  J.  B.  Foraker." 

After  Harrison  had  been  nominated,  Mr.  Sherman  telegraphed  as 
follows: 

"My  hearty  thanks  to  the  Ohio  delegation.  We  have  preserved  our 
honor,  and  though  beaten  are  not  disheartened.  John  Sherman.'* 

No  honorable  man  acquainted  with  the  facts  can  entertain  a  different 
opinion  from  that  expressed  by  Mr.  Sherman. 

Very  truly,  etc., 

J.  B.  FORAKES. 


This    letter    attracted    nation-wide    attention.     Long    edi- 
torials were  published,  not  only  in  all  Ohio  papers,  but  also 


TO   THE  WEIJL  ONCE  TOO   OFTEN        389 

in  the  leading  Republican  newspapers  of  the  country,  prac- 
tically all  of  them  friendly. 

Democratic  newspapers  also  published  extended  notices 
of  it  and  most  of  them  fair  and  some  of  them  very  friendly. 
Among  the  latter  class  was  the  following  published  in  the 
Brooklyn  Eagle, 

I  did  not  know,  and  never  have  personally  known,  the  editor 
of  that  paper,  and  did  not  know  why,  and  never  have  known 
why,  he  should  have  taken  the  trouble  to  so  thoroughly  and  in 
such  a  friendly  way  review  what  I  had  said  and  set  forth, 
but  I  do  know  that  all  he  said  is  stated  with  the  accuracy  of 
a  truthful  and  unbiased  writer  of  history. 

Trying  To  Fret  Foraker. 

The  adversaries  of  Governor  Foraker  are  making  little  progress  in 
their  efforts  to  convict  him  of  treachery  to  John  Sherman  at  the  Chicago 
Convention.  Mr.  John  C.  Eckels  returns  to  the  attack  without  throw- 
ing new  light  on  the  subject  and  Deacon  Richard  Smith,  relic  of  the 
paleozoic  age  in  politics,  reiterates  his  criticisms  of  the  Ohio  Executive. 
What  appears  most  prominently  in  the  treatment  of  the  dispute  by  the 
press  is  the  disposition  to  find  Foraker  guilty  out  of  hand,  without  re- 
gard to  proof  manifested  by  journals  inimical  to  his  leadership  and 
unfriendly  to  his  prospects.  One  influential  paper,  for  example,  is 
apparently  inclined  to  condemn  him  on  the  ground  that  he  is  "a  showy 
and  ambitious  politician,"  rather  than  because  his  infidelity  to  the  Ohio 
candidate  has  been  demonstrated  by  competent  testimony.  That  he  might 
be  "showy  and  ambitious,"  and  at  the  same  time  faithful  to  his  obliga- 
tions, is  a  possibility  that  his  critics  are  not  willing  to  concede.  But 
if  the  Governor  thinks  they  are  either  desirous  of  doing  him  justice  or 
intent  on  making  trustworthy  history  he  should  hasten  to  undeceive 
himself.  They  are  simply  pursuing  a  nagging  policy  with  a  view  to 
breaking  him  down  as  a  political  quantity. 

For  Governor  Foraker  or  any  other  supporter  of  Sherman  to  have 
denied  the  possibility  of  the  Senator's  defeat  on  the  afternoon  of  June 
23  would  have  been  the  height  of  childishness.  The  plain  truth  was 
that  his  rejection  was  assured  long  before  the  balloting  began.  For 
the  fidelity  of  Foraker,  McKinley,  Hanna  and  the  other  Sherman  leaders 
in  the  Ohio  delegation  and  the  firm  stand  assumed  in  his  behalf  by 
Quay  and  the  Pennsylvanians,  he  could  not  have  rallied  a  corporal's 
guard.  At  heart  his  adherents  were  appalled  by  the  feeble  showing 
made,  not  only  in  the  balloting,  but  in  the  preliminary  discussion.  As 
Governor  Foraker  says  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Halstead,  Sherman  did  not 
have  a  solitary  vote  from  any  doubtful  State.  New  York,  having  with- 
drawn Depew,  had  committed  itself  to  Harrison.  The  great  Repub- 
lican constituencies  of  the  Northwest  turned  a  cold  shoulder  on  the  Ohio 


390  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

candidate.  The  Pacific  coast  was  a  unit  against  him.  Alger's  inroads 
on  the  Sherman  strength  in  the  South  were  visible  from  the  moment  the 
delegations  arrived.  Mr.  Halstead  was  not  far  astray  when  he  de- 
scribed the  gradual  withdrawal  of  support  from  Sherman  as  "a  slow 
bleeding  process.**  The  hopelessness  of  the  struggle  was  recognized 
in  his  own  camp.  That,  in  face  of  the  shrinkage  of  his  vote  and  the 
emphatic  expressions  of  hostility  to  his  candidature  expressed  on  every 
hand,  the  Ohio  men  stood  substantially  solid  to  the  end,  was  highly 
creditable  to  their  good  faith.  Major  McKinley  contributed  largely  to 
this  result  by  his  magnanimous  action  in  refusing  to  accept  votes  cast 
for  him.  But  he  was  not  more  resolute  in  his  attitude  than  his  col- 
league, the  Governor  of  Ohio,  who  notified  Sherman  that  he  would  de- 
cline any  nomination  tendered  him  unless  Sherman  requested  his  ac- 
ceptance. 

What  defeated  Sherman  was  not  treachery  on  Foraker*s  part,  but 
a  widespread  indisposition  in  Republicanism  to  recognize  the  Senator's 
claims  to  availability.  Mr.  Sherman's  course  as  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury had  earned  him  the  undying  enmity  of  a  powerful  section  of  the 
Republican  Party.  Every  friend  of  Chester  A.  Arthur,  many  friends 
of  General  Grant,  the  followers  of  Conkling  and  the  adherents  of  the 
stalwart  school  generally  boldly  proclaimed  their  antagonism.  The 
Blaine  cohorts,  enraged  by  Sherman's  refusal  to  make  way  for  the 
"Plumed  Knight,'*  were  willing  to  utilize  any  weapon  against  him. 
His  fatal  weakness  among  the  representatives  of  New  York  Repub- 
licanism was  so  clear  to  the  Ohio  leaders  that  they  were  forced  to  look 
on  his  aspirations  with  misgivings.  To  cap  the  climax  of  his  humilia- 
tion Ohio  was  insecure,  not  by  reason  of  the  lukewarm  attachments 
of  the  leaders,  Foraker  included,  but  the  readiness  of  a  considerable 
body  of  the  delegates  to  bolt  to  Blaine.  Foraker  could  no  more  have 
silenced  his  disaffected  colleagues  than  he  could  have  jammed  the  Sher- 
man prescription  down  the  throat  of  T.  C.  Piatt,  who  declared  that  he 
would  not  cast  his  ballot  for  Sherman  if  half  a  dozen  conventions  nom- 
inated him. 

At  no  stage  was  the  Convention  dominated  by  the  Sherman  men.  At 
no  stage  were  the  followers  of  Blaine  not  in  a  majority.  Mr.  Blaine 
may  not  have  dictated  the  ultimate  choice  of  General  Harrison  per- 
sonally, but  his  friends  determined  the  selection  as  surely  as  the  nom- 
ination was  made.  All  the  efforts  to  stem  the  tide  by  Foraker  or  Mc- 
Kinley, Hanna,  Halstead  or  Quay  were  as  abortive  as  the  endeavor  of 
the  "806"  to  check  the  rising  Garfield  flood  eight  years  earlier.  Mr. 
Stephen  B.  Elkins,  if  he  chose  to  unbosom  himself,  could  more  con- 
clusively demonstrate  the  folly  of  pretending  that  Sherman's  nomina- 
tion was  ever  possible  than  any  other  gentleman.  He  knew  that  the 
prize  would  go  to  Blaine  or  Harrison  previous  to  the  first  roll  call. 

Governor  Foraker  stands  on  firm  ground  in  the  controversy.  His 
enemies  may  fret  him,  but  they  cannot  play  upon  him.  The  facts  are 
with  him  even  if  the  factionalists  are  against  him,  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  in  the  long  run  he  will  discomfit  his  adversaries. 


TO   THE   WELL   ONCE   TOO   OFTEN         391 

In  response  to  my  letter  to  him  Mr.  Halstead  published 
a  long  signed  editorial  in  the  Commercial  Gazette,  from 
which  I  quote  as  follows: 

There  has  been  a  misunderstanding  between  the  Governor  and  my- 
self disclosed  to  me  in  his  communication,  and  it  respects  what  he  said 
when  he  had  the  interview  with  me  in  the  convention  hall.  I  understood 
him  at  the  time  to  refer  to  the  McKinley  and  not  to  the  Blaine  move- 
ment, though  both  may  have  been  mentioned.  He  certainly  then  said 
a  good  word  for  McKinley,  but  one  would  not  think  so  as  the 
stories  ran  later. 

That  which  the  Governor  says  now  is  to  me  in  the  nature  of  an 
explanation  of  something  that  struck  me  strangely,  and  has  seemed  out 
of  the  straight  line  with  other  events.  It  shows  how  easily  misappre- 
hensions arise,  especially  in  the  midst  of  shifting  and  confused  scenes 
of  excitement. 

Behind  the  disturbance  of  good  understanding  between  friends  of  the 
Governor  and  Senator  Sherman,  and  necessary  to  a  clear  understanding 
of  them,  are  two  groups  of  facts.     .     .     . 

The  first  is  the  strength  of  the  Blaine  sentiment  in  Ohio,  which  di- 
vided the  delegation  in  1884,  and  was  so  great  in  1888  that  it  would 
have  been  irresistible  if  Mr.  Blaine  had  been  an  avowed  candidate.    .    .    . 

Governor  Foraker  had  friends,  and  a  good  many  of  them,  who 
thought  he  was  the  "Young  Man  of  Destiny,"  and  should  go  to  the 
front  as  a  Presidential  candidate  and  fight  for  it.  They  would  have 
put  him  into  the  field  against  Sherman,  Blaine,  and  everybody  thought 
he  had  a  record  and  qualities  that  would  win.  There  were  other 
friends  of  the  Governor  inclined  to  push  him,  who  thought  a  Pres- 
idential candidacy  on  his  part  with  Blaine  and  Sherman  in  the  field 
would  be  premature. 

It  was  the  decision  of  the  Governor  not  to  go  into  the  race,  and  he 
accepted  the  leadership  of  the  Sherman  forces  in  the  State  and  the 
responsibility  of  holding  the  delegation  at  Chicago.     .     .     . 

The  second  and  third  ballots  in  the  Convention  seemed  to  me  to 
announce  the  defeat  of  Sherman,  as  there  was  no  show  of  strength  for 
him  in  the  Northwest  or  Northeast,  and  that  in  the  South  had  been 
smaller  than  expected  and  was  failing;  and  yet  the  forces  for  him  were 
so  formidable,  and  his  presentation  had  been  so  splendid,  that  the  field 
was  against  him. 

With  his  delegations  fading  in  the  South,  and  gaining  nowhere,  when 
I  was  told  on  the  highest  authority  that  he  was  about  to  lose  half  the 
vote  of  Pennsylvania,  I  thought  there  was  nothing  more  to  do  but  see 
what  was  the  next  best  thing  to  be  done.  The  conditions  did  not,  as 
I  thought,  permit  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine,  but  I  agreed  with 
Governor  Foraker  that  if  he  was  to  be  nominated,  the  bigger  the  boom 
for  him  the  better. 

Foraker  was  considered  for  the  candidacy  with  more  seriousness  than 
the  mass  of  people  are  informed.    He  was  the  man  who  had  tackled 


392  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

the  President  and  dragged  him  in  his  fishing  clothes  before  the  country, 
and  had  telegraphed  orders  for  an  injunction  to  stop  the  return  of 
rebel  flags  already  boxed  for  shipment — the  ideal  candidate  for  a  bloody- 
shirt  campaign,  and  the  ringing  of  the  fire-alarm  bells  would  not  have 
disheartened  the  boys. 

What  I  have  quoted  indicates  the  character  of  the  dis- 
cussion that  was  started  by  Mr.  Smith's  editorial.  I  might 
make  hundreds  of  other  quotations  to  show  how  it  continued 
with  augmenting  ugliness  until  the  Convention  was  held 
and  I  was  renominated.  So  far  as  Mr.  Richard  Smith  was 
concerned,  seeing  what  a  storm  he  had  raised,  he  sought 
with  other  editorials  to  retract  and  explain,  but,  as  usual, 
"where  there  is  a  lack  of  frankness,  as  there  was  in  his  case, 
he  simply  made  a  bad  matter  worse. 

Although  there  were  but  very  few  papers  in  the  State 
in  sympathy  with  Mr.  Smith's  position,  yet  there  were 
enough  to  embolden  those  already  hostile  to  make  war 
against  the  proposition  that  I  should  be  renominated,  or 
that  General  Bushnell,  or  any  other  friend  of  mine,  should 
be  made  the  candidate  for  Governor. 

Foremost  among  these  was  Senator  Hanna.  He  was 
very  active  and  very  fierce  in  his  opposition;  and  this  con- 
tinued not  only  until  the  Convention  met  in  Columbus  and 
I  was  renominated,  but  afterward  until  I  was  defeated. 
He  was  not  only  hostile  to  me  personally  but  showed  an 
angry  disposition  toward  everybody  who  had  supported 
me,  especially  those  in  Cleveland. 

Hon.  Myron  T.  Herrick  wrote  me  June  27th,  1889, 
the  day  after  I  was  renominated,  saying,  among  other  things : 
"I  saw  Hanna  at  lunch  today  and  he  did  not  speak.  I  am 
told  that  he  is  very  bitter." 

He  was  present  at  the  Convention  and  expressed  his  bit- 
terness there,  and  after  I  was  nominated  said  to  some  friends 
who  had  supported  me:  "Now  that  you  have  nominated 
him  let  us  see  you  elect  him,"  thus  indicating  that  his  inten- 
tion was  not  to  abide  the  result  of  the  Convention.  This 
bitterness  on  his  part  grew  out  of  his  disappointment  as  to 
the  result  of  the  National  Convention  of  1888  and  my  dis- 


TO   THE  WELL  ONCE  TOO   OFTEN        393 

agreement  with  him  as  to  the  purchase  of  tickets  of  Southern 
delegates  and  my  refusal  to  accept  his  candidate  for  National 
Committeeman. 

The  Break  with  Hanna. 

The  following  letters  that  passed  between  us  immediately 
after  the  Chicago  Convention  show  how  for  a  time  our  friendly 
relations  came  to  an  end.    They  are  as  follows : 

Hon.  M.  a.  Hanna,  August  4,  1888. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  received  from  Mr.  J.  B.  Luckey  a  few  days  ago  a  letter 
making  inquiry  of  me  as  to  whether  or  not  I  had  declined,  as  you 
claimed  I  had,  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  Ohio  delegation  to  arrange  for 
the  payment  of  the  expenses  of  Ohio  headquarters.  I  enclose  to  you 
a  copy  of  my  letter  to  him  in  answer  to  that  inquiry.  You  will  see 
that  I  called  for  particulars  as  to  your  statement.  He  sends  me  this 
morning  your  letter  to  him,  dated  July  27th,  in  which  you  say:  "I  did 
ask  Governor  Foraker  if  he  would  not  call  a  meeting  of  the  delegation 
to  arrange  for  this  (the  payment  of  the  expenses  of  the  headquarters) 
but  he  declined.     That  is  all  I  have  to  say  by  way  of  explanation." 

This  seems  to  be  a  part  of  the  same  kind  of  business  that  was  going 
on  before  we  went  to  Chicago,  and  while  we  were  there,  and  to  some 
extent  since.  Please  allow  me  to  say  that  I  think  you  owe  it  to  yourself 
to  correct  what  you  have  said.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FORAKEH. 


Mr.  Hanna's  letter  to  Mr.  Luckey,  of  which  I  enclosed 
a  copy  with  my  letter  to  him  of  August  4th,  was  as  fol- 
lows : 

J.  B.  Luckey,  Esa.,  Cleveland,  Ohio,  July  27,  1888. 

Elmore,  Ohio. 
Dear  Sir: — ^Your  favor  of  the  18th  inst.  came  to  hand  during  my 
absence  from  home,  and  I  have  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  $16.00  for 
which  I  am  obliged.  I  am  not  disposed  to  offer  any  excuses  for  being 
placed  in  a  position  to  be  criticized  for  trying  to  do  what  I  thought 
was  a  favor  by  going  security  for  a  place  the  delegation  could  bo 
comfortable.  I  did  the  same  thing  in  1884,  and  was  voted  a  "bully 
boy."  This  time  it  was  different.  I  did  ask  Governor  Foraker  if  he 
would  not  call  a  meeting  of  the  delegation  to  arrange  for  this,  but  he 
declined.    That  is  all  I  have  to  say  by  way  of  explanation. 

Truly  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanna, 


S94  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Mr.  Hanna  answered  my  letter  of  August  4th  from  New 
Castle,  New  Hampshire,  under  date  of  August  8th.  I  am 
unable  to  find  that  letter  on  my  files,  but  the  nature  of  it 
is  sufficiently  indicated  by  my  reply,  which  was  as  follows: 

Hon.  M.  a.  Hanna,  August  16,  1888. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.,  written 
from  New  Castle,  New  Hampshire.  You  say,  "I  did  ask  you  if  you 
would  not  have  a  meeting  of  the  delegation  before  we  left  and  your 
reply  was  that  you  would  not,  saying  to  me,  *you  are  quartermaster  and 
can  attend  to  all  such  matters.' "  I  do  not  remember  the  exact  lan- 
guage I  used,  but  I  do  remember  that  what  I  said  to  you  was  that  I 
thought  it  was  then  too  late  to  h»ve  a  meeting  of  the  delegation,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  some  of  them  were  already  gone  home  and  others, 
including  myself,  had  to  go  on  the  trains  leaving  that  night.  You  will 
remember,  perhaps,  that  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  leave  the  conven- 
tion hall  before  the  balloting  for  Vice  President  was  concluded.  It 
was  an  impossibility  to  have  a  meeting  of  the  delegation.  There  was 
no  declining  on  my  part  or  thought  of  doing  so,  to  do  anything  that 
could  be  done  in  the  matter.  I  did  not  remind  you  that  you  were  quar- 
termaster and  you  could  attend  to  it,  except  by  the  explanation  I  gave 
you  as  to  why  I  had  not  thought  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  dele- 
gation. That  explanation  was  a  reminder,  and  I  called  Governor 
Foster's  attention  to  it,  you  will  remember,  that  I  had  written  both 
you  and  him  to  know  what  had  been  done  on  the  subject,  and  that  you 
had  simply  answered  that  you  were  quartermaster  and  intended  to 
attend  to  all  such  matters.  That  statement,  coupled  with  what  you 
had  previously  told  me  about  the  raising  of  funds  by  Mr.  Sherman's 
friends  for  the  furtherance  of  his  candidacy,  led  me  to  suppose  that  it 
was  not  desired  that  either  I  or  the  delegation  should  be  bothered  with 
anything  of  the  kind.  Hence,  as  I  said  to  you  then  and  now,  I  did 
not  think  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  delegation,  as  under  other 
circumstances  I  might  have  done. 

I  write  this  only  that  your  statement  may  not  appear  to  be  acquiesced 
in  by  me.  In  your  own  language,  "I  have  no  desire  to  discuss  with  you 
anything  else."  There  is  one  other  matter  as  to  which  you  will  some 
day  hear  from  when  I  am  more  able  than  now,  if  that  should  ever  be, 
to  do  what  I  desire  to  do.    Until  then  I  have  nothing  more  to  say. 

Sincerely  yours, 

J.   6.   FOBAEEB. 


The  expense  alluded  to  In  these  letters  was  only  the 
charge  for  the  room  used  as  a  delegation  headquarters. 
All  the  delegates  paid  their  own  personal  expenses. 

I  had  no  further  communication  with  Mr.  Hanna,  directly 
or  indirectly,  by  mail  or  otherwise,  until  1892,  when  I  met 


TO   THE   WELL   ONCE  TOO   OFTEN        395 

him  at  the  Minneapolis  Convention.  In  the  way  and  with 
what  result  will  be  mentioned  when  that  point  of  time  and 
events  is  reached  in  the  dictation  of  these  notes. 

I  mention  this  "unpleasantness"  with  freedom  because  the 
untruths  that  have  been  printed,  and  the  truths  that  have 
been  suppressed,  seem  to  call  for  the  facts;  and  because, 
later,  I  shall  have  the  agreeable  privilege  of  telling  how 
these  personal  bickerings  were  largely  relegated  to  the  rear 
and  at  least  fairly  good  relations  reinstated,  which  con- 
tinued until  his  death. 

The  Johnstown  Fix)Od. 

Recurring  now  to  the  Convention,  it  was  held  June  ^5- 
S6;  but  before  that  date  arrived  the  Johnstown  flood 
occurred — May  30-31.  The  disaster  was  so  appalling  that 
relief  was  naturally  the  first  thought  in  every  mind.  I  im- 
mediately sent  tents  and  food  and  clothing  and  relief  sup- 
plies of  every  kind — several  car-loads  in  all — under  the 
charge  of  Adjutant  General  Axline  and  a  strong  detach- 
ment of  helpers,  whom  he  took  with  him. 

These  reached  Johnstown  the  following  morning,  in  the 
very  nick  of  time  to  give  efficient  aid  and  much-needed 
relief. 

I  did  nothing  more  than  any  one  in  my  situation  should 
have  done;  but  it  so  happened  that  Governor  Beaver,  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  was  absent  from  Pennsylvania 
at  the  time  and  was  unable  to  give  official  succor  until  after 
Ohio  was  on  the  ground  and  bearing  the  brunt  of  the  de- 
mands that  had  so  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  arisen.  This 
fact  gave  emphasis  to  our  good  offices. 

The  promptness  and  good  results  of  what  Ohio  thus  did 
elicited  the  warmest  commendations  from  the  press  of  the 
State  and  other  States ;  all  classes  of  our  citizens  seemed 
gratified  and  to  feel  honored  by  what  we  had  been  able 
to  do. 

State  Convention — 1889. 

The  newspapers  were  still  discussing  this  matter  in  a 
way  very  friendly  to  me  when  the  State  Convention  assem- 


396  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

bled.  All  this  naturally  strengthened  the  sentiment  in  favor 
of  my  renomination  which  my  enemies  had  aroused. 

I  had  hoped  until  the  last  moment  that  I  might  be  able 
to  persuade  General  Bushnell  to  reconsider  and  express  a 
willingness  to  accept  the  nomination,  but  he  remained  obdu- 
rate, although  the  indications  were  all  favorable  to  him,  if 
he  would  only  assent. 

At  no  time  did  I  speak  a  word  to  any  human  being  that 
indicated  a  desire  on  my  part  to  be  a  candidate  again,  for 
I  had  no  such  desire.  I  fully  realized  that  in  being  a  can- 
didate I  had  everything  to  lose  and  nothing — or  at  least 
very  little — to  gain. 

The  most  I  said  to  anyone  was  that  if  the  Convention, 
with  full  knowledge,  should  see  fit  to  disregard  my  desires 
and  to  risk  the  dangers  and  ask  me  to  make  the  race  I 
would  not  shrink  from  the  duty  so  imposed;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  I  said  to  all  to  whom  I  said  that  much  that  I 
did  not  desire  another  term  even  if  it  were  assured  and  that 
I  ought  not  to  be  subjected  to  the  risk  of  defeat  which  I 
feared  my  enemies,  although  only  a  small  percentage  of  the 
Republicans   of   the    State,   might    accomplish. 

I  knew,  however,  that  I  had  not  given  any  just  ground 
to  any  Republican  for  implacable  hostility;  and,  least  of 
all,  to  Mr.  Hanna  and  those  co-operating  with  him.  There- 
fore, I  had  a  reasonable  hope  all  might  be  brought  into 
line  in  time  for  the  election.  Still  I  knew  I  would,  in  any 
event,  have  a  hard  as  well  as  doubtful  battle,  for  I  knew, 
as  every  other  well-informed  man  did,  that  a  political  reac- 
tion had  set  in  since  the  election  and  inauguration  of 
Harrison,  not  because  of  any  mistake  or  fault  of  his,  but 
because  of  the  numerous  disappointments  of  those  who  had 
unsuccessfully  sought  recognition,  and  on  other  like  ac- 
counts; and  that  quite  aside  from  anything  personal  to 
myself  it  was  not  a  good  year  to  run.  This  reaction  and 
dissatisfaction  grew  worse  as  time  passed  and  proved  in  the 
end  more  general  than  I  had  imagined  it  would  become;  for 
that  year  not  only  Ohio  but  also  Massachusetts  and  Iowa 
both  elected  Democratic  Governors,  and  there  were  Demo- 
cratic victories  where  not  expected  all  over  the  country. 


TO   THE  \^^LL   ONCE  TOO   OFTEN        397 

There  were  numerous  avowed  candidates ;  all  of  them  good 
men;  among  them  General  Robert  P.  Kennedy,  who  was  the 
choice  of  Senator  Hanna;  General  Rufus  R.  Dawes,  who 
was  championed  by  General  Grosvenor;  Major  Henry  L. 
Morey,  Member  of  Congress  from  the  Third  District;  Judge 
Joseph  W.  O'Neall  of  Lebanon;  General  Asa  W.  Jones  of 
Mahoning  County,  a  member  of  my  staff;  and  Hon.  E.  L. 
Lampson,  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Legislature,  who 
was  nominated  on  the  ticket  with  me  for  Lieutenant  Gover- 
nor. All  were  formally  placed  in  nomination.  Finally  the 
roll  was  called,  with  the  following  result  (ignoring  a  lot  of 
scattering  votes):  Kennedy  received  127;  Dawes  96;  Jones 
96;  O'Neall  59;  Morey  47,  and  Foraker,  who  had  not  been 
nominated  at  all,  207. 

On  the  second  ballot,  commencing  with  Adams  County, 
there  was  a  break  all  along  the  line  in  my  favor  so  that 
when  Montgomery  County  was  reached,  only  half  way  down 
the  roll,  the  Chairman  of  the  delegation  withdrew  the  name 
of  Mr.  Morey  and  moved  that  I  be  nominated  by  acclama- 
tion, which  motion  was  seconded  by  General  Grosvenor,  who 
at  the  same  time  withdrew  the  name  of  General  Dawes.  The 
other  candidates  were,  one  after  another,  quickly  withdrawn 
and  I  was  declared  the  nominee  of  the  Convention. 

The  Chair  appointed  as  a  committee  to  wait  upon  me 
and  inform  me  of  my  renomination  and  escort  me 
to  the  Convention  Hall  Hon.  William  McKinley,  General 
C.  H.  Grosvenor  and  Hon.  George  W.  Gardner,  Mayor  of 
Cleveland.  Thus  it  happened  that  for  the  fourth  time  in 
succession  Major  McKinley  served  on  the  Committee  to 
notify  me  of  my  nomination  and  to  escort  me  to  the  Con- 
vention. I  am  dictating  from  the  account  of  the  proceed- 
ings as  published  in  the  Ohio  State  Journal.  It  states  that 
when  shortly  this  Committee  appeared,  "The  Governor  was 
arm  in  arm  with  Major  McKinley,"  who,  finding  it  difficult 
to  reach  the  stage,  "stepped  upon  one  of  the  press  tables, 
and  it  went  down  with  him,  breaking  the  table's  legs  but 
not  the  Major's.  Friends  lent  a  hand  and  he  was  boosted 
over  the   footlights,  when  he  apprised  the   Chair  and  the 


398  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Convention   that,   in   obedience   to  their   orders,   he   had   the 
honor  to  present  their  candidate  for  Governor." 

"An  ovation  awaited  the  Governor,  who  stood  and  looked 
out  upon  the  magnificent  Convention  until  he  could  be  heard, 
when  he  accepted  the  trust"  in  a  speech  that  commenced  as 
follows : 

Once  more  you  have  seen  fit  to  nominate  me  to  be  your  candidate  for 
Governor,  and  once  more  I  stand  here  to  accept  the  trust.  (Applause.) 
That  this  should  come  to  pass  was  not  according  to  my  wish.  All  my 
plans,  purposes,  arrangements  and  ambitions,  if  you  please,  ran  in  a 
different  direction.  But  from  the  beginning  of  this  matter  I  have  recog- 
nized the  fact,  upon  which  I  now  act,  that  the  party  that  has  so  greatly 
honored  me  in  the  past  has  a  perfect  right  to  command  my  services 
not  only  at  any  time,  but  in  any  station  to  which  it  may  see  fit  to  assign 
me.  (Applause.)  Hence  it  is  that  I  am  here  to  put  aside  personal 
desire,  bow  to  your  judgment  and  take  up  the  work  you  have  given 
me  to  do.  (Applause.)  I  think  I  understand  what  that  work  is. 
(Applause.)  At  any  rate  I  interpret  your  action  to  be  a  call  upon  me 
to  duty — not  to  duty  generally,  but  to  a  specific  duty.  I  interpret  it 
to  be  a  call  to  be  your  candidate  in  this  approaching  contest  for 
Governor)  and  for  Governor  alone.     (Cheers  and  s^pplause.) 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

ALL  LOST  BUT   HONOR,  AND  THAT  HAS  A   CLOSE  CALL. 

MY  nomination  for  the  fourth  time  and  for  a  third 
term  was,  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances,  well  and 
enthusiastically  received  by  the  Republicans  of  the  State 
and  of  the  whole  country.  With  the  exception  of  Richard 
Smith's  organ  and  a  few  others  like  it  the  Republican  press 
of  Ohio  advocated  my  election  in  the  most  earnest  and  effec- 
tive manner.  Editorials  of  the  most  complimentary  char- 
acter were  published  in  the  leading  journals  of  the  great 
cities  of  other  States  and  reproduced  throughout  Ohio. 

Commencing  a  day  or  two  after  my  nomination  I  was 
almost  constantly  traveling  and  speaking.  It  was  usual  to 
speak  daily  two,  three  and  even  four  times.  The  meetings 
were  large  and  the  spirit  manifested  was  of  the  most  en- 
couraging character.  Senator  Sherman,  Major  McKinley, 
Governor  Foster,  and  the  most  prominent  of  all  the  leaders 
in  the  party  participated  in  the  canvass  and  did  good  work. 
Wherever  I  went,  however,  I  heard  of  some  defection  in  our 
ranks  and  of  evidence  of  hostility  within  our  party. 

In  a  number  of  cases  taken  up  by  the  State  Committee 
and  investigated  it  was  satisfactorily  established  that  some 
of  the  speakers,  who  were  filling  ene^agements  made  for  them 
by  the  State  Committee,  and  traveling  at  the  expense  of  the 
Committee  and  nominally  makinsr  ReDublican  speeches,  were 
not  only  "damning  with  faint  praise,"  but  in  some  instances 
surreptitiously  stirring  up  opposition. 

While  all  this  was  unsatisfactory,  yet  in  every  instance 
where  we  learned  of  such  practices,  we  also  had  the  satis- 
faction of  learning  that  the  ReDublicans  of  the  localities 
in  which  such  work  was  attempted  were  aware  of  what  was 
going  on  and  were  incensed  and  spurred  thereby  to  greater 
activity  and  more  determination  to  get  out  the  full  Repub- 


400  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

lican  vote  and  win  a  victory?  than  would  otherwise  have  been 
true.  As  the  campaign  progressed  this  feeling  of  resent- 
ment and  determination  to  succeed  grew  constantly  stronger. 

As  a  result  my  meetings  continually  grew  larger  and  more 
responsive  and  the  demands  for  speeches  became  more  and 
more  numerous  until,  as  a  result,  I  suddenly  found  that  I 
had  overtaxed  my  strength  and  made  myself  too  ill  to  con- 
tinue the  canvass  and,  accordingly,  October  19th,  I  yielded 
to  the  insistent  advice  of  my  physicians,  cancelled  m}'^  en- 
gagements for  ten  days  ahead,  repaired  to  my  residence 
in  Columbus,  took  to  my  bed  and  remained  there  until  a  few 
days  prior  to  the  election  when,  although  not  fully  recuper- 
ated, I  resumed  the  canvass,  speaking  at  Da3rton,  Cincinnati 
and  Lebanon. 

Until  interrupted  by  my  illness  I  was  steadily  gaining 
and  the  indications  of  final  success  were  of  the  most  encour- 
aging  and   satisfactory   character. 

The  following  letter  from  Judge  Taft  is  but  one  of  hun- 
dreds of  such  that  I  was  receiving : 

August  81,  1889. 

My  Dear  Governor: — I  write  to  congratulate  you  on  your  election. 
The  Lord  has  delivered  your  enemy  into  your  hands.  The  Democrats 
have  succeeded  in  making  certain  what  was  not  very  doubtful  before. 
If  the  people  of  Ohio,  in  the  face  of  the  brazen  and  unblushing  frauds, 
election,  senatorial  and  otherwise,  not  five  years  old,  of  which  the  con- 
trolling element  of  the  Democratic  Party  were  guilty,  can  restore  that 
element  to  power  now,  I  shall  lose  faith  in  popular  government.  The 
campaign  will  probably  be  as  unpleasant  for  you  personally  as  the 
Democrats  can  make  it,  but  this  will  only  have  the  effect  of  making 
the  triumph  when  it  comes  partake  more  of  a  personal  character. 
The  disaster  to  this  state  and  county  if  the  "Foraker"  boards  are 
abolished  can  hardly  be  overestimated,  and  with  my  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  what  the  Democratic  Party  leaders  of  the  "Kid  stripe"  are 
capable  of,  I  am  deeply  interested  in  the  success  of  the  fight  you 
are  making. 

I  have,  in  addition,  of  course,  a  sincere  and  grateful  interest  in 
seeing  you  win  a  fight  where  the  risk  is  great,  but  the  ultimate  stake 
is  very  large. 

Again  congratulating  you  on  the  fact  that  the  "Campbells  came" 
to  Dayton,  I  am  Very  sincerely  yours, 

Wm.  H.  Taft. 
Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker, 

Governor  of  Ohio. 

P.  S.     In  the  mass  of  your  correspondence  I  do  not  wish  you  to 
trouble   yourself    with    an   answer    to   this   letter,   which,    as    Halstead 
I  would  say,  is  "highly  unimportant." 


ALL   LOST   BUT  HONOR  401 

A  fair  example  of  my  own  experience  and  observations 
are  given  by  Governor  Foster  as  his  own,  in  the  following 
letter : 

Portsmouth,  Ohio,  October  20,  1889. 

My  Dear  Governor: — I  see  by  the  papers  that  you  are  sick  and  hear 
today  that  you  are  despondent  over  the  prospects  of  the  election.  {In 
that  respect  he  had  been  misinformed.)  I  was  fearful  of  the  former 
and  hope  you  may  soon  recover,  as  I  think  you  will.  "I  have  been  there," 
but  never  worked  so  hard  as  you  have.  I  think  I  know  the  feeling  in 
at  least  thirty  counties  where  I  have  been.  With  the  exception  of  High- 
land you  will  get  the  party  vote.  There  I  learned  that  the  "White  Cap" 
matter  will  lose  you  votes.  {The  White  Cap  matter  was  the  suppression 
of  lawless  outbreaks  patterned  after  the  practices  of  the  Ku  KVux 
Klan,  but  only  a  few  people  were  involved  and  there  could  not  have 
been  many  votes  lost  on  that  account.) 

In  Clermont  I  learn  you  will  run  ahead  of  your  ticket,  and  here  you 
will  poll  the  full  party  vote,  and  I  think  this  county  (Scioto)  will  do 
well.  I  met  today  one  of  the  gentlemen  who  predict  your  defeat.  It 
is  based  upon  the  assertions  of  Beatty — that  he  has  an  organization 
embracing  seventy  counties,  and  that  you  will  be  cut  in  each  of  them 
from  100  to  5,000  votes.  I  do  not  believe  he  has  such  an  organization. 
I  do  not  see  how  he  could  get  it  if  it  is  made  up  of  Republicans. 
I  was  in  Cincinnati  this  week.  Every  man  you  meet  differs  as  to 
opinion  of  result. 

I  met  there  Democrats  who  will  vote  for  you  and  they  said  there 
are  many  such  Democrats.  The  immense  meetings  we  are  holding  there 
mean  much.  I  do  not  take  the  gloomy  view  of  the  outlook  in  Cin- 
cinnati.    I  believe  we  will  win  all  along  the  line. 

Chas.  Foster. 

I  quote  tliis  letter  because  it  has  a  little  of  almost  every- 
thing in  it  pertaining  to  the  campaign.  There  were,  as 
he  reports,  Democrats  in  Cincinnati  who  were  proposing  to 
vote  for  me,  who  did  vote  for  me,  and  a  great  many  other 
Democrats  all  over  the  State  who  were  proposing  to  do  and 
did  do  the  same  thing. 

I  had,  therefore,  as  an  offset  to  the  defection  represented 
by  Hanna,  Beatty  and  others,  an  unusual  spirit  and  determi- 
nation on  the  part  of  the  Republicans  who  were  loyally  sup- 
porting me,  and  at  least  a  partial  support  from  Democrats 
as  a  substitute  for  Republican  losses. 

I  thought  then,  and  have  always  since  thought,  I  would 
have  been  re-elected  by  a  decisive  majority  had  it  not  been 
for  two  things  that  occurred  during  the  campaign,  both 
of  which  were  unforeseen  at  the  time  when  I  was  nominated. 
These  were 


402  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  Ballot  Box  Foegery 

AND 

The  Saloon-Keepers'  Rebellion, 

The  morning  after  I  was  nominated  there  were  many 
callers  at  the  Governor's  office  to  congratulate  me;  among 
them  Lewis  M.  Hadden,  a  Cincinnati  lawyer,  who  had  been 
for  some  years  connected  with  the  law  office  of  T.  C.  Camp- 
bell, at  that  time  a  prominent  criminal  lawyer  of  Cincin- 
nati. Mr.  Hadden  was  at  that  time  assistant  City  Solicitor 
and -President  of  the  Cincinnati  Board  of  Education.  Later 
he  was  Chairman  of  the  Republican  Campaign  Committee 
of  Hamilton  County.  He  was  a  man  with  whom  I  had 
never  had  any  intimate  relations,  but  I  had  known  him,  as 
I  knew  hundreds  of  others,  whom  I  casually  met  as  I  went 
and  came  on  my  "lawful  occasions."  I  had  no  reason  to 
distrust  the  truthfulness  of  anything  he  might  say  to  me  on 
any  subject,  but,  on  the  contrary,  as  the  positions  he  held 
indicated,  there  was  every  reason  to  believe  him  to  be  truth- 
ful and  reliable. 

At  that  time  the  Democratic  Convention  had  not  yet  been 
held.  It  had  been  called  to  meet  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  August 
27th  and  28th. 

In  the  short  conversation  I  had  with  Mr.  Hadden  he  took 
occasion  to  tell  me  that  I  would  have  a  hard,  and  he  feared, 
a  doubtful  fight.  When  I  asked  him  why  he  felt  that  way 
he  told  me  he  thought  from  all  he  had  heard  that  the  Honor- 
able James  E.  Campbell,  of  Hamilton,  Ohio,  would  be  nomi- 
nated by  the  Democratic  Convention  and  that  if  he  should 
be  the  Democratic  candidate  a  number  of  leading  Repub- 
licans would  support  him  secretly,  if  not  openly. 

In  answer  to  my  question  as  to  why  he  had  such  an  opin- 
ion he  proceeded  to  tell  me  that  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Richard  G.  Wood,  a  partner  in  the  Hall  &  Wood  Company, 
of  Cincinnati,  manufacturers,  was  the  inventor  of  a  pat- 
ented ballot  box  and  that  Governor  Campbell,  as  Congress- 
man from  the  Third  District,  had  introduced  a  bill  requir- 
ing the  use  of  this  ballot  box  at  all  Federal  elections;  that 


ALL   LOST   BUT   HONOR  408 

the  effect  of  the  bill  would  be  to  give  Wood  a  monopoly 
and  that  those  sharing  in  the  financial  results  would  make 
large  sums  of  money  and  that  he  had  seen  a  contract  exhib- 
ited in  T.  C.  Campbell's  office,  signed  by  Campbell,  McKin- 
ley  and  a  number  of  others,  whose  names  he  did  not  remem- 
ber, showing  that  they  were  all  interested  in  that  proposed 
legislation  and  the  exploitations  of  that  ballot  box. 

This  naturally  excited  further  inquiry,  in  answer  to  which 
he  told  me  that  he  thought  Wood  might  be  able  and  willing 
to  furnish  me  with  a  copy  of  the  contract  showing  these 
signatures,  stating  as  a  reason  that  on  account  of  some  dis- 
agreement that  had  arisen  Wood  regarded  himself  as  mis- 
treated and  had  become  unfriendly  to  them.  He  said  he 
would  ascertain  whether  or  not  the  paper  could  be  secured 
and  if  he  could  get  a  copy  of  it.  My  conversation  with 
him  was  necessarily  brief. 

He  went  his  way  and  I  went  mine  until  sometime  later  I 
received  a  communication  from  Wood,  whom  I  had  seen  but 
with  whom  I  had  no  acquaintance,  asking  me  to  recommend 
him  to  Mayor  Mosby  for  appointment  as  Smoke  Inspector. 

In  due  time  a  date  was  fixed  when  he  had  an  interview 
with  me  in  which  he  confirmed  all  that  Hadden  had  told  me 
and  said  he  could  and  would  be  glad  to  furnish  to  me  a 
copy  of  the  paper  desired. 

In  the  meanwhile  I  had  made  an  investigation  as  to  his 
qualifications  for  the  office  he  sought,  and  had  been  informed 
by  those  who  were  competent  judges  and  who  were  well 
acquainted  with  him  that  he  was  a  worthy  and  deserving 
man  of  good  qualifications,  with  a  genius  for  invention  and 
that  he  would  make  an  excellent  Smoke  Inspector. 

Thinking  if  there  was  such  a  paper  it  was  my  duty  as  a 
candidate  to  secure  it  and  fully  inform  myself  with  respect 
to  it,  I  told  him  that  I  would  recommend  him  to  the  Mayor 
but  that  I  would  not  undertake  to  secure  him  the  appoint- 
ment; that  I  would  not  assume  any  responsibility  with 
respect  thereto;  that  I  could  only  give  him  the  recommen- 
dation for  whatever  it  might  be  worth;  and  that,  not  until 
he  had  shown  me  the  paper  which  he  said  he  had  a  right, 


404^  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

as  a  party  in  interest,  to  get  possession  of  and  show  me  or 
anybody  else  to  whom  he  might  desire  to  show  it. 

He  afterwards  wrote  me  that  he  found,  on  his  return 
to  Cincinnati,  that  the  paper  was  not  in  the  possession  of 
the  party  he  supposed  had  it,  but  that  it  was  in  Washing- 
ton and  he  would  have  to  go  there  to  get  it.  After  three 
or  four  weeks'  delay,  for  all  of  which  he  wrote  me  explana- 
tions, he  came  to  Columbus  and  delivered  to  me  on  the  28th 
day  of  September  what  purported  to  be  a  subscription  paper 
which  made  reference  on  its  face  to  "Contract  No.  1000." 
The  paper  delivered  to  me  was  unintelligible  on  its  face,  but 
did  give  information  that  contract  No.  1000  would  give  a 
full  explanation  with  respect  to  the  ballot  box  and  all  other 
details  involved. 

A  number  of  signatures  were  attached  to  the  paper, 
among  them  those  of  Governor  Campbell,  Major  McKinley, 
Major  Butterworth  and  Senator  Sherman,  all  of  our  State. 

That  same  evening  I  addressed  a  mass  meeting  at  Cin- 
cinnati, in  which,  discussing  the  subject  of  "Trusts,"  I  called 
attention  to  the  bill  that  had  been  introduced  in  Congress 
by  Governor  Campbell,  and  read  parts  of  it.  I  had  one 
of  the  Wood  ballot  boxes  present  on  the  platform  and 
pointed  out  that  the  bill,  although  not  mentioning  this  par- 
ticular ballot  box  by  name,  yet  described  it  exactly  and  that 
it  was  impossible  for  any  other  box  to  be  used  if  the  bill 
should  become  a  law. 

My  purpose  in  doing  this  was  to  show  that  my  anti- 
trust antagonist  who  was  giving  special  prominence  to  the 
subject  was  the  author  of  a  measure  calculated  to  create  a 
trust  of  a  most  odious  character;  but  I  did  not  intimate  that 
anyone,  either  the  author  of  the  bill,  or  anybody  else  in 
Congress,  was  pecuniarily,  or  otherwise,  improperly  inter- 
ested in  the  proposed  legislation. 

When  I  saw  the  paper  I  was  surprised  to  see  on  it  some 
of  the  names  that  appeared  there,  especially  the  name  of 
Sherman,  who,  until  then,  had  not  been  mentioned,  but  I 
was  familiar  with  his  signature,  and  also  with  the  signa- 
tures of  McKinley,  Butterworth  and  some  of  the  others  who 


ALL   LOST   BUT  HONOR  405 

had  apparently  signed  it,  and  it  seemed  to  me  there  could 
not  be  any  doubt  whatever  that  they  were  genuine  signa- 
tures, as  in  fact  they  were,  although  not  attached  by  them 
to  that  paper.  I  consulted  a  gentleman  familiar  with  Gov- 
ernor Campbell's  signature  and  was  told  by  him  that  it  was 
undoubtedly  genuine.  The  apparent  genuineness  of  these 
signatures,  coupled  with  what  had  been  told  me,  for  the 
fabrication  of  which,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Hadden,  at  least, 
there  could  not  be  any  explanation  or  excuse,  caused  me  to 
accept  the  paper  as  genuine  without  any  distrust  whatever. 
I  showed  it  to  two  or  three  other  gentlemen  and  they  were 
all  unhesitatingly  of  the  opinion  that  the  signatures  were 
genuine. 

I  recognized,  however,  the  moment  I  saw  the  paper  that 
it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  make  any  use  of  it  in  the 
campaign.  To  do  so  would  practically  disrupt  the  party. 
I,  therefore,  at  once  determined  to  hold  it  in  abeyance  until 
after  the  election. 

Among  others  I  talked  with  about  it  was  Murat  Hal- 
stead.  I  talked  with  him  about  it  because  I  chanced  to 
meet  him  and  because  he  was  the  especial  friend  and  cham- 
pion of  Senator  Sherman;  had  been  such  for  years  and 
especially  in  1888,  and  was  still;  and  because  he  was  asso- 
ciated with  Mr.  Richard  Smith  in  the  publication  of  the 
Commercial  Gazette,  and  shared  with  him,  in  some  degree 
at  least,  the  feeling  expressed  by  him  in  his  hostile  editor- 
ials. I  told  him  in  full  detail  how  the  paper  had  come  into 
my  possession.  He  was  quite  as  familiar  with  the  signatures 
mentioned  as  I  was.  He  at  once  pronounced  them  genuine  and 
agreed  with  me  that  I  could  not  make  any  use  of  the  paper. 
We  then  discussed  what  course  I  should  pursue  with  respect 
to  it,  concluding  that  I  should  turn  it  over  to  him  as  a 
custodian  to  hold  it  until  after  the  election,  when  we  would 
have  time  to  make  investigation  and  establish  the  facts  and 
take  such  further  steps  as  the  truth  and  our  duty  to  the 
public  and  good  government  might  require. 

I  had  met  Mr.  Halstead  on  the  train  and  accidentally. 
He  was  returning  from  New  York  and  I  was  on  my  way  to 
keep  an  appointment.     He   carried  the  paper  with  him  to 


406  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Cincinnati,  not  to  publish  it,  but  to  hold  it  until  after  the 
election,  and  I  continued  in  mj  campaign.  I  was  greatly 
astonished  when  a  few  days  later,  on  the  morning  of  the 
4th  of  October,  I  saw  in  the  Commercial  Gazette  a  facsimile 
of  the  document  and  especially  surprised  to  see  that  he  had 
published  it  with  only  the  signature  of  Campbell. 

Until  then  I  had  not  at  any  time  spoken  of  such  a  paper, 
or  made  any  charge  against  anybody  in  connection  with  it; 
and  the  only  reference  I  ever  did  make  to  it  was  to  say,  after 
this  publication,  in  a  speech  at  Marietta,  October  9th,  in 
answer  to  something  that  had  appeared  that  day  in  the 
newspapers,  that  I  had  seen  the  paper,  that  Governor  Camp- 
bell had  not  denied  his  signature,  and  that  I  was  of  the 
opinion  that  he  would  not  deny  it. 

The  publication  by  Mr.  Halstead,  especially  in  the  mutil- 
ated form  in  which  he  used  it,  was  without  my  knowledge 
and  without  any  consultation  whatever,  except  only  that 
which  occurred  when  I  delivered  it  to  him. 

Friends  of  Governor  Campbell  instituted  an  investigation 
which  resulted  in  a  confession  by  Wood  and  others  associ- 
ated with  him  that  the  paper  was  a  forgery ;  that  the  signa- 
tures had  been  transferred  to^  the  paper  from  the  official 
signatures  of  the  Congressmen  whose  names  were  used  as 
given  on  the  franks  used  by  them  on  their  letters  and  for 
the  distribution  of  public  documents,  and  that  they  were, 
therefore,  perfect  imitations  of  genuine  signatures. 

October  11th — as  soon  as  this  testimony  was  presented 
to  him — Mr.  Halstead  published  over  his  own  signature  a 
statement  that,  from  the  evidence  submitted  to  him,  he  was 
satisfied  that  the  alleged  signatures  of  Mr.  Campbell  were 
forged  and  fraudulent,  and  assumed  all  responsibility  for 
the  publication  of  the  same.  I  was  not  charged  with  any 
responsibility  for  that  paper  until  after  the  election,  but 
the  effect  of  the  publication,  the  disclosure  that  it  was  a 
false  and  forged  document,  the  retraction  of  it  by  Mr.  Hal- 
stead, greatly  strengthened  Governor  Campbell;  in  the  sense, 
at  least,  that  it  excited  sympathy  for  him  and  gave  him  a 
much  stronger  support  from  the  Democrats  than  he  had 
until  that  time  enjoyed. 


ALL   LOST   BUT   HONOR  407 

As  soon  as  the  election  was  over  I  published  a  full  de- 
tailed statement  of  my  connection  with  the  paper.  I  would 
have  done  so  the  moment  I  learned  the  paper  was  a  forgery, 
but  Mr.  Halstead  objected  on  the  ground  that  he  had  agreed 
with  Governor  Harmon,  acting  for  Governor  Campbell,  that 
nothing  further  should  be  published  until  after  the  cam- 
paign was  ended. 

There  was  no  contradiction  by  anybody  of  anything  I 
said  in  my  statement,  or  at  any  other  time,  but,  naturally, 
Major  Butterworth  and  others  were  much  incensed  and  felt 
that  they  should  be  officially  exonerated;  accordingly  they 
secured  an  investigation  by  a  committee  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  before  which  committee  I  appeared,  as  did 
everybody  else  who  was  supposed  to  have  any  knowledge  on 
the  subject  and  testified  fully  and  frankly  as  to  all  I  knew 
about  the  matter. 

A  babe  unborn  could  not  have  been  freer  than  I  was 
from  intentional  wrongdoing.  I  was  simply  deceived,  and  as 
a  result  of  the  publication  by  Mr.  Halstead  was  made  the 
victim  of  a  most  mortifying  incident  that  contributed 
greatly  to  the  defeat  I  sustained  on  election  day. 

Mr.  Sherman  in  his  "Personal  Recollections,"  has  re- 
viewed the  whole  matter,  quoting  not  only  the  paper  and 
signatures,  but  narrating  the  circumstances  leading  up  to 
its  publication ;  and  also  quoting  the  findings  of  the  Com- 
mittee, according  to  which  Mr.  Halstead  and  I  were  fully 
exonerated  from  all  knowledge  of  the  forgery  and  the  fraud- 
ulent character  of  the  paper;  their  finding  in  this  particular 
being  as   follows: 

We  find  that  Richard  G.  Wood,  Frank  L.  Milward  and  Frank  S. 
Davis  were  the  only  persons  directly  or  indirectly  aiding,  abetting, 
assisting  or  knowingly  consenting  to  the  preparation  of  said  forgery 
with  knowledge  of  its  character. 

And  that  Mr.  Halstead  and  myself — 

aided  in  uttering  said  forgery,  Mr.  Foraker  by  exhibiting  the  paper 
to  several  persons  and  thereafter  delivering  it  to  Mr.  Halstead,  and 
Mr.  Halstead  aided  in  uttering  said  forgery  by  publishing  the  forged 
paper  on  October  4,  1889,  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette,  but 
we  find  that  neither  of  said  parties,  Foraker  and  Halstead.  in  uttering 
said  paper,  knew  the  same  was  a  forgery. 


408  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Of  course  all  whose  names  were  attached  to  the  paper  were 
also  fully  exonerated. 

Mr.  Sherman,  after  citing  these  reports  of  the  majority 
of  the  Committee,  then  proceeds: 

"William  E.  Mason,  Chairman  of  the  committee,  added  to  the  report 
quoted  the  following  just  and  true  statement,  which  relieved  Foraker 
and   Halstead   from  the  implication   stated  in  the   report: 

"If  our  unanimous  finding  is  correct  that  Messrs.  Halstead  and 
Foraker  did  not  know  the  paper  was  forged  when  they  uttered  it,  then 
they  were  deceived  by  some  one,  for  we  have  found  it  was  a  forgery. 
Being  deceived,  then,  is  their  only  oflFense. 

"They  each  have  made  reputation  and  character  equal  perhaps  to 
any  of  the  gentlemen  who  were  outraged  by  the  forgery.  Since  they 
found  they  were  deceived,  they  have  done  all  in  their  power,  as  honor- 
able men,  to  make  amends.  To  ask  more  seems  to  me  to  be  most 
unjust,  and,  believing  as  I  do  that  the  evidence  does  not  warrant  the 
censure  (about  uttering  and  publishing  the  same)  indulged  in  by 
my  associates  on  the  committee  in  their  above  additional  findings,  I 
most  respectfully,  but  most  earnestly  protest." 

So  far  as  I  am  aware  Mr.  Sherman  never  at  any  time 
criticised  me  in  connection  with  the  matter  except  to  say 
in   his   "Personal   Recollections:" 

It  has  always  seemed  strange  to  me  that  Foraker,  having  in  his 
possession  a  paper  which  implicated  Butterworth,  McKinley  and  myself, 
in  what  all  men  would  regard  as  a  dishonorable  transaction,  did  not 
inform  us  and  give  us  an  opportunity  to  deny,  affirm  or  explain  our 
alleged  signatures.  An  inquiry  from  him  to  either  of  the  persons 
named  would  have  led  to  an  explanation  at  once.  No  doubt  Foraker 
believed  the  signatures  genuine,  but  that  should  not  have  deterred 
him  from  making  the  inquiry. 

When  Mr.  Sherman  made  this  statement  he  could  not  have 
had  in  mind  that  it  was  the  testimony  of  both  Mr.  Halstead 
any  myself  that  I  could  not  and  would  not  make  any  use  of 
the  paper,  although  deeming  it  genuine,  until  after  the 
election,  until  which  time  Mr.  Halstead  should  hold  the  same 
in  custody  as  the  mutual  friend  of  all  concerned,  when  we 
would  take  such  steps  as  might  be  necessary  to  ascertain 
the  truth. 

No  doubt  if  this  program  had  been  carried  out  the  parties 
whose  names  were  attached  to  the  paper  would  have  been 
consulted  before  any  disclosures  were  made.     In  other  words, 


ALL   LOST   BUT  HONOR  409 

it  was  my  purpose  to  do,  as  the  testimony  shows,  practically 
what  Mr.  Sherman  thinks  I  should  have  done. 

That  we  were  excusable  for  supposing  the  signatures  to 
be  genuine  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  were  in  fact 
exact  imitations  or  reproductions  of  genuine  signatures 
transcribed  and  appended  to  the  false  paper  by  a  method  or 
process  of  which  neither  of  us  had  any  knowledge. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  any  sane  man  would  know  that  I  could  not,  under  any 
circumstances,  use  a  forged  instrument  without  immediate 
disaster  to  myself;  and  that  this  should  be  sufficient  con- 
firmation of  the  truth  of  my  statement,  especially  when 
supported  by  the  undisputed  testimony  of  Mr.  Halstead, 
Mr.  Hadden  and  others,  all  of  whom  were  examined  at 
length  before  the  Committee,  and  all  of  whom  confirmed  me 
throughout,  yet  my  enemies  were  "filled  with  rejoicing"  and 
showed  great  zeal,  not  in  undertaking  to  disclose  the  facts 
and  establish  the  truth,  but  to  convict  me  of  conspiracy 
and  forgery.  If  I  had  not  been  able  to  produce  the  letters 
that  passed  between  Wood  and  myself  I  might  not  have 
escaped,  but  fortunately  these  so  fully  sustained  me,  and  so 
confirmed  my  statements  as  to  put  it  beyond  the  power  of 
Wood,  who  had  turned  hostile,  or  anybody  else  to  success- 
fully contradict  them. 

There  are  three  or  four  hundred  pages  of  the  report. 
Except  only  the  testimony  of  Wood,  who  contradicted  him- 
self and  his  own  letters  numerous  times  while  on  the  stand, 
and  to  whose  statements  the  Committee  finally  found  them- 
selves unable  to  give  any  credence  whatever,  except  only 
as  they  were  confirmed  by  others,  or  had  relation  to  facts 
that  were  undisputed,  there  was  not  a  word  to  contradict 
anything  that  either  Mr.  Halstead  or  myself  had  at  any 
time  said  on  the  subject. 

General  Grosvenor  appeared  before  the  Committee,  claim- 
ing that  he  was  there  to  represent  those  whose  names  had 
been  forged  to  the  document.  He  conducted  himself  like 
a  prosecuting  attorney  whose  main  purpose  was  to  have  the 
committee  find  me  guilty  of  the  crime  that  had  been  com- 
mitted, either  as  a  principal  or  as  an  accessory  with  knowl- 


410  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

edge.  He  filed  a  brief  with  the  committee  in  which  he 
attacked  me  bitterly.  To  this  I  filed  a  brief  in  answer  in 
which  I  not  only  fully  answered  all  he  said,  but  also  re- 
viewed the  whole  case,  and  the  testimony  in  particular  of  the 
General  himself,  who  testified  as  a  witness.  It  will  be  seen 
by  any  one  taking  the  trouble  to  read  the  same,  that  instead 
of  convictinjT  me  the  General  had  written  a  letter  on 
account  of  which  he  found  difficulty  in  answering  satis- 
factorily some  of  the  questions  I  .propounded.  His  attacks 
on  me  were  so  manifestly  unjust,  and  so  unsupported  by  evi- 
dence that  they  had  no  weight  either  with  the  committee 
or  anybody  else. 

Inasmuch  as  he  did  no  harm  and  afterward  rendered  such 
efficient  and  conspicuous  service  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, where  he  served  without  interruption  for  twenty  years, 
I  found  it  easy  in  the  course  of  time  and  events  to  rub  the 
grievance  against  him  off  the  slate  of  personal  recollections, 
and  resume  agreeable  relations  with  him  which  have  ever  since 
continued. 

Years  afterward,  in  one  of  his  hostile  outbreaks  against 
me,  Mr.  Kohlsaat  undertook  to  revive  the  ballot  box  matter, 
making  all  sorts  of  charges  against  me  with  respect  thereto. 
He  barely  stopped  short  of  charging  me  with  being  a  prin- 
cipal in  the  forgery  itself.  Without  any  knowledge  on  my 
part  that  he  contemplated  any  such  thing,  and  without  a 
word  having  ever  passed  between  us,  either  directly  or  indi- 
rectly on  the  subject,  Colonel  James  E.  Neal  of  Hamilton, 
Ohio,  the  warm  personal  friend  of  Governor  Campbell,  and 
Chairman,  as  he  says,  of  the  Democratic  Campaign  Com- 
mittee at  the  time  when  the  ballot  Iwx  trouble  occurred,  wrote 
me  as  follows: 

Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker, 

Dear  Senator: — As  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  Ohio,  I  was  perfectly  familiar  with  the  ballot  box  business 
from  beginning  to  end,  and  take  pleasure  in  saying  that  the  testimony 
showed  that  you  were  not  implicated  in  the  forgery,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, only  imposed  upon  by  it.  I  give  you  this  note  without  solicita- 
tion, and  in  the  interest  of  truth  and  justice. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  June  10,  1899.  James  E.  Neai„ 


ALL   LOST   BUT   HONOR  411 

While  entirely  innocent,  I  was  nevertheless  deeply  mortified 
and  chagrined  to  have  been  so  imposed  upon — especially  so 
far  as  Governor  Campbell  was  concerned,  since  it  looked  like 
I  was  more  willing  than  a  candidate  ever  should  be  to 
believe  ill  of  my  antagonist,  whom  I  had  not  known  well  per- 
sonally prior  to  his  nomination,  but  for  whom  I  came,  with 
better  acquaintance,  to  have  a  high  personal  regard. 

The    Saloon-Keepers'   Rebeluon. 

In  1888  the  Legislature  amended  the  Dow  Law  by  in- 
creasing the  tax  to  be  paid  by  saloon-keepers.  This  was 
like  "rubbing  the  sore  when  there  should  have  been  brought 
a  plaster;"  but  worse  than  the  increase  of  the  tax  in  its 
effect  upon  them  was  a  provision  in  this  amendment  by 
which  the  traffic  was  absolutely  prohibited  on  Sunday. 
This  provision  had  remained  a  dead  letter  until  after  I  had 
been  renominated,  when  a  law  and  order  association  de- 
manded of  the  municipal  authorities  of  Cincinnati  its  en- 
forcement. In  response  to  this  demand  it  was  officially 
announced  that  the  provision  would  be  enforced.  The  effect 
of  this  announcement  was  the  prompt  formation  of  an  organ- 
ization named  the  League  for  the  Preservation  of  Citizens' 
Rights.  This  organization  was  composed  of  saloon-keepers, 
liquor  dealers  and  others  interested  in  the  traffic.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  members  of  this  league  and  those  concerned  in 
a  business  way  there  were  thousands  of  citizens  in  Cincin- 
nati who,  with  their  families,  were  accustomed  to  spend  a 
part  of  the  Sabbath  day  in  beer  halls  or  beer  gardens, 
listening  to  music,  having  social  intercourse  with  friends 
and  neighbors,  and  otherwise  enjoying  what,  in  their  esti- 
mation, was  only  a  harmless  recreation  and  amusement  that 
should  be  allowed  to  all  as  within  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship. 

All  these  different  classes  opposed  what  they  termed  a 
Puritanical  effort  to  deprive  them  of  their  personal  liber- 
ties and  compel  them  to  forego  what  they  regarded  as  legiti- 
mate pleasures. 


412  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

At  one  of  their  first  meetings  they  determined  to  retaliate 
and  passed  a  resolution  looking  to  the  arrest  of  all  who 
violated  the  law  of  the  State  against  doing  common  labor 
on  the  Sabbath  day;  the  intention  being  to  arrest  men  who 
were  delivering  ice  or  milk,  driving  cabs  and  omnibuses, 
street  car  drivers,  and  everybody  else  who  might  be  found 
on  that  day  pursuing  their  ordinary  employment.  The 
following  editorial  from  the  Times-Star  shows  with  what 
smarting  sarcasm  the  personal  liberty  champions  were  crit- 
icised and  condemned: 

At  Schaub*s  den  yesterday  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  so-called  League 
for  Preserving  the  Rights  of  Citizens.  The  noble  object  of  this  League 
is  to  secure  immunity  for  dive-keepers  from  the  penalty  of  their  offense 
in  trampling  on  the  laws  of  the  State.  The  Schaubites  decided,  it  is 
said,  to  make  an  effort  to  rigidly  enforce  the  common  labor  law,  so  that 
the  dive-keepers  may  profit  by  the  confusion  which  it  is  hoped  will 
result  from  a  raid  on  milk  wagons,  etc.  The  Schaubites,  don't  you 
know,  are  a  remarkable  class  of  citizens,  who  are  willing  to  dally  with 
a  beer  faucet  on  Sunday,  in  violation  of  the  law,  a  rigjit  which  must  be 
maintained  or  the  temple  of  our  liberties  will  fall  with  a  dull  thud. 
Their  coat  of  arms  is  a  goat  rampant  with  his  front  feet  on  the  Revised 
Statutes.  It  will  be  interesting  to  note  the  movements  of  the  Schaubites 
as  they  sally  forth  from  the  Vine  Street  den,  their  strength  of  purpose 
equalled  only  by  their  strength  of  breath. 

The  subject  was  of  such  inflammable  character  and  the 
newspaper  discussion  was  so  caustic  that  matters  grew 
rapidly  worse,  until  finally,  July  26,  1889,  the  Commercial 
Gazette  published  the  following: 

Between  five  and  six  hundred  saloon-keepers  of  the  city  assembled 
at  Central  Turner  Hall  yesterday  afternoon  in  response  to  a  call  that 
had  been  issued  for  a  mass  meeting  signed  by  the  well-known  German 
proprietors  of  saloons:  William  Hager,  Wendel  Schroder,  Ad  Lotz, 
Louis  Mecklenburg  and  Frank  Reichrath.  It  was  in  name  a  repre- 
sentative meeting  and  the  entire  business  was  conducted  in  the  German 
language.     .     .     . 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  Mr.  William  Hager,  who  said 
that  everyone  present  had  such  a  clear  idea  of  what  it  had  been  called 
for  that  he  would  not  waste  time  in  any  preliminaries.  The  Committee 
who  signed  the  call  were  seated  upon  the  stage,  and  Mr.  Hager 
announced  that  they  had  made  the  following  permanent  organization: 
President,  Ad  Lotz;  Secretary,  Wendel  Schroder;  Treasurer,  Wm.  Hager. 


ALL   LOST   BUT   HONOR  413 

The  following  resolutions  were  then  read  by  the  Secretary: 

Whereas,  the  well-known  Owen  law,  through  which  corruption  and 
hypocrisy  can  sneak  in  everywhere,  threatens  to  become  established  in 
Cincinnati,  and 

Whereas,  no  concerted  action  has  been  taken  to  resent  the  said  law, 
which  is  an  insult  to  common  sense;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  that  we,  the  saloon-keepers  here  assembled,  openly  oppose 
this  law,  which  is  unpopular  and  damaging  to  our  business;  and,  there- 
fore, we  have  decided  to  keep  our  places  of  business  quietly  open  on 
Sunday,  and  all  succeeding  Sundays,  conducting  our  business  as  on  any 
other  day,  and  avoiding  all  disturbances. 

Resolved,  that  we  condemn  the  side  and  back  door  business  as  cor- 
rupting in  its  tendency,  and  will  make  it  our  special  duty  to  oppose 
it  by  all  means. 

Resolved,  that  each  saloon-keeper  who  signs  the  resolutions  of  this 
meeting  shall  have  our  solid  protection  in  every  case  of  prosecution, 
and  the  expense  thereof  shall  be  defrayed  by  our  own  means. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted  with  a  cheer.  A  number 
of  papers  with  the  following  printed  headlines  were  then 
circulated : 

We,  the  undersigned  saloon-keepers  of  the Ward,  pledge  our- 
selves in  our  own  handwriting  and  by  our  word  of  honor,  which  is  equiva- 
lent to  an  oath,  to  keep  open  our  front  doors  on  next  Sunday,  and  on 
all  following  Sundays,  and  conduct  our  business  in  the  same  way  as  on 
week  days. 

On  the  suggestion  of  the  Chairman  a  motion  was  adopted 
that  two  saloon-keepers  from  each  ward  should  be  selected 
to  form  an  Executive  Committee,  who  should  also  visit  all 
the  saloon-keepers  in  their  respective  wards  and  to  sectire 
their  influence  and  co-operation.  It  was  adopted  without 
dissent.     It  was  as  follows: 

1.  The  utmost  efforts  shall  be  made  by  those  pledged  to  keep  open 
on  Sundays  to  prevent  the  doing  of  business  by  those  who  keep  only 
the  side  and  back  doors  open;  and  every  Ward  shall  appoint  Trustees, 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  bring  all  such  to  the  knowledge  of  the  police. 

2.  Each  saloon-keeper  shall,  as  far  as  possible,  provide  himself  with 
a  bondsman;  and,  furthermore,  the  Ward  Committee  shall  provide  a 
certain  number  of  bondsmen. 

8.  The  Committee  who  issued  the  call  for  this  meeting  shall  make 
such  arrangements  as  shall  insure  Police  Clerk  Rehse  and  his  assistants 
shall  be  ready  at  all  times  to  make  out  the  necessary  bonds  for  parties 
who  may  be  arrested. 

4.  It  is  understood  that  the  committee  shall  employ  the  services  of 
a  first-class  lawyer  for  the  benefit  of  the  association. 


414  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

In  due  time  the  papers  were  signed  and  returned.  The 
number  of  signers  was  not  announced,  but  was  supposed  to 
be  about  three  hundred. 

We  had  had  enough  experience  in  Cincinnati  in  connec- 
tion with  the  burning  of  our  Court  House  and  the  mob-rule 
and  the  rioting  that  followed  to  cause  me  to  feel  that  there 
was  no  safety  against  such  dangers  except  by  crushing 
such  outbreaks  in  their  incipiency.  Therefore,  when  I  read 
the  account  of  the  proceedings  at  this  Central  Turner  Hall 
meeting,  the  resolutions  they  had  adopted,  the  course  of 
procedure  they  had  mapped  out,  and  not  knowing  exactly 
how  prompt  and  firm  the  municipal  authorities  might  be  in 
dealing  with  such  a  matter,  I  felt  it  my  duty,  as  Governor, 
to  write  the  Mayor  the  following  official  letter: 

STATE  OF  OHIO. 
Executive  Department. 
Office  of  the  Governor. 

July  26,  1889. 
The  Hon.  John  B.  Mosby,  Mayor. 

Dear  Sir: — Do  not  tolerate  any  defiance  of  law.  No  man  is  worthy 
to  enjoy  the  free  institutions  of  America  who  rebels  against  a  duly 
enacted  statute  and  defies  the  authorities  charged  with  its  enforcement. 
Smite  every  manifestation  of  such  a  spirit  with  a  swift  and  heavy  hand. 
I  do  not  make  these  suggestions  from  fear  you  need  them,  but  only 
that  you  may  have  any  assurance  they  may  afford  you  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duty  to  which  you  are  called  by  the  action  of  the  Turner  Hall 
meeting  of  yesterday,  the  proceedings  of  which  I  have  just  read  in  the 
papers.  Very  truly  yours, 

J.   B.   FoRAKER. 

I  remarked  to  those  about  me,  when  I  wrote  and  sent  it, 
that  I  feared  it  might  have  a  disastrous  effect,  so  far  as  I 
was  concerned,  upon  the  results  of  the  election,  but  that  my 
sense  of  duty  was  so  clear  and  strong  that  I  could  not 
hesitate,  no  matter  what  the  consequences  might  be. 

The  effect  of  this  letter  was  to  change  almost  instantly 
the  character  of  the  campaign.  Thousands  of  Republicans, 
especially  in  Cincinnati,  forgot  about  the  tariff,  the  third 
term  idea  and  all  the  attacks  made  on  my  administration, 
and  thought  and  talked  about  nothing  but  personal  liberty 
on  the  one  hand,  and  good  morals,  law  and  order  and  the 
upholding  of  stable  government  on  the  other. 


ALL   LOST   BUT   HONOR  415 

The  League  for  the  Preservation  of  Citizens'  Rights,  pop- 
ularly called  the  Personal  Liberty  League,  immediately  be- 
gan a  systematic  organization.  As  indicating  the  character 
of  their  work  the  following  circular  was  distributed  by  them 
all  over  the  State: 

The  Saloon-Keepebs'  Circular.  Gentlemen: — The  saloon-keepers' 
association  at  its  last  regular  meeting  appointed  a  committee  to  confer 
with  the  liquor  dealers  and  brewers,  and  to  solicit  their  aid  in  a  financial 
way  toward  assisting  in  the  election  of  candidates  friendly  to  their  inter- 
ests. The  interests  of  the  liquor  dealers,  brewers  and  saloon-keepers 
are  identical,  and  in  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  Republican  leaders 
and  press,  it  is  of  vital  importance  that  they  should  be  checked  in  their 
endeavor  to  control  the  Legislature  to  be  elected  this  fall. 

It  is  conceded  upon  all  sides  that  they  are  committed  to  a  high  license, 
and  it  is  further  predicted,  that  if  successful,  they  will  place  such 
restriction  upon  the  saloon  business  by  excise  boards,  that  it  will  result 
in  partial  prohibition.  It  is  needless  to  argue  the  question.  No  better 
evidence  is  needed  than  to  calmly  study  the  legislation  of  the  past.  No 
hope  can  be  entertained  that  any  consideration  will  be  shown  us  by  a 
Republican  Legislature. 

What  other  course  then  is  left  us  except  to  aid  those  who  can  be 
depended  upon  to  aid  us?  Not  only  in  our  own  county  should  we  labor 
most  zealously,  but  to  counties  of  the  State  where  the  political  parties 
are  nearly  equally  divided,  our  closest  attention  should  be  given.  For 
this  work  funds  are  absolutely  necessary,  and  our  own  personal  efforts 
to  help  the  cause,  hence  our  appeal. 

The  saloon-keepers'  association  is  willing  to  contribute  its  fair  share 
and  the  liquor  dealers  and  brewers  certainly  should  not  hesitate  to  con- 
tribute theirs.  The  work  is  formidable.  The  expense  proportionately 
large.  Are  you  ready  to  aid  the  cause,  or  will  you  hesitate  until  too 
late?  Remember  it  is  better  to  invest  two  per  cent  now  than  fifty  per 
cent  after  the  battle  is  lost.  Let  us  hear  from  you.  Let  us  know  what 
your  disposition  is.  We  do  not  care  to  present  ourselves  as  seeking 
alms.  We  only  ask  you  to  look  seriously  upon  the  matter,  to  consult 
your  own  interests  and  advise  us  as  to  whether  you  are  willing  to  engage 
in  the  fight.  Will  you  let  us  know  your  intentions  and  the  amount 
of  your  contribution,  as  too  much  valuable  time  has  been  lost?  We  will 
consider  those  who  respond  to  our  caU  for  financial  aid  in  harmony 
with  us,  and  those  who  do  not,  against  us  and  our  interests,  and  as 
such  we  will  always  remember  them. 

It  is  a  matter  of  absolute  necessity  to  answer  this  immediately. 

We  remain,  respectfully, 

Wm".  Gerdes, 
h.  schaefer, 
Henry  Zttrlage, 
The  Finance  Committee. 

Address  William  Gerdes,  207-209  West  Fifth  Street.  Strictly  con- 
fidential. 


416  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

On  the  other  hand  I  was  not  without  defenders  and  cham- 
pions. The  following  editorials  from  the  leading  papers  of 
the  State  and  country  indicated  this  better  than  I  can  de- 
scribe it. 


The  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  said: 

We  doubt  if  any  man  in  public  life  has  made  a  bolder  avowal  of 
faith  under  circumstances  so  critical  as  those  in  which  Governor  For- 
aker  is  placed.  He  is  a  candidate  for  re-election,  and  the  votes  of 
several  thousand  liquor  dealers  are  worth  seeking  after,  but  it  matters 
not  to  the  courageous  Governor;  the  triumph  of  law  is  the  first  thing 
that  a  patriot  seeks  after,  the  triumph  of  his  party  the  second,  his  own 
advancement  the  last.  Governor  Foraker  never  stood  so  well  with  the 
great  body  of  his  countrymen  as  since  the  publication  of  his  letter  to 
the  Mayor  of  Cincinnati. 


I  quote  further  from  the  daily  press  as  follows: 

Governor  Foraker's  letter  to  Mayor  Mosby  urging  him  to  enforce 
the  law  at  whatever  cost,  was  not  only  wise  and  brave;  it  was  more 
than  that.  It  was  effective.  It  quelled  the  proposed  insurrection  against 
State  authority  as  effectually  as  if  he  had  ordered  the  whole  State  militia 
to  Cincinnati  to  sustain  the  local  authorities.  It  was  a  notice  to  the 
rebellious  saloon-keepers  that  behind  the  Mayor  and  police  was  the 
whole  power  of  a  mighty  Commonwealth,  wielded  by  an  executive  who 
feels  it  his  duty  to  enforce,  so  far  as  called  upon,  every  law  of  the 
State,  and  who  would  crush  any  anarchistic  uprising  with  a  firm  and 
heavy  hand.  In  view  of  Governor  Foraker's  letter,  and  of  the  out- 
spoken public  approbation  of  his  course,  the  saloon-keepers  involved 
in  the  conspiracy,  more  than  a  thousand  in  all,  held  another  meeting 
at  which  the  former  resolutions  were  reconsidered  and  rejected  as  "un- 
wise and  injudicious,"  and  new  resolutions  were  adopted  counseling 
obedience  to  the  law. 


Again,  quoting  from  the  daily  press: 

Governor  Foraker  has  been  liberally  decorated  with  Democratic  and 
Mugwump  abuse,  but  somehow  he  seems  to  be  constantly  coming  to  the 
front,  with  growing  popularity  in  his  own  State,  and  with  increasing 
strength  in  the  confidence  of  Republicans  everywhere.  He  meets  every 
issue  and  emergency  so  promptly  and  plumply  and  his  official  and 
unofficial  utterances  are  so  manly  and  fuU  of  pluck  and  decision  that 
he  baffles  all  the  plots  and  evil  expectations  of  his  enemies  by  force 
of  a  personality  that  is  unique  in  our  politics. 


ALL   LOST   BUT  HONOR  417 

Similar  quotations  might  be  made  from  the  leading  Re- 
publican newspapers  of  the  State  and  Nation  almost  with- 
out end. 

While  I  was  thus  defended  and  upheld  bj  the  Republican 
newspapers  and  Republicans  were  thus  being  aroused,  as 
never  before  in  a  State  campaign,  the  most  effective  organ- 
ization the  Democratic  party  ever  made  in  our  State  since 
the  days  of  the  civil  war  was  being  perfected  by  the  money 
that  was  raised,  in  response  to  the  circular  above  mentioned, 
and  by  other  means  and  from  other  sources  than  those  to 
which  the  circular  was  directed.  Evidences  of  this  organiza- 
tion and  work  correspondingly  aroused  Republicans.  Hence 
it  was  that,  when  I  left  my  sick  bed  and  resumed  the  canvass 
I  found  still  larger  meetings  and  greater  enthusiasm  than 
before  my  illness  interrupted  my  personal  effort.  A  sample 
of  all  these,  except  the  greater  numbers  and  correspondingly 
greater  enthusiasm  manifested,  was  the  closing  meeting,  held 
in  the  new  Armory  Hall  at  Cincinnati  on  the  evening  of 
November  2nd.  The  following  brief  quotation  from  the 
extended  notice  of  this  meeting,  given  in  the  Commercial 
Gazette,  is  a  good  description  of  what  was  the  greatest  polit- 
ical meeting  ever  held  in  Hamilton  County,  either  before  that 
time  or  since: 

Glorious  Close  of  a  Vigorous  Campaign. 
Eighteen  Thousand  Within  the  Armory  Walls  While  Ten 

Thousand  More  Stand  Outside. 
The  Last  Grand  Rally  of  the  Great  Republican  Campaign, 

Which  is  to  Close  on  Tuesday. 

Never  before  in  the  history  of  Cincinnati  was  such  a  crowd  gathered 
together  as  that  which  greeted  Governor  Foraker  last  night  at  the 
beautiful  new  Armory,  on  Freeman  Avenue.  It  is  almost  an  impossi- 
bility to  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the  immensity  of  the  great  hall,  but 
when  it  is  stated  that  there  were  ten  thousand  chairs  within  its  walls 
last  night  and  that  there  was  standing  room  for  nearly  as  many  as 
were  seated,  some  faint  impression  may  be  had  of  the  size  of  the 
audience  gathered  to  close  one  of  the  most  memorable  campaigns  in 
the  history  of  Ohio. 

By  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  a  large  crowd  had  assembled  in  front  of 
the  Armory  building,  which  rapidly  increased  in  size  until  when  the  doors 
were  opened  fully  three  thousand  people  were  in  waiting.  These  rushed 
in  and  soon  were  seated,  and  from  this  time  up  to  8:15,  when  the  first 


418  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

of  the  clubs  arrived  at  the  hall,  there  was  not  a  vacant  seat  in  the  vast 
auditorium.     .     .     . 

But  of  the  audience.  Aside  from  its  immensity  in  size,  it  was  one 
of  the  finest  in  personnel  ever  seen  at  a  political  gathering,  or  any  other. 
Ladies  were  scattered  throughout,  the  bright  colors  of  their  hats  adding 
variety  and  beauty  to  the  scene.  For  an  hour  and  a  half  before  the 
meeting  was  formally  opened  Adam  Weber's  orchestra  furnished  some 
excellent,  selected  and  patriotic  music,  which  was  received  with  hearty 
applause.  The  first  of  the  clubs  to  enter  the  hall  was  that  from 
Madisonville.  When  the  stirring  music  of  its  drum  corps  was  heard 
at  the  entrance  the  vast  throng  within  began  to  cheer  and  yell  and 
for  a  half  an  hour,  during  which  time  clubs  followed  in  close  succession, 
the  scene  was  one  beyond  the  powers  of  description. 

Judge  Caldwell,  Chairman  of  the  meeting,  arose,  and,  being  received 
with  cheers,  said:  "Ladies  and  gentlemen,  the  Governor  of  Ohio  needs 
no  introduction  to  a  Cincinnati  audience.    Governor  Foraker." 

As  Governor  Foraker  arose  cheer  upon  cheer  rent  the  air,  handker- 
chiefs were  waved  in  all  parts  of  the  hall. 

I  reviewed  the  campaign  just  closing,  defended  my  ad- 
ministration from  all  the  attacks  that  had  been  made  and 
closed  by  saying: 

The  Republican  Party  stands  for  honesty,  stands  for  good  govern- 
ment, stands  for  law,  stands  for  order,  stands  for  the  fair  name  and  the 
credit  of  our  great  city  and  our  great  commonwealth.  And  I  want  to 
say  here  and  now,  that  I  would  scorn  and  despise  to  be  the  Governor 
of  this  State  on  any  other  kind  of  a  platform.  (Tremendous  applause.) 
I  don't  want  any  man  to  be  deceived  about  me.  While  I  am  Governor 
of  Ohio  I  will  stand  as  the  Republican  Party  and  my  duty  commands 
me  to,  for  order  and  decency  and  law  everywhere.  (Renewed  applause.) 
And  I  know  that  the  great  overwhelming  majority  of  the  decent  people 
of  Cincinnati  approve  that  kind  of  doctrine.  (Applause  and  cries  of, 
"That's  right.")  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  there  are  four  things  I  will 
never  do.  I  will  never  turn  my  back  on  my  duty  as  I  understand  it. 
(Applause.)  I  will  never  turn  my  back  on  the  grand  old  Republican 
Party.  (Cheers.)  I  will  never  turn  my  back  on  any  enemy,  and  I 
will  never  turn  my  back  on  any  friend.  (Great  applause.)  For  duty 
and  party,  and  for  friends  against  enemies,  I  shall  forever  stand. 

I  want  now  simply  to  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  demonstration 
and  congratulate  you  upon  the  fact  that  Cincinnati  is  abreast  with  the 
aroused  and  determined  Republicans  of  th^  whole  State  of  Ohio. 

I  thank  you  for  your  fidelity;  I  thank  you  for  your  enthusiasm,  and 
I  await  with  confidence  a  splendid  report  from  Hamilton  County  on  next 
Tuesday  night.     (Tremendous  applause  and  cheers  for  Foraker.) 

At  the  election  on  the  following  Tuesday  I  had  a  much 
larger  vote  than  I  had  polled  in  either  of  my  previous  cam- 


ALL   LOST   BUT  HONOR  419 

paigns,  but  was  defeated  by  a  plurality  of  10,872  votes, 
while  the  entire  ticket  was  elected  by  pluralities  ranging 
from  a  few  votes  up  to  three  or  four  thousand.  I  ran  be- 
hind the  average  of  the  Republican  candidates  about  8,000 
votes.  These  figures  measure  the  extent  of  the  war  made- 
upon  me  personally  within  the  party ;  but  it  does  not  signify 
that  had  someone  else  been  the  candidate  he  would  have  been 
elected,  because  the  total  Republican  vote  was  larger  than  it 
could  have  been  if  there  had  not  been  the  unusual  enthu- 
siasm that  was  aroused.  I  got  in  all  probability  a  larger 
vote  than  anybody  else  in  my  place  would  have  received. 
It  was  a  good  year  for  the  Democrats,  who  seemed  to  be 
unusually  wide-awake  all  over  the  country,  so  much  so  that, 
as  already  stated  (p.  396),  Democratic  Governors  were 
elected  in  both  Massachusetts  and  Iowa,  as  well  as  in  Ohio. 

The  following  editorial  comment  on  the  result  will  show 
that  there  was  considerable  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the 
causes  of  my  defeat: 

The  Commercial  Gazette  said: 

The  Sunday  closing  law  was  the  great  factor.  All  other  unfavorable 
influences  were  insignificant  in  comparison.  Foraker's  letter  to  the 
Mayor  defeated  him.  .  .  .  Without  the  Owen  law  element  in  the 
campaign  Foraker's  majority  in  this  (Hamilton)  County  would  have 
been  as  large  as  Campbell's,  and  he  would  have  been  elected  by  that 
alone,  and  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature  would  have  been  ours.  The 
fatal  stroke  was  not  by  the  saloonists  so  much  as  by  the  liberal  Germans 
who  do  not  want  to  be  harrassed  on  Sunday. 

The  Cleveland  Leader  said: 

Governor  Foraker  has  been  defeated  in  a  good  cause.  There  were 
certain  minor  factors  of  opposition  that  contributed  somewhat  to  the 
magnitude  of  his  defeat,  but  these  were  of  slight  moment  compared  with 
the  assaults  of  the  liquor  traffic  against  him.  Because  of  his  brave 
utterance  in  behalf  of  Sunday  observance  and  because  he  appointed  a 
police  board  in  Cincinnati  that  resolutely  undertook  to  enforce  the  law 
that  a  conspiracy  of  saloon-keepers  endeavored  to  override,  the  liquor 
interest,  not  only  of  the  State  but  of  the  Nation,  combined  to  overthrow 
him.  They  poured  out  money  by  the  barrel  and  whisky  ad  libitum, 
and  in  the  cities  of  this  State  alone,  where  the  traffic  is  most  powerful, 
more  than  wiped  out  Governor  Foraker's  great  majority  of  two  years 


420  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

ago.     There  is  no  need  of  looking  any  further  for  the  cause.    It  is  all 
there,  and  more  than  enough. 

Governor  Foraker  has  fallen  in  the  front  of  the  fight  with  his  face 
to  the  foe.  .  .  .  The  issue  was  forced  upon  him  and  he  met  it 
squarely.    There  is  no  recreant  or  coward  blood  in  his  veins. 

The  Toledo  Journal  said: 

That  Governor  Foraker  was  defeated  by  the  combined  liquor  interests 
of  Ohio  is  beyond  a  doubt.  .  .  .  There  were  other  reasons  which 
aided  in  this  direction,  but  the  saloon  was  mainly  responsible. 

A  few  days  after  the  election,  in  an  interview  on  the 
subject,  I  said: 

I  think  my  defeat  was  due  more  than  anything  else  to  Sunday  closing 
and  to  the  hostility  of  the  liquor  interests,  of  not  only  the  State,  but 
the  whole  country.  They  were  aroused  as  they  have  not  been  for  years. 
I  doubtless  lost  some  votes  from  other  causes  but  this  was  the  chief 
cause  of  all. 


My  present  opinion  is  that  as  usual  in  such  cases  my 
defeat  should  be  attributed  not  to  any  one  cause  but  to  a 
number  of  co-operating  causes. 

The  disaffection  represented  by  Hanna,  Beatty  and  others 
who  worked  with  them  lost  me  a  good  many  votes.  There 
is  no  way  of  estimating  with  any  certainty  just  how  many. 

The  ballot  box  forgery  matter  also  did  a  great  deal  of 
harm.  Just  how  much  it  would  necessarily  be  mere  specu- 
lation to  state. 

The  prejudice  against  a  third  term  cut  some  figure,  but 
it  probably  lost  me  very  few  votes. 

In  my  judgment  the  saloon-keepers'  rebellion  on  account 
of  my  letter  to  Mayor  Mosby  was  the  most  injurious  of  all 
the  causes  operating  against  me. 

That  almost  alone  was  the  cause  of  the  disastrous  result 
that  overtook  me  in  Hamilton  County,  not  because  I  ran 
behind  former  votes,  but  because  Governor  Campbell  ran 
ahead.  I  carried  Hamilton  county  in  1887  by  a  plurality  of 
6,692;  I  lost  it  in  1889  by  a  plurality  of  7,253;  and  yet 
I  polled  in  Hamilton  County  3,510  more  votes  in  1889  than 
I  polled  in  1887,  when  I  carried  it  by  6,692. 


ALL   LOST   BUT  HONOR  421 

In  other  words,  the  tremendous  meeting  and  the  great 
enthusiasm  shown  at  the  Armory  Hall  meeting  and  other 
meetings  held  during  the  campaign  correctly  indicated  great 
earnestness  and  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans ; 
but  at  the  same  time  the  effective  Democratic  organization 
and  the  disaffection  of  the  so-called  "wet"  Republicans  on 
account  of  the  Mosby  letter  were  sufficient  to  overwhelm 
every  advantage  in  my  favor. 

The  following  letter  shows  that  Judge  Taft  took  prac- 
tically the  same  view: 

Hon.  Joseph  B.  Foraker,  November  7,  1889. 

Governor  of  Ohio. 

My  Dear  Governor: — I  have  waited  until  the  result  was  irretrievably 
settled  against  my  strong  hopes  before  writing  you.  Your  characteristic 
and  magnanimous  telegram  of  congratulation  to  Campbell  however 
removed  all  hopeful  doubt.  I  am  very,  very  sorry  for  the  defeat,  not 
because  it  is  anything  but  temporary,  but  because  of  the  great  results 
which  seemed  immediate  upon  a  victory.  While  it  is  of  little  use  to 
speculate  about  causes,  you  can  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that 
the  majority  against  you  in  this  county  was  largely  due  to  a  brave 
expression  of  opinion  which  was  right  and  true  and  which  no  consid- 
eration of  political  preferment,  however  tempting,  would  induce  you  to 
vary  or  retract  and  that  the  vote  in  the  State  resulted  from  an  adroitly 
excited  sentiment  against  a  third  term  which  had  no  foundation  in 
common  sense  and  which  ought  to  have  weighed  as  nothing  against  the 
magnificent  record  of  your  administration  of  the  State's  affairs. 

For  yourself,  personally,  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  welcome  which 
you  will  receive  from  the  entire  bar,  Democrats  and  Republicans  alike, 
and  the  success  which  awaits  you  on  your  return  to  the  practice,  will 
make  you  hesitate  to  say  that  the  election  of  Campbell  is  not  a  good 
rather  than  an  evil.  I  have  heard  many  expressions  of  pleasure  from 
the  members  of  the  bar  without  regard  to  party,  whose  opinions  you 
value,  that  you  will  once  more  be  among  us  to  exercise  those  abilities 
which  made  your  success  at  the  bar  and  on  the  bench  so  rapid  and  so 
abiding. 

Renewing  former  expressions  of  gratitude  for  what  you  have  done 
for  me  and  assuring  you  of  ray  sincere  hope  and  belief  in  your  con- 
tinued success  and  prosperity,  I  am,  my  dear  Governor, 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

Wm.  H.  Tapt. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

A  FE\r  MINUTES  ON  THE  SIDE  WITH  MR.  HAYES. 

IN  a  'book  recently  published,  and  just  brought  to  my 
attention,  entitled  "The  Life  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes, 
by  Charles  Richard  Williams,'*  are  found  some  quotations  from 
a  diary  kept  by  Mr.  Hayes  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life 
after  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency.  I  supposed,  until 
I  read  these,  that  I  enjoyed  his  esteem  and  good-will  in  a 
greater  degree  than  they  indicate.  At  least  he  repeatedly 
and  voluntarily  gave  me  evidence  that  I  did,  and  I  supposed 
he  was  sincere.  At  any  rate  I  was  surprised  to  find  that  in 
two  or  three  instances  he  referred  to  me  in  rather  severe 
criticism.     He  says,  November  5,  1889: 

The  election  day  in  many  States.  .  .  .  Governor  Foraker  leans 
too  much  towards  the  boss  system  and  spoils  system.  He  is  injured 
greatly  by  this.  He  is  brilliant,  witty,  eloquent  and  very  popular  with 
the  hurrah  boys,  but  the  sober  and  conservative  element  of  the  party 
dislike  his  methods  and  would  be  glad  to  see  him  run  behind  the  ticket. 
Some  want  him  beaten,  and  votes  will  be  lost. 

The  next  day,  November  6,  1889,  he  is  credited  with  mak- 
ing this  entry: 

The  Democrats  seem  to  have  carried  everything.  If  the  reports  of 
this  afternoon  are  correct  they  have  the  State  ticket  and  Legislature 
as  well  as  the  Governorship.  It  was  anticipated  that  Foraker  would  be 
beaten,  but  it  was  hoped  that  the  State  ticket  and  I^egislature  might 
be  saved.  It  is  useless  to  spend  time  on  causes.  They  are  easily  seen. 
Rutherford  (his  son)  suggests  one  consolation  for  this  household,  "It 
leaves  you  the  only  Governor  ever  elected  for  a  third  term!" 

As  of  November  8th,  1889,  the  following  is  quoted: 

The  Democrats  celebrate  their  victory  today.  Our  gifted  and  bril- 
liant Governor  is  very  enthusiastically  supported  by  strong  party  men. 

422 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES      423 

He  is  an  extreme  partisan,  and  those  who  are  like  him  in  this  respect 
stick  to  him.  But,  as  often  happens  with  such  men,  he  is  unpopular 
at  the  polls — more  so  than  Blaine;  so  much  so  as  Conkling  would  have 
been  in  a  state  or  national  election.  He  is  lacking  in  sober  judgment. 
His  partisanship  blinds  him — makes  him  an  unsafe  leader;  and  his 
bitter  sarcasm  excites  a  corresponding  animosity  against  him.  It  was 
unwise  to  run  him  a  third  time. 

I  find  another  reference  to  me  under  the  date  of  June  10, 
1892,  at  the  time  when  the  National  Republican  Conven- 
tion of  that  year  was  in  session  at  Minneapolis  and  renom- 
inated General  Harrison.     In  this  he  is  made  to  say: 

Telephone  from  the  Journal  oflBce  that  Harrison  was  nominated  on 
the  first  ballot.  This  is  well — ^perhaps  the  best  possible  under  all  the 
circumstances.  It  gives  Blaine  a  very  black  eye.  He  came  into  the 
fight  when  he  was  honorably  bound  to  keep  out.  He  had  the  support 
of  almost  all  of  the  unscrupulous  bosses,  Piatt,  Quay,  Foraker,  Clark- 
son,  etc.,  etc.    Harrison  represents  the  best  elements  of  the  party. 

I  should  feel  worse  on  account  of  these  strictures  than 
I  do  if  it  were  not  that  he  has  said  even  worse  things  about 
a  great  manv  others — almost  everybody  he  mentions — ex- 
cept only  Sherman  and  McKinley,  both  of  whom  he  lauds 
on  every  occasion.  For  instance,  under  date  of  June  8th, 
1884,  we  find  the  following: 

The  event  of  the  week  is  the  nomination  of  Blaine  at  Chicago.  Mr. 
Blaine  is  not  an  admirable  person.  He  is  a  scheming  demagogue,  selfish 
and  reckless. 

While  General  Garfield  was  on  his  deathbed  at  Elberon, 
but  thought  to  be  recovering,  he  wrote  to  General  Corbin, 
who  was  at  the  President's  bedside,  evidently  with  intent  that 
his  words  should  reach  the  sufferer,  the  following: 

The  President  must  see  many  things  to  console  and  sustain  him  in 
his  suifering.  He  is  now  loved  and  revered  by  the  people;  by  men 
and  women  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  with  an  affection  and  rever- 
ence felt  only  for  Washington  and  Lincoln.  .  .  .  Mrs.  Garfield, 
Mother  Garfield,  and  his  children  are  all  embraced  in  the  tender  and 
supreme  affection  of  the  American  people. 


4«4  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Later,  when  Garfield  was  dead,  according  to  his  biog- 
rapher, he  jots  down  the  following: 

.  .  .  He  had  large  faculties, — memory,  analysis,  fluency,  the 
debating  faculty;  he  was  the  best  popular  debater  of  his  time.  He  was 
not  executive  in  his  talents — not  original,  not  Arm,  not  a  moral  force. 
He  leaned  on  others — could  not  face  a  frowning  world;  his  habits  suf- 
fered from  Washington  life.  His  course  at  various  times  when  trouble 
came  betrayed  weakness.  The  Credit  Mobilier  affair,  the  De  Golyer 
business,  his  letter  of  acceptance,  and  many  times  his  vacillation  when 
leading  the  House,  place  him  in  another  list  from  Lincoln,  Clay,  Sum- 
ner, and  all  the  other  heroes  of  our  civil  history. 


How,  indeed,  had  the  mighty  fallen!  When  he  wrote 
Corbin,  to  be  read  to  the  convalescing  President,  he  ranked 
him  with  Washington  and  Lincoln.  When  he  wrote  in  his 
diary  "the  brown  dust  of  death"  had  closed  the  sufferer's 
ears  and  he  had  fallen  into  a  class  lower — nobody  knows 
how  much  lower — than  Lincoln,  Clay,  Sumner,  and  all  our 
other  civil  heroes. 

The  first  expressions  were  intended  to  console  the  victim 
and  the  second  presumably  to  comfort  his  bereaved  family! 
Mr.  Hayes  was  always  doing  something  good!  That  much 
at  least  his  biographer  makes  plain — very  plain. 

When  Harrison  was  nominated  in  1888  he  spoke  of  him 
in  terms  of  highest  praise,  and  when  he  was  elected,  he  says^ 
"I  murmured  to  myself:  How  good!  How  good!"  It  gave 
him  special  happiness  "that  such  good  people  as  General  and 
Mrs.  Harrison  were  to  carry  their  clean  ways  and  pure  lives 
into  the  White  House.  Besides,  I  do  hate  Cleveland's  course 
toward  the  veterans  of  the  war."  I  agreed  with  him  about 
the  Harrisons;  and  what  he  says  about  Cleveland  expresses 
all  that  was  the  matter  with  me;  but  I  said  so  openly  and 
in  language  that  did  something  to  arouse  the  Nation  and 
correct  the  wrong.  I  submit  that  my  method  of  dealing 
with  the  off^ender  against  the  rights  of  the  veterans  was 
better  than  his. 

In  1892  he  thought  it  extremely  fortunate  that  Harrison 
was  renominated  because  "he  represented  the  best  elements 
of  the  party,"  etc.     On   election   day,  however,   he  wrote, 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES      425 

evidently  referring  to  some  previous  entry  not  published, 
"Election  day.  The  lack  of  interest  continues.  Whether 
Harrison  or  Cleveland,  is  in  doubt.  If  a  full  discussion  had 
been  had  I  think  Harrison's  re-election  would  have  come  with 
the  vote  of  every  Northern  State.  As  it  is  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  chance  of  Cleveland  is  the  best.  The  country  can 
stand  it." 


The  next  day,  November  9th,  he  said: 

Even  Ohio  is  claimed  by  the  Democrats.  As  I  see  it  both  candidates 
lack  "personal  popularity.  Neither  excites  enthusiasTn  with  the  active 
men  in  politics,  the  workers.  This  has  led  to  the  most  lethargic  canvass 
ever  known  in  a  Presidential  contest. 


In  other  words,  the  "hurrah  boys"  had  lost  interest  and 
the  result  was  a  Democratic  victory.  The  lesson  of  all  this 
is  plain.  You  cannot  do  much  in  politics  without  issues 
and  a  candidate  who  is  not  afraid  to  discuss  them,  and  they 
must  be  issues  that  are  important  enough  to  call  for  plain 
talk  that  the  whole  people  will  note  and  understand.  Fail- 
ing in  this,  the  "hurrah  boys"  become  indifferent  and  the 
**sober  and  conservative"  classes  too  frequently  forget  all 
about  the  election  until  they  read  its  results  the  day  after- 
ward. 

In  discharging  the  duties  of  his  office  Harrison  was  an 
excellent  President,  but,  as  Mr.  Hayes  says,  he  lacked  tact. 
He  had  a  grouchy  way  of  meeting  people  and  lost  friends 
and  made  enemies.  Consequently  on  election  day  there  was 
*'lack  of  interest."  Defeat  was  his  reward  and  his  party's 
disaster. 

Some  of  us  foresaw  all  this  at  Minneapolis  and  in  a  con- 
scientious endeavor  to  serve  the  best  Interests  of  the  party, 
and  not  as  a  lot  of  "unscrupulous  bosses,"  tried  to  nominate 
somebody  else.  It  was  not  an  agreeable  thing  to  do,  but 
duty  commanded,  and  we  did  the  best  we  could. 

In  the  Senatorial  contest  with  Senator  Sherman  a  few 
months  before  a  great  many  revenue  agents,  national  bank 
examiners,  and  others  holding  positions  under  the  Federal 


426  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

government  flocked  into  Columbus  and  made  themselves 
active  in  opposition  to  my   candidacy. 

Governor  Foster  was  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Senator  Sherman  had  helped  to  secure  him  this  appoint- 
ment as  a  token  of  his  appreciation  for  Governor  Foster's 
support  in  the  National  Convention  of  1888.  The  Gov- 
ernor had  a  natural  aptitude  and  a  great  liking  for  prac- 
tical politics.  He  had  an  opportunity  in  this  contest  to 
show  his  appreciation  for  what  Senator  Sherman  had  done 
for  him,  and,  therefore,  made  it  known  early  that,  while 
he  had  no  personal  antagonism  to  me,  yet  he  favored  Sher- 
man's  re-election. 

I  felt  some  resentment,  and  in  the  course  of  a  speech  I 
was  called  on  to  make  at  the  time  I  referred  to  these  govern- 
ment officials  who  were  so  intermeddling,  as  "everybody  from 
grandfather's  hat  to  Baby  McKee."  This  was  construed 
by  some  to  indicate  a  hostile  feeling  toward  President  Harri- 
son ;  but  it  was  not  so,  and  if  it  had  been  it  would  not  change 
the  fact  that  neither  personal  nor  political  dislike  had  any- 
thing to  do  with  my  opposition  to  his  renomination  at 
Minneapolis.  On  the  contrary,  my  relations  with  General 
Harrison  were  cordial,  not  only  before,  and  while  he  was 
President,  but  afterward  until  his  death. 

I  had  numerous  letters  from  him  after  he  was  elected, 
all  of  the  same  general  character  as  the  following: 

Beitjamik  Harbisok. 
674  Delaware  Street. 

Hon.  J.  B.  Forakee,  Indiakapolis,  Ind.,  Nov.  22,  1888. 

Columbus,  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Governor: — You  will  know  without  elaborate  explanations 
from  me  why  I  have  been  so  slow  in  acknowledging  your  telegram  of 
congratulations,  and  I  am  sure  you  will  not  impute  it  to  any  lack  of 
interest  or  appreciation  either  of  the  friendly  words  in  which  you 
express  your  satisfaction  in  my  election  or  of  the  good  work  which  you 
gave  to  our  Indiana  campaign.  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  you  at  any  time, 
or  have  from  you,  in  the  frankest  and  most  confidential  way,  any  sug- 
gestions which  you  may  desire  to  make. 
With  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Foraker. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Benj.  Harrisok. 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MK.    HAYES      427 

I  answered  the  foregoing  letter  as  follows: 

Nov.  24,  1888. 

Bear  General: —  .  .  .  Responding  to  your  kind  invitation  to 
frankly  make  any  suggestion  I  may  wish  to  make,  allow  me  to  insist 
that  you  give  yourself  no  concern  about  "golden  bridges"  for  Southern 
Democrats  to  retreat  over. 

We  can  well  afford  to  let  them  take  the  chances  of  swimming  the 
creek.  Every  true-hearted  Republican,  and  to  such  you  owe  your 
election,  and  upon  meeting  the  expectations  of  such  you  must  depend 
for  the  success  and  popularity  of  your  administration,  feels  that  we  will 
fail  in  our  duty  if  we  hesitate  to  throw  about  the  elective  franchise 
every  safeguard  that  legislation  can  appropriately  supply. 

Of  course,  we  should  be  kind,  as  we  have  been,  but  we  must  be  firm. 
Beware  of  men  who  have  "fits."  They  always  have  them  at  the  wrong 
time. 

Use  your  own  good  sense,  and  have  in  all  things  the  courage  of  your 
honest  convictions. 

Hastily,  but  truly,  and  with  regards  to  your  family. 

j.  b.  fobakeb. 
Hon.  Benj.  Harkisomt. 

The  allusion  to  "golden  bridges"  has  reference  to  some 
editorials  the  "saintly"  Richard  Smith  was  publishing  at  the 
time  in  which  he  advised  President  Harrison  to  build  a 
"golden  bridge,"  something  like  Hayes  had  done,  on  which 
Southern  Democrats  could  retreat  into  the  Republican  Party. 

That  my  advice  was  well  received  is  indicated  by  the  fact 
that  he  did  not  waste  any  time  on  such  sentimental  sugges- 
tions. We  continued  our  correspondence  in  much  the  same 
way  from  time  to  time  all  the  while  he  was  in  the  White 
House.  I  quote  only  one  more  letter,  and  I  quote  that, 
not  so  much  to  show  our  relations,  as  to  show  how  the  Pres- 
ident felt  about  his  work  after  he  had  fairly  entered  upon 
it;  his  experience  in  that  respect  being  interesting  because, 
no  doubt,  like  that  of  all  other  Presidents : 

ExECirnvE  Mansion. 
Washington,  D.  C. 

March  27,  1889. 
Dear  Governor: — I  am  much  obliged  for  your  kind  letter.    It  is  very 
pleasant  to  have  your  commendation  of  the  little  work  I  have  been  able 
to  do  up  to  this  time. 

It  is  a  growing  wonder  to  me  that  a  President  is  able  to  do  any- 
thing well  in  the  rush  and  confusion  that  surges  around  him.    People 


428  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

complain  of  the  slowness  that  attends  appointments,  €ind  yet  they  do 
not  give  me  an  unemployed  hour. 

With  kind  remembrances  to  Mrs.  Foraker. 

Sincerely  yours, 
Hon.  J.  B.  FoBAKEB.  Benjamin  Harbison. 

Recurring  now  to  Minneapolis — as  Chairman  of  the  Ohio 
delegation  I  cast  forty-four  votes,  all,  except  his  own  and 
one  other,  for  Major  McKinley;  but  if  we  had  voted  for 
Blaine,  as  Mr.  Hayes  indicated  I  had  done,  for  whom  I  had 
high  regard,  great  admiration  and  warm  friendship,  I  should 
not  have  been  the  subject  of  criticism  on  that  account  at  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Hayes  or  any  champion  of  McKinley,  who  had 
openly  supported  Mr.  Blaine  in  1884,  and,  as  a  Blaine  man, 
had  opposed,  until  the  last  minute,  the  indorsement  of  Sherman 
by  the  State  Convention  of  1887. 

And  surely  Mr.  Hayes  would  not  have  put  Senator  Quay 
in  an  objectionable  class  if  he  had  remembered  that  Sena- 
tor Quay  was  the  sole  hope  of  salvation  for  the  Sherman 
cause  in  1888,  outside  of  Ohio,  and  the  "rotten  boroughs" 
of  the  South. 

If  Mr.  Quay  was  a  good  enough  man  and  Republican 
for  Mr.  Sherman  to  have  a  political  understanding  with 
him  whereby  he  secured  his  support  in  1888,  I  might  be 
allowed  to  at  least  vote  with  him  for  the  same  candidate  in 
1892;  for  that  was  doing  only  what  Mr.  Sherman  was 
pleased  to  have  me  do  four  years  previous. 

But,  however  all  this  may  be,  the  entry  made  by  Mr. 
Hayes  in  his  diary  on  election  day  fully  vindicates  the  views 
we  entertained  and  the  efforts  we  made  to  have  the  Con- 
vention avoid  making  a  nomination  that  insured  the  defeat 
that  followed. 

When  Mr.  Hayes  wrote  in  his  diary  immediately  after 
my  defeat  in  1889  that  I  was  "popular  with  the  hurrah 
boys,"  but  "too  much  of  a  partisan,"  and  that  "as  often 
happens  with  such  men  he  is  unpopular  at  the  polls,"  he 
was  not  fully  advised.  The  figures  already  given  show  he 
was  mistaken;  that  instead  of  being  unpopular  at  the  polls 
the  reverse  was  true;  for,  although  I  was  defeated  in  1889 


^4    'Vx.irim    ^^».^    7!;^*^  i**^ 


*-Tr    35iii,#j|j^ 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES      429 

by  a  plurality  of  10,872,  yet  I  received  then  368,551  votes 
or  12,019  more  votes  than  I  received  in  1887,  when  I  was 
elected  by  a  plurality  of  23,329. 

All  this  is  re-enforced  by  the  fact  that  prior  to  1883, 
when  I  was  first  a  candidate  for  Governor,  the  highest  vote 
that  had  ever  been  polled  by  any  Republican  candidate  for 
Governor  was  336,261  votes — for  Governor  Foster  in  1879. 
In  1883  I  received  347,164  votes;  in  1885,  359,281  votes; 
in  1887,  356,534  votes,  and  in  1889,  368,551  votes—a 
steady  growth,  except  in  1887  when  there  was  a  slight  fall- 
ing off  due  to  the  conflicting  Blaine-Sherman  Presidential 
sentiment.  All  these  votes  were  not  only  higher  than 
any  vote  ever  before  polled  by  a  Republican  candidate  for 
Governor,  but  I  received  these  respective  votes  notwithstand- 
ing there  was  at  each  election,  what  had  never  happened 
before,  a  strong  Prohibition  vote,  drawn  almost  entirely 
from  Republican  ranks. 

This  vote  amounted  to  28,081  in  1885 ;  29,700  in  1887, 
and  25,504  in  1889.  I  give  these  votes  not  only  to  show 
that  I  succeeded  in  bringing  Republicans  to  the  polls,  but 
to  show  also  that  the  Prohibitionist  of  that  day  stuck  to 
his  party  and  voted  his  ticket  even  when  he  knew  that  be- 
cause of  my  letter  to  Mayor  Mosby  the  entire  liquor  element 
of  the  State,  with  all  the  influence  it  could  command  and 
all  the  assistance  it  coulfl  get,  was  arrayed  against  me. 

He  was  correct,  however,  in  saying  it  was  a  mistake  for 
me  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  third  term — everybody  could  see 
that  after  I  was  defeated — ^but  not  because  I  was  a  partisan, 
or  was  popular  with  only  this,  that,  or  the  other  class  of 
Republicans,  but  because  as  he  says,  there  was  an  element 
in  the  party  that  "would  be  glad  to  see  him  run  behind  the 
ticket.     Some  want  him  beaten  and  votes  will  be  lost." 

Mr.  Hayes  thus  makes  himself  an  important  witness 
against  a  lot  of  treacherous  bolters,  many  of  whom  afterward 
tried  to  escape  responsibility  by  lying  about  what  they  had 
done ;  but  he  is  mistaken  again  when  he  speaks  of  this  hostile 
element  as  a  "sober  and  conservative  element"  in  the  party. 
There  was  no  foundation  in  fact  for  that  statement.     The 


430  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

best  elements  of  the  State  were  all  with  me.  This  is  shown 
by  the  descriptive  accounts  of  the  meetings  addressed  and 
such  letters  as  the  following  from  Bishop  Joyce: 

Westeex  Methodist  Book  Cokcerx. 

Cincinnati,  July  8,  1889. 

My  Dear  Governor  Foraker: —  .  .  .  Your  nomination  is  to  me  a 
Tery  great  pleasure,  and  I  most  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  the 
remarkable  success  of  your  administration  of  the  interests  of  the 
Great  State  of  Ohio;  and  I  also  congratulate  you  on  having  the  con- 
fidence and  co-operation  of  the  best  and  most  intelligent  men  of  Ohio. 

.  .  .  With  best  wishes  for  you  in  every  way  and  in  all  things,  I 
am,  faithfully  your  friend,  I.  W.  Joyce. 

The  hostile  element  was  simply  Mr.  Richard  Smith's  band 
of  "cut-throats,"  represented  by  Mr.  Hanna,  General  Beatty 
and  a  few  other  leaders  associated  with  him,  and  nobody 
else,  save  and  except  the  far  more  numerous  disaffected 
liquor  dealers  and  the  personal  liberty  Republicans,  who 
were  offended  by  my  letter  to  Mayor  Mosby,  of  which  letter, 
if  Mr.  Hayes  had  spoken  at  all,  I  am  sure  he  would  have 
spoken  in  terms  of  praise. 

I  shall  always  regret  that  General  Hayes  did  not  talk 
frankly  with  me  while  our  relations  were  cordial  and  oppor- 
tunities frequent,  rather  than  privately  jot  down  in  a  diary 
a  lot  of  jagged  sentences  to  be  published  to  the  world,  prob- 
ably after  both  he  and  I  were  dead,  and,  therefore,  at  a  time 
when  there  could  be  no  opportunity  for  explanation  or 
defense. 

That  our  relations  were  such  as  to  have  made  it  easy  for 
him  to  talk  with  me  on  any  subject  is  indicated  by  numerous 
letters  on  my  files  written  in  his  own  hand,  a  few  of  which 
may  be  published  without  impropriety. 

January  31st,  1887,  he  wrote  me  the  following  letter 
in  response  to  a  note  from  me,  informing  him  that  I  had 
appointed  him  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the 
Ohio  State  University: 

Fremont,  81,  Jan'y,  1887. 
Personal. 

My  Dear  Governor: — ^The  appointment  you  have  given  me  has  many 
attractions,  and  I  am  obliged  specially  to  you  for  it.    I  hope  and  expect 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES      431 

to  accept  it,  but  there  is  a  possibility  that  I  cannot.  It  is  a  hare  possi- 
bility. But  I  must  wait  a  few  days  before  deciding.  In  the  meantime 
I  prefer  that  there  should  be  no  doubt  made  public.  This  is,  of  course, 
of  small  importance. 

But  we  are  sometimes  disgusted  with  a  pretense  of  hesitation  when 
in  fact  the  party  is  only  too  eager  to  get  what  is  oflFered.  The  truth 
is  I  like  it,  and  with  thanks,  am  sincerely, 

R.  B.  Hayes. 

Gov.    FORAKER. 

Columbus. 

A  few  days  later  he  sent  me  his  acceptance,  qualified,  and 
faithfully  and  efficiently  served  until  his  death  when  Gov- 
ernor  McKinley   appointed   me  to  be  his   successor;   but   I 

declined  in  the  following  letter: 

Feb.  7,  1893. 
Dear  Governor: — I  do  not  lack  appreciation  for  the  compliment  you 
and  the  Senate  have  paid  me  in  making  me  the  successor  of  ex-President 
Hayes  on  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  Ohio  State  University;  on  the 
contrary  I  esteem  it  most  highly  and  thank  you  accordingly;  neverthe- 
less I  am  too  busy  a  man  to  undertake  such  a  trust  and  must  be  allowed 
to  decline  to  accept.  If  it  were  otherwise  I  would  enjoy  the  work  and 
regard  it  as  a  pleasant  duty  to  take  the  place. 
With  sentiments  of  high  regard,  I  remain, 

Very  truly,  etc., 
Hon.  Wm.  McKinley,  Jr.,  J.  B.  Forakek. 

Governor  of  Ohio. 


Quoting  further  from  our  correspondence  General  Hayes 
wrote  me  August  19,  1887,  as  follows: 

Fremont,  O.,  19  Aug.,  188T. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  am  greatly  obliged  for  the  invitation  to  Gettys- 
burg and  for  your  kind  letter  in  that  behalf.  It  is  not,  however,  prac- 
ticable for  me  to  attend.  As  usual  I  go  to  the  reunion  of  the  Army 
of  West  Virginia  next  week,  and  hope  to  meet  you  at  Wheeling  and 
hear  the  rest  of  the  speech  which  the  storm  cut  in  two  last  year. 
With  best  wishes,  sincerely, 

R.  B.  Hayes. 
Gov.  Foraker, 

Etc.,  etc. 


His  reference  in  this  letter  to  the  storm  interrupting  my 
speech  calls  to  memory  a  rather  pleasing  incident.  At  some 
one  of  our  soldier  banquets  held  in  Cincinnati  during  the 
70's  it  was  my  fortune  to  be  seated  by  the  side  of  General 


432  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Hayes.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  regular  program  a  num- 
ber of  comrades  were  called  upon  for  impromptu  remarks 
on  various  subjects  suggested  by  the  toast-master.  I  was 
one  of  these  unfortunates,  and  my  subject  was,  "Our  Un- 
known Heroes." 

On  the  spur  of  the  moment  I  concluded  that  rather  than 
do  any  generalizing  I  would  content  myself  with  telling  an 
incident  of  the  war  that  came  under  my  personal  observa- 
tion, and  one  that  had  made  so  deep  an  impression  on  my 
mind  that  it  was  natural  to  recall  it  on  such  an  occasion  as 
typifying  the  subject  of  my  response. 

My  response,  therefore,  consisted  of  telling  that  at  the 
battle  of  Mission  Ridge,  after  we  had  scaled  the  enemy's 
works  and  captured  two  of  their  guns  that  were  stationed 
about  at  the  point  where  the  left  of  our  regiment  crossed 
their  trenches,  their  line  which,  as  we  took  possession  of  their 
position,  had  broken  and  fled  in  confusion,  rallied  and  came 
back  for  the  purpose  of  re-taking  and  dragging  away  with 
them  the  captured  cannon.  I  was  some  distance  to  the 
right,  but  being  on  a  little  higher  ground,  got  a  good  view 
of  what  occurred.  A  very  sharp  fight  ensued,  in  the  midst 
of  which  the  Confederates  seized  the  wheels  of  the  gun  car- 
riages and  started  with  them  down  the  ridge.  Our  men 
seized  the  other  side  of  the  wheels  and  sought  to  retain  the 
guns.  The  Confederates,  having  some  advantage  in  the 
nature  of  the  ground,  were  getting  the  better  of  the  "pulling 
contest,"  when  a  soldier  belonging  to  Company  D  of  our 
Regiment,  with  blond  hair  on  his  head  and  no  hair  at  all 
on  his  face,  a  mere  boy  in  appearance,  as  he  was  in  fact, 
climbed  up  onto  one  of  the  guns  and  while  seated  astride 
of  it  commenced  with  his  fixed  bayonet  to  jab  at  the  Con- 
federates who  had  hold  of  the  wheels ;  first  on  one  side  and 
then  the  other.  The  result  was  that  they  were  compelled  to 
loosen  their  hold  and  our  men  recovered  the  gun  and  were 
hauling  it  back  in  triumph  when  the  young  hero  who  had 
rendered  this  effective  service  was  struck  by  a  bullet  and 
fell  from  his  perch  killed,  dead,  as  I  supposed  at  the  time. 
He  was,  however,  only  a  few  weeks  in  the  hospital,  for  it 
turned  out  that  the  bullet  struck  him  on  his  forehead  about 


"   ^  ^Y^D^-^^  C/^nnfit^^^  > 


I 


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I 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES      433 

the  edge  of  the  hair,  glanced  and  plowed  back  over  the 
scalp,  making  an  ugly  streak  that  he  was  proud  of  showing 
during  the  rest  of  his  service. 

After  the  war  was  over  I  often  thought  of  this  incident, 
and  to  illustrate  how  nameless  the  soldier  was  I  recalled,  and 
stated,  that  I  never  knew  for  him  any  name  except  "Sharp," 
a  nickname  given  him  by  the  comrades  of  his  company.  He 
was  well-known  throughout  the  regiment  by  this  nickname, 
but  I  doubt  if  anybody  outside  of  his  immediate  friends 
ever  knew  him  by  any  other  name. 

After  the  war  was  over  and  the  men  scattered  to  their 
homes  I  regretted  I  did  not  know  his  name  and  where  he 
lived  in  order  that  I  might  keep  track  of  him. 

When  I  took  my  seat  General  Hayes  said  to  me,  "If 
almost  anybody  except  yourself  had  told  that  story  I  would 
not  have  believed  it."  There  was  in  his  remark  both  a  com- 
pliment and  a  warning.  His  remark  always  afterward  came 
back  to  my  mind  as  often  as  I  thought  of  the  incident  as 
an  admonition  to  me  never  to  tell  the  story  again,  except 
only  where  I  had  a  good  reputation  for  truth  and  veracity. 

The  occasion  referred  to  by  General  Hayes  in  his  letter 
when  he  speaks  of  the  storm  interrupting  my  speech  was 
a  reunion  of  the  Army  of  West  Virginia  held  at  Ports- 
mouth, Ohio.  I  was  to  speak  in  the  afternoon,  but  was 
interrupted  in  the  way  indicated.  There  were  several  thou- 
sand people  present,  among  them  ex-President  Hayes  and 
Mrs.  Hayes  and  many  other  distinguished  guests.  When 
we  recessed  for  dinner  it  was  announced  where  the  different 
ones  present  as  guests  would  be  entertained.  According  to 
this  announcement  President  Hayes  and  Mrs.  Hayes  and 
I  were  to  dine  with  Colonel  E.  E.  Ewing. 

While  waiting  on  the  outside  of  the  tent  for  the  carriage 
to  arrive  in  which  we  were  to  be  taken  to  the  Colonel's  resi- 
dence many  sought  to  shake  hands  with  us  and  pass  a  few 
words  of  compliment  and  good-will.  Among  others  I  was 
approached  by  a  stout,  rugged-looking  man,  apparently  a 
farmer,  with  sun-browned   face  and   a  rather  sandy  beard. 

As  he  addressed  me  and  extended  his  hand  he  announced 
that  he  belonged  to  the   89th  Ohio.     I   did  not  recognize 


434  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

him  and,  therefore,  catechized  him  sufficiently  to  satisfy  my- 
self that  he  was  really  a  member  of  our  regiment.  He  stood 
the  test  and  showed  great  familiarity  with  the  regiment's 
services. 

While  he  thus  talked  with  me  General  Hayes  was  standing 
near  enough  to  hear  all  that  was  said. 

Finally,  like  a  statue  coming  out  from  a  block  of  marble 
on  which  a  sculptor  was  working,  I  began  to  see  the  fea- 
tures of  that  boy  "Sharp."  As  they  grew  stronger  I  finally 
said,  "Are  you  the  soldier  who  was  called  'Sharp'?"  At 
this  he  suddenly  started,  and  grabbing  my  hand  said,  "My 
God!  I  haven't  been  called  'Sharp'  for  twenty  years."  I 
asked  him  to  please  let  me  look  at  the  top  of  his  head, 
whereupon  he  removed  his  hat,  and  there,  sure  enough,  were 
unmistakable  signs  of  the  wound  he  had  received. 

General  Hayes  seemed  as  happy  as  I  was  to  meet  the 
young  hero  and  to  congratulate  him  upon  the  service  he  had 
rendered  to  his  country  at  Mission  Ridge,  and  to  me  in 
vindicating  my  story  in  the  way  he  had. 

My  present  recollection  is  that  he  said  his  name  was  George 
W.  Fellers,  of  Co.  D.,  and  that  he  lived  in  Pike  County,  Ohio. 
This  comrade  is  living  there  now,  or  at  least  was  when  I  last 
heard  from  him. 

It  is  so  pleasant  to  review  this  correspondence  and  live 
over  again  the  events  of  that  period  that  I  quote  one  more 
of  these  letters: 

Fremont,  O.,  16  Oct.,  1887, 

My  Dear  Governor: — Mrs.  Hayes  and  I  will  be  especially  glad  to 
entertain  you  next  Friday — meeting  you  at  our  depot  Thursday  evening. 
But  we  are  old  stagers  in  the  business  you  are  now  in,  and  understand 
that  you  may  find  it  necessary  to  stop  at  the  hotel  and  to  hurry  on  with- 
out having  time  even  to  call.  Now  you  are  to  feel  perfectly  at  home. 
No  time  in  war  for  honors  or  salutes.  With  the  best  wishes  of  Mrs. 
Hayes  and  myself.  Sincerely, 

R.  B.  Hayes. 

Gov.   FORAKEE. 

I  think  I  can  understand  how  Mr.  Hayes  came  to  have 
of  me  the  disparaging  estimate  to  which  he  gives  expression. 


A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES     435 

In  the  first  place  he  was  a  man  of  very  cool  temperament 
and  great  dignity,  not  only  of  character  but  of  expression. 

In  the  second  place  he  had  been  President  of  the  United 
States,  and,  no  doubt,  had  come  to  regard  the  occupant 
of  that  office  as  a  person  whom  it  was  almost  sacrilege  to 
speak  of  in  harsh  criticism;  or  in  any  way  calculated  to 
make  him  the  butt  of  ridicule.  Hence,  my  excoriations  of 
President  Cleveland  during  the  campaigns  of  1887  and 
1888  were  probably  somewhat  shocking  to  his   sensibilities. 

In  the  third  place,  he  always  prided  himself  on  what  he 
was  most  criticised  for  by  me  as  well  as  others  in  connection 
with  his  administration  as  President;  his  rather  singular  if 
not  indefensible  effort  to  efface,  so  far  as  possible,  the  breaches 
of  friendship  and  all  unkind  feeling  between  the  North  and 
the  South  engendered  by  the  war.  In  this  behalf  he  went 
to  the  extent  of  recognizing  and  sustaining  the  Democratic 
Governors  in  both  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana,  although  it 
was  fully  established  that  both  had  been  chosen  by  fraud, 
intimidation  and  outrage;  and,  notwithstanding,  in  the  case 
of  Governor  Packard,  of  Louisiana,  he  had,  in  spite  of  all 
these  practices,  8,000  more  votes  to  make  him  Governor  than 
Hayes  had  received  in  Louisiana  as  our  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent. 

On  top  of  all  this  he  appointed  David  M.  Key,  of  Chatta- 
nooga, a  Confederate  and  a  Democrat,  to  be  Postmaster- 
General  in  his  Cabinet.  It  is  all  right  to  suitably  recognize 
good  men  of  the  opposition  party,  but  they  are  not  likely  to 
be  of  much  help  in  the  Cabinet,  where  political  policies  must 
be  discussed  and  determined. 

I  have  always  felt,  and  still  feel,  that  in  all  this  part  of 
his  public  service  he  had  a  laudable  ambition,  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  which  he  was  actuated  by  patriotic  and  un- 
selfish purposes ;  but  I  thought  then,  and  I  think  now,  that 
what  he  did  was  prompted  by  impracticable  sentimentalism, 
and  that  what  he  accomplished  for  the  public  good  was  of  but 
little  value  to  the  country  compared  with  the  injury  he  did  to 
himself  in  the  estimation  of  thousands  of  his  fellow  Repub- 
licans. 


436  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

It  does  not  seem  quite  right  either  for  him  to  criticise 
Republican   partisans. 

Except  only  for  such  stalwart  partisans  as  Zachariah 
Chandler  he  never  would  have  been  President;  and  except 
for  such  stalwarts  as  James  A.  Garfield,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  Electoral  Commission,  he  never  would  have  had  a 
favorable  decision  from  that  tribunal;  and  except  only  for 
such  stalwarts  as  Thomas  B.  Reed,  who  conducted  the  inves- 
tigation, he  never  would  have  had  the  truth  disclosed,  and 
the  facts  established  with  respect  to  the  attempted  bribery 
shown  by  the  "Nephew  Pelton"  letters,  on  account  of  which 
Mr.  Tilden  was  so  discredited  that  his  own  party  refused 
to  renominate  him,  and  Republicans  were  so  strengthened 
that  Garfield  won  handsomely  in  1880. 

But,  however  all  this  may  be,  his  experience,  association 
and  aspirations  were  such  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  him  to 
be  otherwise  than  fairly  shocked  by  the  character  of  debate  I 
had  with  Governor  Gordon  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to 
Ohio,  and  with  Governor  Wilson  on  the  occasion  of  my  visit 
to  Wheeling. 

Moreover,  he  and  Richard  Smith  were  old  personal  and 
political  friends  and  he  was  probably  a  daily  reader  at  the 
time  of  the  nearby  Toledo  Commercial,  then  edited  by  Mr. 
Smith,  or  if  not  a  daily  reader  at  least  familiar  with  the 
ugly  editorials  Mr.  Smith  was  publishing,  and  was  influenced 
by  them  to  my  prejudice. 

When  to  all  this  is  added  the  fact  that  McKinley  served 
in  his  Regiment,  the  23rd  Ohio,  and  Sherman  had  served  in 
his  Cabinet,  bringing  to  his  administration  more  distinction 
and  success  than  anybody  else,  and  that  neither  ever  said 
anything  very  bad  about  anybody,  it  was  natural  for  him 
to  be  in  sympathy  with  them  instead  of  with  me,  when  fac- 
tional lines  were  drawn  as  they  were  in  1887  and  1888. 

Finally  I  count  myself  fortunate  in  being  able  to  quote 
as  an  answer  to  Mr.  Hayes'  criticism  from  a  speech  made 
by  William  McKinley  at  Cleveland,  October  5,  1889,  just 
a  few  days  before  the  election  and  before  Mr.  Hayes  made 
the  entries  quoted. 


LOST    ROCK, 

GRCEN    BAY    ROAD. 

LAKE    FOREST  .ILL 


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A    FEW    MINUTES    WITH    MR.    HAYES     437 

Mr.  McKInley  had  enjoyed  a  better  opportunity  to  know 
my  methods  and  my  pohtical  aiBhations,  and  especially  what 
had  occurred  at  Chicago  than  almost  anybody  else  in  the 
State. 

He  said: 

We  have  had  Chase  and  Dennison  and  Tod  and  Brough,  and  one  of 
God's  noblemen  in  the  person  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes.  But  you  may 
scan  the  public  record  of  Governor  Foraker,  and  you  will  find  it  shine 
brightly  beside  the  best.  He  is  brave,  he  is  courageous,  he  is  manly, 
he  is  brilliant,  and  even  the  Democrats  admit  that  he  is  able. 

There  is  but  one  fault  with  Governor  Foraker  today;  when  he  sees 
things  he  knows  to  be  wrong  and  things  he  doesn't  like  he  has  the  nerve 
to  call  them  by  their  right  names  and  hit  them ;  and  hit  them  hard. 

If  President  Hayes  had  any  friend  whom  he  prized  as  much 
as  he  did  William  McKinley,  it  was  William  Henry  Smith. 
He  was  a  life-long  political  and  personal  friend  and,  had 
he  lived,  had  been  chosen  by  Mr.  Hayes  to  be  his  biographer. 
He  was  an  able  man,  twice  Secretary  of  State  of  the  State 
of  Ohio,  and,  therefore,  always  interested  in  Ohio  men  and 
Ohio  affairs.  As  a  newspaper  man  and  as  the  manager  for 
years  of  the  Associated  Press,  he  was  familiar,  in  a  news- 
paper way  at  least,  with  all  the  public  men  of  the  nation 
and  with  all  our  political  history.  It  gives  me  pleasure  to 
add  the  following  from  him  to  the  testimonial  of  Governor 
McKinley.  It  is  of  later  date,  but  only  the  more  valued 
on  that  account  because  it  shows  that  in  his  discriminating 
judgment  I  had  successfully  passed  the  test  of  all  trials 
down  to  that  date — of  some  of  which  the  ex-President  never 
had  any  knowledge. 

Lost  Rock. 
Green  Bat  Road. 

Lake  Forest,  III.,  Oct.  6,  '95. 
Dear   Governor   Foraker: — I   congratulate   you   most   cordially   and 
sincerely,  and  I  congratulate  the  whole  country  on  your  splendid  victory. 
The  contest  was  between  brains  and  character  on  the  one  side,  and 
money  on  the  other,  and  brains  and  character  won. 

Had  it  been  otherwise  I  could  never  have  trod  Ohio  ground  again. 
I  predict  for  you  a  useful  and  honorable  career  in  the  Senate,  which 
is,  after  all,  the  true  statesman's  field. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 
Hon.  Jos.  B.  Forakeb.  William  Henry  Smith. 


438  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Some  years  after  the  death  of  General  Hayes  I  was 
requested  to  write  a  short  sketch  of  his  hfe  and  public  serv- 
ice. It  was  afterward  used  and  can  now  be  found  in  a 
book  called  "The  Presidents."  The  following  is  a  copy  of 
what  I  then  said  about  him: 

Hates. 

Interest  in  President  Hayes  is  reviving,  and  I  am  glad  to  note  it. 
He  was  not  properly  appreciated  by  the  country  while  in  life.  I  hope 
history  will  do  him  justice.  He  was  in  private  life  a  lovable  man,  and 
in  public  life  very  able,  as  well  as  pure  and  patriotic  in  his  purposes. 
He  was  of  rugged  constitution,  of  undoubted  physical  courage  and 
always  willing  to  stand  by  his  convictions,  without  regard  as  to  results. 
He  was  of  humble  origin,  a  self-made  man,  a  lawyer  and  a  soldier;  three 
times  Governor  of  Ohio,  a  member  of  Congress,  and  President  of  the 
United  States.  He  distinguished  himself  in  these  relations.  He  got  his 
education  by  hard  work  and  personal  deprivation.  He  attracted  atten- 
tion at  the  bar  from  the  day  of  his  admission.  He  held  the  very  respon- 
sible office  of  City  Solicitor  for  the  city  of  Cincinnati  when  the  war 
broke  out.  He  at  once  volunteered  and  rapidly  rose  to  the  rank  of 
Major  General  for  efficient  and  gallant  services  rendered  at  the  front. 
He  was  distinguished  for  bravery  in  almost  every  battle  in  which  he 
fought. 

His  elections  to  be  Governor  of  Ohio  were  over  the  three  strongest 
and  most  popular  Democrats  in  the  State — Thurman,  Pendleton  and 
Allen.    He  beat  them  all  in  succession. 

He  came  into  the  Presidential  office  handicapped  by  a  disputed  title, 
and  disappointed  many  Republicans  by  the  course  he  pursued  with 
respect  to  the  South,  particularly  as  to  the  Packard  government  in. 
Louisiana;  but  he  took  that  step  from  a  high  sense  of  duty. 

His  Cabinet  was  one  of  the  ablest  we  have  ever  had,  and  his  admin- 
istration will  compare  favorably  in  all  respects,  but  particularly  as  to 
its  high  moral  and  patriotic  plane,  with  any  we  have  had  since  the  war. 

When  he  retired  from  the  Presidency  he  very  largely  dropped  out 
of  sight,  but  he  did  not  lose  interest  in  public  affairs,  nor  cease  to  labor 
for  the  public  good.  He  was  active  in  all  kinds  of  benevolent  work, 
especially  in  connection  with  the  national  associations  for  prison  re- 
forms, charities,  etc. 

He  took  great  interest  in  the  Ohio  State  University,  serving  as  a 
member  of  its  Board  of  Trustees.  In  fact  there  was  no  work  of  a 
worthy  kind,  and  beneficial  to  humanity  in  a  charitable  or  educational 
way,  in  which  he  was  not  willing  to  engage,  no  matter  how  humble  might 
be  the  position  assigned  him.  He  did  not  do  this  work  for  the  sake 
of  employment — that  he  might  be  occupied — nor  that  he  might  be  in 
some  sense  kept  before  the  public,  for  he  had  no  thoughts  or  troubles 
of  that  character.  It  was  purely  and  solely  unselfish,  and  for  the  good 
of  others. 


A  FEW  MINUTES  WITH  MR.  HAYES       439 

He  had  a  beautiful  home  at  Fremont,  Ohio,  with  spacious  grounds, 
and  there  he  delighted  to  spend  his  time.  He  was  never  a  hard  student, 
but  he  was  always  a  wide  and  attentive  reader,  a  charming  conversa- 
tionalist, and  an  agreeable  and  entertaining  companion. 

He  had  a  considerable  fortune,  and  a  wife  and  children  of  ability, 
culture  and  refinement.  His  was  a  model  home,  and  there,  after  he 
was  free  from  public  cares,  were  spent  the  happiest  days  of  his  life. 

Upon  the  death  of  President  Hayes,  which  occurred  at  his  home 
at  Fremont,  Ohio,  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  then  Governor  of  Ohio,  issued 
a  proclamation  in  which  he  said  among  other  things:  "In  battle  he  was 
brave,  and  wounds  he  received  in  defending  his  country's  flag  were  silent 
but  eloquent  testimonials  to  his  gallantry,  patriotism  and  sacrifice.  .  . 
From  the  completion  of  his  term  as  President  of  the  United  States,  he 
was  an  exemplification  of  the  noblest  qualities  of  American  citizenship 
in  its  private  capacity;  modest,  unassuming,  yet  public-spirited,  ever 
striving  for  the  well-being  of  the  people,  the  relief  of  distress,  the  refor- 
mation of  abuses,  and  the  practical  education  of  the  masses  of  his 
countrymen. 

"We  are  made  better  by  such  a  life.  Its  serious  contemplation  will 
be  helpful  to  all.  We  add  to  our  own  honor  by  doing  honor  to  the 
memory  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes. 

"It  is  fitting  that  the  people  of  Ohio — whom  he  served  so  long  and 
faithfully — should  take  especial  note  of  the  going  out  of  his  great  light, 
and  make  manifest  the  affectionate  regard  in  which  he  was  held  by  them. 

"I,  therefore,  as  Governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  recommend  that  the 
flags  on  all  public  buildings  and  school  houses  be  put  at  half  mast,"  etc. 

This  proclamation  may  be  taken  as  giving  the  true  estiniate  of  Pres- 
ident Hayes*  character  by  the  Ohio  President  who  is  now  at  the  head 
of  the  nation. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  universally  respected  as  a  man  of  strong 
intellectual  endowment  and  uprightness  of  character  and  purpose.  He 
was  beloved  as  a  man,  a  neighbor,  and  a  friend  by  all  whose  good  for- 
tune it  was  to  know  him. 

J.    B.    FORAKEA. 

"Though  he  slay  me  yet  will  I  trust  in  him;  but  I  will 
maintain  mine  own  ways  before  him."     (Job  13:15.) 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

OUT  OF  OFFICE  BUT  NOT  OUT  OF  POLITICS. 

FROM  the  time  of  my  retirement  from  the  Governor's 
office,  in  January,  1890,  until  I  took  my  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  March  4,  1897,  I  was  busily  occupied 
in  the  practice  of  my  profession  and  had  but  little  to  do 
with  politics.  There  are,  consequently,  only  a  few  events 
occurring  during  this  period  that  I  shall  take  the  trouble 
to  mention. 

State  Convention  of   1890. 

That  my  defeat  did  not  hurt  me  with  my  friends  and  the 
great  body  of  the  loyal  Republicans  of  Ohio,  was  evidenced 
by  the  fact  that,  at  the  first  State  Convention  afterward 
held  in  Cleveland,  July  16,  1890,  I  was  requested  by  the 
State  Committee  to  act  as  temporary  chairman,  and  as  such, 
according  to  the  practice  in  our  State,  sound  the  keynote 
of  the  campaign.  This  was  an  off  year,  and  following 
defeat  it  was  not  expected  that  the  Convention  would  be  very 
largely  attended  or  that  much  enthusiasm  would  be  mani- 
fested. All  were  agreeably  surprised,  therefore,  when,  in 
addition  to  the  delegates  and  alternates,  there  gathered  at 
Cleveland  to  attend  upon  this  official  meeting  of  the  party's 
representatives,  strong  delegations  from  almost  every  county 
in  the  State. 

I  was  never  more  cordially  received  by  any  Ohio  audience 
than  I  was  by  that  Convention,  and  the  great  crowd  assem- 
bled in  the  galleries  of  the  hall  as  mere  spectators. 

I  commenced  my  remarks  by  referring  to  the  defeat  we 
had  sustained  the  year  before.     In  the  course  of  my  remarks 
on  this  subject,  I  said: 
440 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  441 

All  connected  with  it  that  may  be  the  cause  of  criticism  or  bitter- 
ness of  feeling  should  be  forgotten,  but  if  there  be  those  who  must  have 
a  victim;  those  whose  minds  are  so  constituted  that  they  cannot  be  sat- 
isfied without  definitely  fixing  fault,  to  all  such  I  have  an  appeal  to 
make.  My  appeal  is  that  you  place  the  blame  upon  me.  (Cries  of 
"No,  no.")  Whether  it  be  just  or  unjust  for  you  to  do  so,  I  shall  not 
stop  to  question.  Neither  shall  I  utter  a  word  of  complaint,  but  on 
the  contrary,  bear  most  gladly  all  that  the  bitterest  enemy  can  even 
imagine  as  appropriate  to  be  laid  upon  my  shoulders,  if  thereby  I  can 
in  the  slightest  degree  promote  the  common  good  of  our  common  cause. 
(Applause.)  What  happens  to  me  or  to  any  other  individual  is  of  no 
consequence,  in  a  political  sense,  to  anybody,  but  what  happens  to  the 
great  Republican  Party  is  of  the  highest  concern  to  all.  (Great  ap- 
plause.) 


I  then  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Honorable 
Daniel  J.  Ryan,  at  that  time  Secretary  of  State,  and  con- 
ceded by  all  entitled  to  renomination,  would  be  our  leader 
in  the  campaign,  and  took  occasion  in  that  connection  to 
compliment  him  in  high  terms  upon  his  splendid  abilities, 
popular  manners  and  personal  strength.  These  remarks 
were  much  appreciated. 

After  some  allusions  to  the  tariff  and  national  politics,  I 
addressed  myself  to  the  administration  of  Governor  Camp- 
bell.    I  quote  as  follows: 

The  newspapers  recently  reported  Governor  Hoadly  as  saying  that 
Campbell's  administration  has  made  him  respectable.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  It  would  be  difficult  to  say  anything  worse  than  that 
(cries  of  "That's  so"),  for  notwithstanding  the  personal  virtues  of 
Governor  Hoadly — and  they  are  many  and  great,  for  he  is  a  man  of 
the  highest  character,  conscientious  and  faithful  to  his  beliefs — ^yet  it 
is  universally  conceded  that  under  his  administration  our  State,  in  some 
respects,  touched  the  lowest  point  in  all  her  history.  ...  To  say 
that  Campbell  has  done  worse  is  to  speak  either  a  cruel  slander  or  a 
startling  truth.  .  .  .  The  record  justifies  his  remarks.  .  .  .  The 
list  of  reorganizations  and  ripper  bills  and  ripper  laws  is  too  long  to 
be  gone  over  in  detail  and  the  character  of  the  General  Assembly  is  too 
bad  to  be  talked  about  in  polite  society  (laughter  and  applause),  and 
yet  I  must  give  you  some  idea  of  this  body  and  its  labors.  Fortunately 
I  can  do  so  in  the  language  of  a  Democrat.    .    .    . 

I  then  quoted  at  length  from  a  letter  published  in  the 
Cincinnati  Post  by  General  Morton  L.  Hawkins,  Governor 


44S  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Campbell's  Adjutant  General  and  Chief  of  Staff.     Among 
other  things,  speaking  of  the  Legislature,  he  said: 

...  It  will  be  distinguished  as  having  spent  thousands  of  dollars 
on  useless  expenditures,  .  .  .  for  having  cowardly  forsaken  its  Ger- 
man allies.  (Giving  them  a  famine  of  water  instead  of  a  deluge  of 
beer.)  (Laughter  and  applause.)  .  .  .  And  for  accepting  from 
boodlers  a  goodly  sum  of  money,  .  .  .  for  having  among  its  members 
some  of  the  smallest  and  cheapest  rascals  that  ever  got  into  politics. 

His   letter   was   a  long   one   and  throughout  was   of  the 
same  general  character. 
I  proceeded  as  follows : 

It  is  to  right  such  wrongs  as  these,  to  turn  out  of  power  such  a 
party  as  this,  that  every  Republican  in  Ohio  is  this  day  summoned  to 
battle.  Under  such  circumstances  everything  that  stands  in  the  way 
of  party  zeal  and  party  fealty  must  be  put  to  one  side,  and  every 
Republican  must  be  up  and  doing.  (Applause.)  To  be  lukewarm,  to 
halt,  to  hesitate,  to  doubt,  to  grumble,  growl  and  whine  is,  like  open 
treachery,  a  political  crime  that  no  Republican  can  afford.     (Applause.) 

No  matter,  therefore,  who  carried  razors  last  year,  see  to  it  that  you 
do  not  carry  one  this  year.  If  any  man  did  less  than  his  duty  last  year 
make  him  ashamed  of  himself  by  doing  more  than  your  duty  this. 
Show  him  that  you  are  for  harmony  and  victory  when  you  are  not 
personally  interested,  as  well  as  when  you  are.  Do  not  punish  him  at 
the  expense  of  the  Republican  Party,  but  at  the  expense  of  the  enemy, 
by  setting  a  better  example  than  he  gave.  Such  is  our  duty.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

But,  there  is  more  than  duty  to  give  us  inspiration.  "Why,  in  that 
elder  day,  to  be  a  Roman  was  greater  than  a  king."  And  so  it  is  that 
in  our  day  and  generation  to  have  been  a  Republican  has  been  the 
highest  honor  in  the  political  world.  (Applause.)  And  yet,  we  are 
Republicans — we  are  the  inheritors  of  all  the  bright  glories  of  our 
party's  history.  We  are  the  followers  of  Lincoln,  of  Grant  and  of  Gar- 
field. All  that  is  good,  great  and  heroic  for  the  last  thirty  years  bears 
the  impress  of  our  party's  wisdom  and  our  party's  patriotism.  It  was 
this  party  that  crushed  the  rebellion,  saved  the  Union,  abolished  slavery, 
reconstructed  the  States,  enfranchised  a  race,  and  redeemed  our  prom- 
ises to  pay;  it  was  this  party  that  inaugurated  and  has  maintained  the 
policy  of  a  protective  tariff;  and  it  is  this  party  that  has  led  us  con- 
stantly onward  and  upward  from  the  time  when  free  popular  govern- 
ment was  but  a  mere  questionable  experiment,  until  we  have  come  to 
the  very  head  and  front  of  all  the  governments  of  the  earth — the  freest, 
the  happiest,  the  richest  and  the  strongest  of  all  God's  people.  (Ap- 
plause.) We  have  lived  in  the  best  period  of  the  world's  history,  and 
have  participated  in  the  greatest  battles  that  have  been  fought  for 
humanity.  The  good  influences  of  our  achievements  have  gone,  like  a 
benediction,  all  around  the  globe.  No  political  party  ever  organized 
has  won  sucu  victories  in  either  field  or  forum.     (Applause.) 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  443 

I  closed  with  an  earnest  exhortation  to  all  Republicans  to 
forget  differences  and  vie  with  each  other  for  a  Republican 
victory. 

I  assisted  in  the  campaign  that  followed  the  Convention 
and  aided  in  every  way  I  could  to  secure  the  Republican 
victory  that  was  achieved  in  November. 

I  had  by  this  time  become  so  busily  occupied  with  my  law 
practice  that  I  had  neither  time  nor  desire  to  participate 
further  in  politics,  and  was,  as  I  supposed,  making  a  sort 
of  farewell  tour  of  the  State. 

Nomination  of  McKinley  for  Governoe. 

I  had  no  thought  of  attending  the  next  State  Convention, 
which  was  held  at  Columbus  in  June,  1891,  for  the  nomi- 
nation of  a  candidate  for  Governor,  until  some  weeks  before 
the  Convention,  when  Major  McKinley,  who  was  in  Cincinnati 
on  other  business,  came  to  my  home  on  Walnut  Hills  and  per- 
sonally requested  me  to  attend  the  Convention  and  place  him 
in  nomination  for  the  Governorship. 

Mr.  Croly,  in  his  life  of  Senator  Hanna,  says,  speaking 
of  this  Convention: 

The  plan  rapidly  took  shape  of  nominating  McKinley  for  Governor 
in  the  summer  of  1891;  and  this  plan  was  successfully  accomplished. 
The  Convention  was  held  in  June,  and  the  Major  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  ticket,  practically  without  opposition.  He  was  not  opposed  by 
Foraker;  that  gentleman  had  other  irons  in  the  fire.  The  Legislature 
€lected  in  the  fall  of  1891  named  a  Senator  to  succeed  Mr.  Sherman; 
and  Mr.  Foraker  was  anticipating  and  seeking  an  enlarged  sphere  of 
usefulness  in  Washington. 

Mr.  Kerr,  in  his  life  of  Sherman,  speaking  of  this  Con- 
vention, says: 

Governor  Foraker  nominated  Major  McKinley  in  a  speech  of  great 
brilliancy  and  force.  Indeed,  it  was  a  masterpiece,  and  perhaps  the 
finest  speech  of  the  many  fine  speeches  made  by  Foraker.  The  follow- 
ing paragraph  will  illustrate  the  force  and  propriety  of  the  utterance: 

"We  must  select  for  our  standard-bearer  that  man  who,  above  all 
others,  can  most  surely  command  our  undivided  strength.  We  must 
have  for  our  leader  a  fit  representative  of  our  views  with  respect  to 
every  living  issue,  and  one  who,  in  his  record  and  his  personality,  is 


444  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

the  best  type  we  have  of  the  illustrious  achievements  and  the  moral 
grandeur  of  Republicanism.  He  must  have  a  sure  place  in  the  con- 
fidence and  in  the  affections  of  the  Republicans  of  Ohio.  He  must  be 
able,  because  of  their  esteem  for  him,  to  command  not  simply  their 
unfaltering  but  their  enthusiastic  support.  Such  a  leader  we  have. 
It  is  not  my  privilege  to  point  him  out;  it  is  no  man's  privilege  to  point 
him  out.  That  has  already  been  done.  By  common  consent  all  eyes 
have  turned  in  the  same  direction.  One  man  there  is,  who,  measured 
by  the  exigencies  of  this  occasion,  stands  a  full  head  and  shoulders  above 
all  his  comrades — and  that  man  is  William  McKinley,  Jr." 

Reading  only  what  Mr.  Croly  says,  one  would  imagine 
that  at  most  I  only  forbore  opposing  Major  McKinley. 

Reading  what  Mr.  Kerr  says,  he  will  get  a  different  view. 

Reading  what  I  now  add,  that,  although  not  a  delegate, 
I  attended  the  Convention  and  placed  Major  McKinley  in 
nomination,  at  his  request  and  solely  for  the  purpose  of  ren- 
dering him  an  important  service  at  an  important  point  in 
his  career,  which  request  he  made  of  me  at  my  residence  in 
Cincinnati,  which  he  visited  on  his  own  motion  and  for  that 
one  specific  purpose,  a  still  clearer  view  will  be  obtained  of 
our  relations  at  that  time,  and  enough  will  be  seen  to  support 
the  statement,  if  not  make  it  unnecessary,  that  Major 
McKinley,  who  was  as  closely  associated  with  me  at  the 
Chicago  Convention  of  1888  as  any  other  man,  had  not, 
either  there  or  at  any  other  place,  seen  anything  in  my 
conduct  that  caused  him  to  regard  me  as  lacking  in  friend- 
ship for  him  or  as  lacking  in  any  quality  of  manly  fidelity 
that  would  justify  him  or  anybody  else  in  regarding  me  as 
capable  of  betraying  any  interest  I  might  undertake  to 
represent. 

That  Major  McKinley  appreciated  the  service  I  rendered 
him  is  evidenced  by  the  following  letter : 

Columbus,  O.,  6-17-'91. 
Dear  Governor: — I  have  just  read  your  speech  at  the  Convention 
and  hasten  to  express  my  pleasure.  I  most  sincerely  thank  you  for 
the  generous  words  spoken  of  me.  Everybody  was  delighted  with  your 
speech  and  it  has  done,  and  will  do,  great  good.  I  had  hoped  to  see 
you  before  leaving,  but  missed  you. 

Believe  me,  Yours  sincerely, 

Wm.  McKinlet,  Je. 

HOK.  J.   B.    FORAKEB. 


OUT  OF  OFFICE  445 

Re-election  of  Senator  Sherman. 

The  election  of  McKInley  was  followed  by  a  spirited  con- 
test between  Senator  Sherman  and  myself  for  the  United 
States  Senatorship,  which  resulted  in  his  re-election  by  a 
vote  of  fifty-three  to  thirty-eight,  just  the  reverse  of  how 
the  vote  stood,  according  to  my  information  and  estvmates, 
when  the  members  of  the  Legislature  assembled  at  Columbus. 

In  this  contest  Mr.  Hanna  was  Senator  Sherman's  man- 
ager. A  glimpse  of  the  character  of  the  campaign  he  organ- 
ized and  carried  on  is  given  by  his  faithful  chronicler, 
Mr.  Croly.  After  speaking  at  length  of  the  methods 
employed  by  Senator  Hanna  to  finance  the  political  cam- 
paign for  Governor  McRinley,  he  proceeds  as  follows: 

In  the  case  of  Mr.  Sherman's  candidacy,  Mr.  Hanna's  efforts  were 
not  confined  to  raising  money.  A  good  many  thousand  dollars  were 
indeed  contributed — partly  by  Senator  Sherman  himself — for  J;he  pur- 
pose of  assisting  respective  candidates  in  doubtful  districts,  and  this 
money  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Chairman  of  the  State  Executive 
Committee,  Mr.  W.  M.  Hahn,  who  was  favorable  to  Mr.  Sherman's 
re-election.  But,  in  addition,  special  efforts  had  to  be  made  to  pledge 
respective  candidates  to  Sherman  rather  than  to  Foraker,  and  in  case 
a  pledge  was  refused  to  bring  the  pressure  of  local  public  opinion  upon 
an  adverse  or  doubtful  nominee. 

Agents  were  sent  all  over  the  State  to  carry  on  this  work.  Not  a 
district  was  neglected  which  offered  any  promise  of  a  fruitful  return. 


A  week  before  the  caucus  Mr.  Hanna  went  to  Columbus  and  took 
personal  charge  of  the  Sherman  campaign.  The  situation  looked  des- 
perate; but  it  was  saved,  so  Mr.  Sherman  himself  stated  to  his  friends, 
by  Mr,  Hanna's  energy,  enthusiasm  and  ability  to  bend  other  men 
to  his  will. 


After  the  fight  had  been  won  Senator  Sherman,  according 
to  Mr.  Croly,  wrote  Mr.  Hanna  as  follows: 

January  9th,  1892. 
My  Dear  Sir: — Now,  after  the  smoke  of  battle  is  cleared  away,  I  wish 
first  of  all  and  above  all  to  express  to  you  my  profound  gratitude  and 
sincere  respect  for  the  part  you  have  taken'  in  the  recent  Senatorial 
canvass.  I  feel  that  without  you  I  would  have  been  beaten.  It  was 
your  foresight  in  securing  the  Cleveland  delegation  that  gave  us  the 


446  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

strongest  support  and  made  it  possible  to  counteract  the  evil  influence 
of  the  Hamilton  County  delegation. 

You  have  been  a  true  friend,  liberal,  earnest  and  sincere,  without  any 
personal  selfish  motive,  but  only  guided  by  a  sense  of  what  is  best  for 
the  people  of  Ohio  and  of  the  country.  I  wish  you  to  know  that  I 
appreciate  aU  this  and  will  treasure  it  as  long  as  I  live  and  only  wish 
the  time  may  come  when  I  may  in  some  way  show  that  I  am  deserving 
of  aU  your  kindness. 

When  I  was  about  to  pay  the  bills,  Hahn  said  you  had  assumed  same 
or  had  provided  the  means  for  the  payment  of  certain  expenses.  It  is 
not  right  that  you  should  bear  this  burden,  and  I  hope  you  will  frankly 
state  to  me  what  amount  you  have  expended,  and  what  obligations  you 
have  incurred,  so  that  I  may  at  least  share  it  with  you.  I  have  so 
written  to  Hahn.  It  is  a  source  of  great  satisfaction  to  me  that  our 
canvass  was  made  without  the  expenditure  of  a  single  dollar  for  boodle, 
with  no  bitterness  to  our  adversaries,  and  with  no  appeals  for  our  can- 
didate to  the  interested  cupidity  or  ambition  of  the  Senators  and  Mem- 
bers. 

Please  give  my  kindly  regards  to  your  wife,  and  tell  her  for  me 
that  she  is  lucky  to  have  so  good  a  husband,  the  soul  of  honor. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

JoHK  Sherman. 


Immediately  following  this  letter  Mr,  Croly  records  in  his 
book  the  following: 

In  spite  of  Senator  Sherman's  profession  of  gratitude  he  never  men- 
tions Mr.  H anna's  name  in  the  lengthy  account  of  his  final  election  to 
the  Senate,  which  appears  in  his  "Reminiscences."  Indeed,  Mr.  Hanna's 
name  never  appears  in  the  entire  book.  The  volume  was  published  in 
1895  and  in  1896,  so  that  Mr.  Sherman's  later  grievance  against  Mr. 
Hanna,  if  grievance  it  was,  could  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
omission. 


It  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  Mr.  Croly,  when 
he  penned  these  lines,  that  possibly  after  Senator  Sherman 
wrote  to  Mr.  Hanna  the  letter  quoted,  and  wrote  some  other 
letters  of  similar  character  about  the  same  time  to  other 
people,  he  became  satisfied  that  he  was  laboring  under  a 
mistake  as  to  some  facts  he  stated,  and  that  it  was  on  this 
account  that  he  abstained  from  all  mention  of  Senator 
Hanna's  name  in  any  connection  whatever.  It  seems  less 
probable  that  he  failed  to  mention  him  because  he  forgot, 
than   that   he   failed   to   mention   him    because   he    couldn't 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  447 

forget.  At  least,  it  would  seem  quite  conclusive  evidence 
that  he  did  not  forget  that,  according  to  Mr.  Kerr,  his 
biographer,  Mr.  Sherman  was  in  the  very  midst  of  his  work 
on  his  book  at  the  time  when  the  Zanesville  Convention  was 
held,  over  which  Mr.  Sherman  presided  and  at  which  Mr. 
Hanna  was  present  and  very  prominent. 

Later,  when  Major  McKinley  had  been  elected  President, 
although  Mr.  Hanna  had  full  knowledge,  he,  in  some  way, 
brought  about  for  a  short  time  a  restoration  of  at  least 
quasi-friendly  relations,  and  induced  McKinley  to  appoint 
Sherman  Secretary  of  State,  and  prevailed  on  Sherman,  or 
rather  had  others  do  so,  to  accept  the  appointment,  thus 
preparing  a  way  for  him  to  enter  the  Senate. 

Without  discussing  the  campaign  conducted  by  Senator 
Hanna  for  Senator  Sherman,  resulting  in  his  re-election  in 
1891,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that,  whether  truthfully  or  other- 
wise, Senator  Hanna  was  openly  charged  with  many  things 
connected  with  it  that  were  of  an  indefensible  and  exas- 
perating character. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  when  the  Ohio  delegation  reached 
Minneapolis  to  attend  the  National  Republican  Convention 
of  1892,  we  found  Mr.  Hanna  already  on  the  ground. 

His  veracious  biographer,  Mr.  Croly,  tells  us  what  he  was 
there  for.     He  says,  speaking  of  that  Convention : 

But  preparations  were  made  to  bring  McKinley  forward  in  case 
Mr.  Harrison's  renomination  proved  to  be  difficult.  Mr.  H*anna's  hope 
was  that  enough  delegates  would  be  kept  away  from  the  President  by 
a  revival  of  the  Blaine  candidacy  to  tie  up  the  nomination  and  permit 
the  introduction  of  McKinley  into  the  breach. 

Mr.  Hanna  was  not  a  delegate  to  the  Convention,  but  he  went  to 
Minneapolis,  and  opened  unoflBcial  headquarters  for  McKinley  at  the 
West  House.  For  some  days  he  tried,  not  without  prospects  of  suc- 
cess, to  arrange  combinations,  which  under  certain  possible  contingencies, 
might  result  in   McKinley's  favor. 

It  was,  however,  a  useless  effort. 

Notwithstanding  all  that  had  gone  before,  Mr.  Hanna,  in 
his  effort  to  bring  about  the  nomination  of  McKinley,  did 
not  hesitate  to  seek  a  conference  with  me  in  that  behalf. 


448  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

The  situation  was  a  difficult  one  to  deal  with.  Harrison, 
according  to  political  precedent,  was  entitled  to  the  vindi- 
cation of  a  renomination.  He  had  made  a  good  President, 
and  in  a  broad  way  merited  another  trial,  but  at  the  same 
time  all  who  were  familiar  with  political  conditions  realized 
that  he  had  been  unfortunate  enough  to  make  himself 
unpopular,  and  that  in  all  probability  to  renominate  him 
was  to  insure  defeat. 

Blaine  was  as  much  beloved  as  ever  by  his  legion  of 
friends,  but  his  advancing  years  and  the  impression  that  he 
was  in  failing  health,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  his  nom- 
ination would  doubtless  be  distasteful  to  Harrison  and  admin- 
istration forces  generally,  militated  against  him  to  such  an 
extent  that  many  of  his  staunchest  friends,  myself  among 
them,  finally  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  our  duty  to 
find  and  nominate  some  new  man  if  possible. 

This  feeling  made  it  easy  for  me  to  forget  Mr.  Hanna's 
past  unfriendliness  and  confer  with  him  as  to  McKinley's 
chances;  and  this,  notwithstanding  a  number  of  McKinley's 
appointees,  and  other  friends  from  Ohio,  were  talking  in 
the  hotel  corridors,  and  wherever  they  could  get  an  audience 
about  the  delegation,  particularly  the  pro-Blaine  members 
of  it,  in  a  very  offensive  way. 

The  result  was  that  in  the  Convention,  with  the  exception 
of  two  votes,  one  of  which  was  his  own,  the  Ohio  delegation 
voted  for  the  nomination  of  McKinley. 

McKinley's  failure  to  get  the  nomination  was  a  great 
disappointment  to  his  friends  generally,  but  especially  to 
those  then  in  Minneapolis.  They,  not  knowing  that  Mr. 
Hanna  had  solicited  our  action,  instead  of  giving  us  credit 
for  sacrificing  personal  preferences,  and  in  a  broad,  patriotic 
way,  trying  to  promote  the  chances  of  party  success  in  the 
campaign  to  follow,  and  doing  something  that  should  have 
contributed  to  the  restoration  of  harmony  among  Ohio 
Republicans,  broke  out  with  malicious  and  vindictive  charges 
and  criticisms.  Among  these  charges,  and  the  chief  one, 
was  that  our  support  was  not  given  in  good  faith,  although 
Senator  Dick,  Governor  Nasfh  and  a  number  of  McKinley's 


I 


rZ^ ^.-<L-.,<,^   (^ ^'^    r^-^K.    (3^Z<tU.  ^-^^-^     ^^^-x—^ 
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OUT    OF    OFFICE  449 

closest  friends  were  on  the  delegation,  but  only  to  put  him 
in  a  false  light  before  the  country  by  making  it  appear 
that  he  was  a  candidate  and  getting  him  defeated,  when 
he  was  not  a  candidate,  and  did  not  want  to  be  nominated. 
With  these  facts  in  mind,  the  following  letters  that  passed 
between  Senator  Hanna  and  myself,  immediately  following 
the  Conventicp,  will  be  better  understood  and  appreciated: 

Clevelaxd,  O.,  June  19,  1892. 
My  Dear  Governor: — I  left  Minneapolis  for  St.  Paul  immediately 
after  the  nomination  of  Harrison  and  came  home  from  there,  which 
is  the  reason  I  did  not  call  on  you  before  leaving.  Therefore  I  write 
to  say  that  I  fully  appreciate  your  course  on  Friday  and  sincerely  hope 
that  the  combination  of  circumstances  which  led  to  that  result  will  be 
the  means  of  accomplishing  what  I  most  earnestly  desire — the  restora- 
tion of  harmony  in  our  party.  I  am  sorry  to  learn  that  there  is  still 
some  talk  about  the  bitter  feeling  between  you  and  McKinley  and  I 
think  it  would  be  well  for  you  and  I  to  do  something  to  stop  this  kind 
of  talk  and  particularly  in  the  newspapers.  When  do  you  expect  to  be 
up  in  this  section?  Will  you  go  to  the  Islands  soon?  I  will  go  there  to 
see  you.  Truly  yours, 

M.  A.  Hakka. 

June  20,  1892. 

Dear  Hawna: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  19th  inst.,  and  write  to  thank 
you  for  the  cordial  expressions  of  appreciation  and  good-will  that  it 
contains. 

I  am  without  responsibility  for  the  talk,  to  which  you  refer,  about 
the  feeling  between  McKinley  and  me.  You  learned  from  me  at  Minne- 
apolis the  cause  of  it  and  how  surprised  and  angry  my  friends  were 
when  they  heard  his  appointees  talking  as  they  were  in  the  corridors  of 
the  hotel  and  elsewhere.  As  you  advised,  I  ignored  it  aU  and  went  to 
his  support  in  the  Convention.  I  did  it,  not  so  much  because  of  your 
assurance  that  such  action  would  be  appreciated  by  McKinley,  as  be- 
cause I  thought,  it  being  impossible  to  nominate  Blaine,  that  it  was  good 
politics  in  this  sense:  giving  him  Ohio  solid  might  secure  his  nomination, 
which  was  far  preferable  to  me  than  Harrison,  or,  failing  in  that,  the 
mouths  of  his  friends  would  be  shut  against  saying  that  I  and  my  friends 
had  stood  in  the  way  of  his  nomination.  In  other  words,  I  thought  we 
had  acted  without  any  selfish  purposes  in  view  and  certainly  not  as  the 
result  of  any  scheme  to  put  the  Governor  in  a  false  light,  and  that  we 
would  be  entitled  to  kind,  instead  of  unkind,  expressions  at  the  hands 
of  all  the  Republicans  of  the  State.  In  that  we  appear  to  have  mis- 
calculated. The  criticisms  and  the  annoyances  seem  to  be  as  bitter 
as  bitterness  itself.  But  to  all  this  foolish  talk  "1  am  paying  no  heed. 
Those  who  desire  may  indulge  in  it  to  their  heart's  content. 

I  do  not  know  when  I  shall  be  in  your  part  of  the  State  again.  The 
Convention  and  other  matters  have  interfered  seriously  with  my  busi- 


460  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

ness,  and  now,  in  the  closing  days  of  the  courts,  I  am  kept  very  busy 
at  my  office.  Sometime,  however,  in  July  I  hope  to  get  away  and  will 
then  try  and  meet  you,  if  there  be  any  occasion  for  a  conference,  or  I 
will  drop  up  to  the  Lakes  and  see  you  sooner,  if  there  be  any  necessity 
therefor. 

Write  me  fully  at  any  time. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

HoV.  M.   a.   HaKKA^  J.    B.    Fo&AKEK. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 


HoK.  J.  B.  FoBAKEK,  CucvELAiTD,  O.,  June  24,  1892. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

My  Dear  Governor: — I  received  your  letter  of  the  20th  inst.,  and 
note  what  you  say  about  matters  at  Minneapolis. 

It  will  take  a  little  time  to  educate  our  friends  on  both  sides  that  it 
is  the  intention  of  those  most  interested  in  the  success  of  the  Republican 
Party  to  do  away  with  these  factional  jealousies.  I  am  taking  every 
opportunity  to  do  so  and  like  yourself  will  pay  no  heed  to  things  that 
I  may  hear,  but  will  faithfully  work  to  secure  the  end  that  we  both 
desire. 

I  will  make  an  opportunity  to  see  you  somewhere  in  July.  Certainly 
I  will  be  delighted  if  I  could  have  a  visit  from  you  here,  therefore  hope 
you  will  keep  me  advised  as  to  your  movements.  Meantime  I  will  write 
you  frankly  when  anything  of  importance  occurs. 

Truly  yours, 

M.  A.  Hanka. 


This  was  the  third  National  Republican  Convention  that 
I  attended  as  a  delegate-at-large  from  Ohio.  I  was  chosen 
by  the  delegation  to  represent  Ohio  on  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions.  That  committee  made  me  its  chairman,  and 
ex-officio  chairman  of  the  sub-committee  which  heard  and 
considered  all  suggestions  that  were  offered  and  heard  all 
persons,  both  male  and  female,  who  had  anything  to  say, 
and  these  were  many  of  both  sexes.  Thus  was  devolved  upon 
me  the  principal  labor  and  responsibility  of  preparing  and 
reporting  the  platform,  which  I  carefully  revised  and  con- 
densed after  all  differences  had  been  settled  in  the  sub- 
committee before  presenting  it  to  the  whole  committee. 

I  was  much  gratified  when,  at  the  conclusion  of  my  report 
to  the  Convention,  having  read  the  platform,  section  by 
Bection,    and   having   moved    its    adoption,    Senator   Depew, 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  451 

who  was  a  member  of  the  New  York  delegation,  said, 
"I  trust  there  will  be  no  objection.  I  hope  this  will  go 
through.  It  is  one  of  the  best  platforms  I  ever  heard  in 
my  life."  I  was  the  recipient  of  many  compliments  of 
similar  character,  but  on  the  principle  that  "Praise  from 
Sir  Hubert  is  praise  indeed,"  as  I  stated  in  my  answer,  I 
appreciated  the  following  more  perhaps  than  any  other 
letter  I  received: 


The  Associated  Press. 
Chicago^  110  La  Saixe  St. 


June  15,  1892» 


Personal. 

Dear  Governor  Foraker: — The  confusion  inseparable  from  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  great  National  Convention  prevented  me  from  offering 
you  my  congratulations  on  the  brilliant  termination  of  the  labors  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions.  The  platform  has  a  literary  fuiish  surpass- 
ing that  of  all  others  of  recent  times.  In  the  avoidance  of  surplusage 
it  excels  any  other  of  any  time.  This  is  a  great  achievement  and  marks 
you  a  scholar  as  well  as  a  leader  and  a  statesman.  I  do  not  mean  this 
indorsement  to  cover  all  of  the  sentiments  of  the  platform.  While 
admiring  the  architect  I  reserve  to  myself  independence  of  opinion.  I 
am  not  a  high  protective  tariff  man,  and  I  think  a  force  bill  is  as 
pregnant  of  mischief  as  Pandora's  box.  It  is  a  great  misfortune  to  the 
Republican  Party  that  its  leaders  have  made  it  responsible  for  a  lot  of 
worthless  white  office-holders  in  the  South;  for  misdirecting  the  educa- 
tion of  the  enfranchised  race  and  for  the  perpetuation  of  a  rotten 
borough  system.  But  for  these  classes  and  conditions  the  renomina- 
tion  of  President  Harrison  would  have  been  impossible;  but  for  these, 
indeed,  which  he  knew  he  controlled,  his  name  would  not  have  gone  before 
that  Convention. 

It  is  a  great  gratification  to  an  old  Ohioan,  whose  affections  for  the 
State  have  never  lessened,  to  know  that  the  two  men  who  came  out 
of  the  Convention  with  enhanced  reputations  are  yourself  and  Governor 
McKinley;  the  two  brilliant  leaders  of  the  second  generation  of  Ohio 
Republicans — the  one  from  the  Southern,  the  other  from  the  Northern 
section  of  the  State.  And  I  wish  further  to  congratulate  you  on  the 
manly  and  magnanimous  course  you  pursued  in  the  Convention.  This 
will  bear  good  fruit  in  the  future. 

On  behalf  of  the  Associated  Press,  and  of  my  son,  Delavan,  who  had 
charge  of  the  work  at  Minneapolis,  I  wish  to  thank  you  for  important 
and  considerate  action  which  greatly  promoted  the  efficiency  of  the 
service.  Very  few  men  have  any  conception  of  the  embarrassments  and 
difficulties  attending  the  proper  and  adequate  presentation  of  the  work 
of  such  a  body.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

William  Henht  Smith. 
HoK.  Joseph  B.  FoaAKEa. 


452  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  took  some  part  in  the  campaign,  but  less  than  usual. 
I  was  so  busily  occupied  with  my  law  practice  that  I  had 
little  time  for  anything  else.  On  this  account,  although  I 
made  a  few  speeches  in  each  campaign,  I  practically  divorced 
myself  from  politics  during  the  years  1893  and  1894. 

Finally  the  little  part  I  was  taking  became  the  subject  of 
criticism.  This  criticism  came  from  enemies,  and  was 
intended  to  disparage  and  discredit  me.  It  proceeded  upon 
the  theory  that  I  had  been  so  greatly  honored  by  my  party 
that  it  was  selfish  on  my  part  to  neglect  its  interests  for 
my  own. 

I  finally  concluded  I  could  and  would  remedy  this  trouble 
to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  those  complaining,  if  not  every- 
body, and,  therefore,  as  1895  approached,  I  made  it  known 
that  I  would  take  a  hand  in  the  selection  of  a  candidate  for 
Governor,  the  nomination  of  a  ticket,  the  adoption  of  a 
platform,  and  everything  else  of  importance,  connected  with 
the  politics  of  the  State,  including  the  indorsement  of  myself 
as  a  candidate  for  United  States  Senator,  something  never 
before  done  in  Ohio. 

Naturally  my  first  thought  was  as  to  a  candidate  for 
Grovernor.  General  Bushnell  had  been  my  candidate  in  1889, 
but  finally  refused  to  allow  his  name  to  be  considered. 

He  was  my  first  choice  in  1895,  but  he  again  balked,  and 
both  publicly  and  privately  announced  that  he  was  unwilling 
to  accept  a  nomination.  I  talked  with  him  on  the  subject 
several  times,  but  was  unable  to  change  his  mind.  Finally 
concluding  that  he  was  unavailable,  I  determined  to  support 
General  J.  Warren  Keifer,  and  for  a  time  tried  to  turn 
support  to  him,  but  while  everybody  conceded  his  ability 
and  his  high  character,  his  splendid  soldier  record,  his  sound 
Republicanism  and  his  general  fitness  for  the  executive 
position,  yet  there  was  from  the  start  a  rising  tide  of 
sentiment  in  favor  of  General  Bushnell.  The  more  the 
General  said  he  didn't  want  it,  the  stronger  grew  the  demand 
for  him.  At  last  it  became  evident  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  nominate  General  Keifer,  whereupon  I  wrote  him, 
frankly  advising  him  that  such  was  my  opinion,  and  sug- 


OUT    OF   OFFICE  453 

gesting  that  he  withdraw  from  the  race.  He  was  a  fighter, 
and  not  a  quitter,  and  wrote  me  that  he  would  rather  be 
defeated  in  the  Convention  than  retire  from  the  contest. 

In  the  meanwhile  Senator  Hanna  selected  the  Honorable 
George  K.  Nash,  a  very  popular  man,  as  his  candidate,  and 
with  his  accustomed  energy  set  about  concentrating  all  the 
McKinley  forces  in  his  favor. 

The  Convention  was  called  for  Zanesville  May  28th.  As 
the  day  approached  the  situation  became  constantly  more 
and  more  acute.  When  it  finally  arrived  there  were  many 
more  people  in  that  city  than  could  be  comfortably  accom- 
modated. Senator  Sherman  was  present,  and  as  temporary 
chairman  delivered  the  usual  key-note  speech;  he  was  con- 
tinued as  permanent  chairman.  Governor  Foster,  Senator 
Hanna  and  all  the  other  prominent  Republicans,  were  also 
there.  Not  only  a  Governor  and  a  United  States  Senator 
were  to  be  chosen,  but  a  Presidential  indorsement  was  at 
stake,  and  more  exciting  than  all  was  the  fact  that  a  battle 
royal  was  to  be  fought  between  two  great  factions  that  had 
reached  the  point  where  nothing  short  of  a  genuine  trial  of 
strength  would  satisfy  either. 

Mr.  Kerr,  in  his  "Life  of  Sherman,"  refers  to  this  Con- 
vention as  follows: 

The  Republican  State  Convention  of  Ohio  for  1895  was  to  meet  at 
Zanesville  on  May  28th,  and  Mr.  Sherman  was  elected  as  Chairman. 
Mr.  Sherman  made  preparation  and  left  Washington  for  the  Convention, 
presided  over  its  two  days'  deliberations,  and  then  went  to  his  home  at 
Mansfield.  This  Convention  was  one  of  the  most  interesting  in  the 
history  of  the  State.  It  was  the  scene  of  the  last  legitimate  contest 
between  the  warring  Republican  camps  which  called  themselves  respec- 
tively the  followers  of  Sherman  or  Foraker.  Senator  Sherman  had  no 
part  in  the  contest — the  gentlemen  who  called  themselves  "Sherman 
men"  were  led  by  Mark  Hanna,  and  Foraker  led  his  forces  in  person. 
The  Hanna  men  were  not  allowed  to  surrender — they  were  captured, 
and  even  their  side  arms  taken  from  them.     .     .     . 

As  soon  as  the  formal  work  of  the  Convention  was  done,  a  movement 
was  made  to  adjourn  until  the  next  day,  which  was  in  accordance  with 
the  general  understanding,  and  the  ordinary  program  of  a  two-day 
Convention.  But  the  Foraker  men  saw  their  advantage,  and  sought  to 
have  the  nomination  of  the-  candidate  for  Governor  made  that  night. 
The  Convention  then  proceeded  to  nominations  and  a  ballot,  Judge 
George  K.  Nash  was  the  candidate  of  the  Hanna  men;  the  Foraker 
candidate  was  under  cover,  and  was  not  placed  in  nomination  at  all. 


464  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

B.  W.  Poe  received  most  of  the  Foraker  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  but 
it  was  not  their  intention  to  nominate  him.  The  rest  were  scattered, 
some  going  to  James  H.  Hoyt,  some  to  John  W.  Barger,  but  fifty-eight 
TOtes  were  cast  for  General  Asa  S.  Bushnell,  who  was  the  real  Foraker 
candidate.  Bushnell  gained  steadily  until  the  sixth  ballot  and  at  mid- 
night he  was  nominated. 

To  show  the  spirit  of  the  Convention  I  quote  the  following 
from  one  of  the  Zanesville  daily  papers : 

General  Bushnell  was  nominated  by  the  decisive  vote  of  609,  but  it 
took  six  ballots  to  arrive  at  this  result.  While  it  required  six  ballots  to 
work  up  to  this  point,  there  was  no  time  after  midnight  Monday  when 
there  was  any  doubt  as  to  what  the  result  would  be.  It  was,  all  in  all, 
the  best  arranged  campaign  and  best  executed  political  plan  in  the 
history  of  the  State. 

The  Bushnell  managers  knew  exactly  where  their  votes  were  coming 
from,  and  how  many  could  be  depended  upon  in  each  county.  They 
had  still  a  reserve  of  friends  when  the  ballot  was  taken  which  resulted 
in  the  nomination  of  General  Bushnell,  and,  had  it  been  necessary  to  take 
another  ballot  there  would  have  been  sad  surprises  for  Judge  Nash  and 
Mr.  Hoyt. 

.  .  .  The  scenes  in  the  afternoon  session  of  the  Convention  were  the 
most  remarkable  ever  seen  by  an  Ohio  State  Convention  goer.  Never 
before  in  the  history  of  the  party  in  this  State  was  such  an  ovation 
^ven  to  a  man  in  a  Convention  as  was  given  to  ex-Governor  Foraker. 
From  the  time  he  entered  the  room  and  was  almost  carried  to  the  stage 
on  the  shoulders  of  his  admirers,  it  must  have  been  evident  to  the  wholly 
uninitiated  that  no  man  could  dispute  with  him  the  control  of  that  body. 

The  Democratic  papers  published  many  things  about 
the  convention  that  were  amusing  to  the  average  reader,  but 
probably  annoying  to  Senator  Hanna  and  his  friends. 
Among  many  other  similar  publications,  the  following  verses, 
a  la  Bret  Harte,  went  the  rounds  of  the  press,  appearing  in 
most  of  the  Republican  as  well  as  practically  all  the  Demo- 
cratic papers : 

The  Smooth  Joseph  B. 
Specially  Reported  by  M.  A.  H.,  of  Lakewood. 

Which  I  wish  to  remark. 

And  my  language  is  plain. 
That  for  ways  that  are  dark 

And  which  give  me  a  pain, 
Joey  Foraker*s  mighty  peculiar; 

Which  the  same  I  would  rise  to  explain. 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  4i5S 

It  was  late  in  the  night. 

And  quite  soft  were  the  skies; 
Which  it  might  be  supposed 

That  J.  B.  was  likewise. 
Yet  he  played  it  that  night  upon  William 

And  me  in  a  way  I  despise. 

Which  we  had  a  small  game. 

And  J.  B.  took  a  hand; 
It  was  euchre.    A  game 

That  we  all  understand. 
And  he  smiled  as  he  got  into  Zanesville, 

With  a  smile  that  was  child-like  and  bland. 

Yet  the  cards  they  were  stocked 

In  a  way  that  I  grieve. 
And  my  feelings  were  shocked 

At  the  state  of  his  sleeve — 
Which  was  stuffed  full  of  Asas,*  et  cetera. 

And  the  same  with  intent  to  deceive. 

And  the  hand  that  was  played 

By  that  slick  Joey  B., 
And  the  points  that  he  made 

Were  quite  frightful  to  see, 
Till  at  last  he  swooped  down  on  a  trick 

That  was  to  have  been  taken  by  me. 

Then  I  looked  up  at  Nash, 

And  he  gazed  upon  me, 
And  he  uttered  a  dash. 

And  remarked:     "HuUy  gee! 
We  are  ruined  by  Foraker's  doings," — 

And  we  went  for  the  smooth  Joey  B. 

In  the  scene  that  ensued 

Uncle  Mark  took  a  hand. 
And  the  floor  it  was  strewed 

Like  the  leaves  on  the  strand 
By  the  tricks  that  McK.  and  your  uncle 

Had  fondly  expected  to  land. 

Which  I  wish  to  remark, 

And  my  language  is  plain, 
That  for  ways  that  are  dark 

And  which  give  me  a  pain. 
This  same  Joey  B.  is  peculiar. 

And  the  same  I  am  free  to  maintain! 

Similar  descriptive  accounts  appeared   in   all  the  papers^ 
not  only  all  over  Ohio,  but  all  over  the  country. 

•  Referring  to  Asa  S.  Bushnell,  nominated  for  Governor,  and  Asa  W. 
Jones,  nominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor. 


456  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

We  not  only  nominated  the  Governor,  but  chose  by  a 
good  round  majority  every  other  man  on  the  ticket,  adopted 
a  platform  that  proclaimed  sound  Republican  principles, 
endorsed  me  for  Senator  and  William  McKinley  as  Ohio's 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  1896. 

In  the  campaign  that  followed  the  whole  party  partici- 
pated, presenting  everywhere,  all  along  the  line,  an  unbroken 
front  to  the  common  enemy. 

Bushnell  was  elected  by  the  largest  majority  with  which 
any  Governor  had  ever  been  honored,  and  the  Legislature 
was  overwhelmingly  Republican. 

Iri  January  following,  when  the  Legislature  met,  I  was 
elected  to  succeed  the  Honorable  Calvin  S.  Brice  as  United 
States  Senator  from  Ohio,  for  the  term  commencing  March 
4,  1897. 

On  the  day  of  my  election  Major  McKinley  called  upon 
me  at  my  room  in  the  hotel  to  congratulate  me  upon  the 
fact  that  my  fight  had  reached  a  successful  conclusion  and 
to  talk  over  with  me  his  prospects  for  the  Presidency. 

In  this  conversation  he  requested  me  to  go  as  a  delegate- 
at-large  from  Ohio  to  the  National  Republican  Convention, 
and  in  that  way  and  otherwise,  to  assist  in  securing  his 
nomination. 

I  told  him  I  would  gladly  give  him  any  help  I  might  be 
able  to  render,  but  that  I  preferred  not  to  go  as  a  delegate, 
reminding  him  of  the  disagreeable  experience,  of  which  he  had 
full  knowledge,  to  which  I  had  been  subjected  on  account 
of  the  Convention  of  1888,  remarking  that  while,  if  he 
should  be  nominated,  as  I  hoped  and  believed  he  would  be, 
it  would  be  all  right,  yet,  if  he  should  fail,  there  would 
doubtless  be  a  repetition  of  the  charges  of  treachery  and 
bad  faith,  no  matter  how  unjust  they  might  be,  just  as 
there  had  been  on  the  former  occasion. 

We  separated  without  any  definite  conclusion  having  been 

reached.      I   next  heard   from  him   on   the   subject   when   I 

received  the  following  letter: 

Canton,  O.,  January  29,  189G. 
Dear  Senator: — In  the  line  of  our  talk  on  the  morning  of  the  day 
you  were  elected  Senator,  I  now  write  to  say  that  it  would  be  very 
gratifying  to  me  to  have  you  represent  the  State  as  one  of  the  Delegates- 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  45T 

at-Large  in  the  National  Convention  at  St.  Louis.  I  now  write  what 
I  then  said  that  I  very  much  desire  you  should  go.  I  am  sure  this  is 
the  wish  of  the  Republicans  of  the  State,  as  it  is  most  earnestly  mine, 
I  shall  hope  to  hear  from  you  soon  and  often.  I  trust  you  and  Mr. 
Hanna  will  have  frequent  consultations  on  matters  relating  to  the  St. 
Louis  Convention  and  I  shall  be  pleased  to  see  and  confer  with  you 
at  any  time.       With  best  wishes,  I  am  always. 

Sincerely  yours, 
To  Hon.  J.  B.  Fokaker,  Wm.  McKiklet. 

Cincinnati,   Ohio. 

Our  State  Convention  was  held  in  Columbus  on  the  IQth 
of  March.  I  had  been  selected  as  temporary  chairman,  and 
as  such  the  duty  devolved  upon  me  of  making  a  keynote 
speech. 

In  the  discharge  of  this  duty  I  said : 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: — I  sincerely  thank 
the  State  Central  Committee  for  the  honor  of  temporarily  presiding  over 
this  Convention,  and  I  most  heartily  thank  you,  gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention, for  your  kind  and  enthusiastic  greeting.  Be  assured  of  my 
proper  appreciation.  Ordinarily,  as  I  understand  it,  it  is  thought  to  be 
the  chief  duty  and  office  of  the  temporary  Chairman  of  a  convention  like 
this  to  discuss  current  political  questions  and  define  party  positions. 
Ordinarily  I  should  make  that  kind  of  an  address  on  such  an  occasion 
as  this.  It  is  possible  that  you  are  expecting  some  such  remarks  as 
those.  If  so,  you  will  be  disappointed,  for,  in  my  judgment,  that  kind 
of  an  address  is  not  necessary  under  the  circumstances  attending  us 
here  today. 

It  is  not  necessary,  because  everybody  knows  that  no  matter  what 
questions  may  be  discussed  in  the  coming  campaign,  the  one  great, 
towering,  supreme  issue  in  the  contest  of  '96  will  be  whether  for  the 
next  four  years  this  country  shall  be  ruled  by  Democrats  or  by  Repub- 
licans. 

And  everybody  knows  in  advance  what  the  verdict  will  be.  Even 
our  Democratic  friends  understand  and  can  see  that  the  sweeping 
victories  of  last  year  are  to  be  followed  by  still  greater  and  grander 
triumphs  this  year.  (Applause.)  The  Republican  Party  was  never  so 
strong,  never  so  powerful,  never  so  popular,  never  so  intrenched  in  the 
hearts  and  aifections  of  the  people  as  it  is  today;  and  so  far,  at  least 
as  Ohio  is  concerned,  never  so  united  or  harmonious  as  at  this  very  hour. 
(Great  applause.) 

We  have  no  differences  of  opinion  with  respect  to  national  questions 
or  policies,  and  we  have  no  factional  dissensions  to  weaken  our  strength 
or  divert  our  attention  from  the  conunon  enemy.  Therefore  it  is,  that, 
while  we  are  here  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a  ticket  and  declaring 
anew  the  faith  that  is  in  us,  we  come  also  to  the  discharge  of  a  higher 
and  more  commanding  duty.  It  has  already  been  indicated  by  our 
Chairman. 


458  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Here  to  Redeesi  It. 

The  Zanesville  Convention  declared  that  the  Republicans  of  Ohio 
would  unitedly  and  enthusiastically  support  the  candidacy  of  Governor 
McKinley.  The  time  has  come  to  redeem  that  pledge,  and  we  are  here 
to  redeem  it.  (Applause.)  In  every  district  and  county  convention 
so  far  held  this  year  in  this  State,  he  has  already  been  indorsed.  Wc 
assemble  now  as  the  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  whole 
State  for  the  purpose  of  doing  the  same  thing.  We  owe  it  to  ourselves 
as  well  as  to  him  to  do  it  with  spirit^  to  do  it  with  earnestness,  to  do 
it  with  unanimity,  to  do  it  in  such  a  manner,  in  short,  as  will  signify 
to  the  whole  nation  that  he  has  now,  and  will  have  at  the  St.  Louis 
Convention,  the  united,  hearty,  cordial,  enthusiastic,  unqualified  support 
of  Ohio.     (Long  continued  applause.) 

It  is  due,  however,  to  the  Republicans  of  Ohio,  and  especially  to 
Governor  McKinley  himself,  that  it  should  be  said,  here  and  now,  that 
our  preference  for  him  is  not  conceived  in  any  spirit  of  antagonism 
or  hostility  to  any  other  man  whose  name  is  mentioned  in  connection 
with  that  high  honor.  The  Republicans  of  Ohio  do  not  lack  appreciation 
for  Thomas  B.  Reed,  or  Levi  P.  Morton,  or  William  B.  Allison,  or 
Matthew  Stanley  Quay,  or  any  other  great  leader  who  has  been  men*, 
tioned  in  connection  with  that  great  honor.  On  the  contrary,  we  admire 
and  love  them  all,  and  if  the  St.  Louis  Convention  should  disappoint 
us,  and  give  its  honor  to  one  of  them,  we  here  and  now  pledge  to  him 
in  advance  the  electoral  vote  of  Ohio  by  the  largest  majority  ever  given 
in  the  history  of  the  State.  It  is  not  that  we  "love  Caesar  less,  but 
Rome  more."     (Loud  applause.) 

William  McKinley  is  our  own.  He  lives  here  in  Ohio,  and  always 
has  lived  here  in  our  midst.  He  is  our  friend,  our  neighbor,  our  fellow- 
citizen,  our  fellow  Republican.  Shoulder  to  shoulder  with  him  we  have 
been  fighting  the  battles  of  Republicanism  in  this  State  for  a  genera- 
tion. We  know  him  and  he  knows  us.  We  know  his  life,  his  character, 
his  public  services,  and  his  fitness  for  the  place  for  which  he  has  been 
named.  He  has  been  our  soldier  comrade,  our  Representative  in  Con- 
gress, our  Governor.  By  all  these  tokens  we  here  today  present  him  to 
the  Republicans  of  the  other  States  of  the  Union  as  our  choice,  and  ask 
them  to  make  him  theirs. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  remembered  that  he  is  identified 
with  all  that  is  good  and  great  and  grand  and  glorious  in  the  history 
of  Republicanism.  When  but  a  mere  boy,  answering  his  country's  call, 
he  shouldered  his  musket  and  marched  away  after  the  flag  to  the  music 
of  the  Union  to  make  a  record  for  gallantry  and  heroism  at  the  front 
on  the  battlefields  of  the  Republic.  Returning  and  entering  Congress 
he  was  soon  there  distinguished  for  his  eloquence  of  speech,  fidelity 
to  duty,  his  wise  and  conservative  judgment,  and  his  ever  patriotic 
and  conscientious  regard  for  the  rights  of  the  people. 

IX    COKTGRESS. 

The  year  1890  found  him  at  the  head  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Conir 
mittee  and  Leader  of  the  House.  In  that  position  it  fell  to  his  lot  to 
frame  and  secure  the  enactment  of  the  McKinley  law.  That  measure 
has  made  his  name  familiar  in  all  the  world  and  has  made  him  exceed- 


i 


f 


%^    //^^^^w^ 


CJujz::: 


O 


OUT    OF   OFFICE  469 

ingly  unpopular  in  almost  all  the  world  outside  of  the  United  States. 
But  it  has  correspondingly  endeared  him  to  his  countrymen.  Time  has 
vindicated  his  labor.  The  last  three  years  have  been  years  of  trial. 
They  have  been  years  of  Democratic  rule;  they  have  been  years  of 
education  for  the  American  people  in  the  school  of  practical  experience. 
As  a  result,  the  American  people  know  a  great  deal  more  about  the 
tariff  now  than  they  did  in  1892. 

Every  business  man  has  found  out  that  no  matter  what  kind  of 
business  he  may  be  engaged  in  the  tariff  has  a  close,  direct  relation  to 
him;  and  the  wage-worker  has  learned  that  his  prosperity  depends  on 
the  maintenance  of  a  protective  tariff  policy.  As  a  result,  in  every 
section,  in  every  State,  in  every  county,  in  every  municipality,  in  every 
-mill  and  mine  and  furnace,  forge  and  workshop,  everywhere  throughout 
all  this  broad  land  where  capital  is  invested  or  labor  is  employed,  Wil- 
liam McKinley  is  the  ideal  American  statesman,  the  typical  American 
leader,  and  the  veritable  American  idol.     (Cheering.) 

No  man  ever  in  public  life  in  this  country  enjoyed  such  universal 
popularity  as  is  his.  No  man  in  this  country  in  public  life  ever  com- 
manded, as  he  now  commands,  the  affection  of  the  great  mass  of  the 
voters  of  this  country.     (Applause.) 

Blameless  in  private  life  as  he  has  been  useful  and  illustrious  in 
public  life,  his  name,  in  our  judgment,  will  inspire  more  confidence, 
excite  more  enthusiasm,  and  give  greater  guaranty  of  success  than  any 
other  name  that  can  be  inscribed  on  the  Republican  banner.  As  the 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party  he  will  command  the  support  of  all 
classes  and  shades  of  Republicans,  and  at  the  same  time  command  also 
the  help  of  tens  of  thousands  of  patriotic  Democrats  in  every  State  of 
the  Union. 

All  who  believe  in  America,  all  who  believe  in  Americanism,  all  who 
believe  in  promoting  and  advancing  the  interests  of  America  at  home 
and  abroad  will  rally  to  his  support  and  help  him  tt)  plant  our  banner 
in  triumph  on  the  citadel  of  the  nation.  His  administration  will  be  a 
fit  rounding  out  of  the  glorious  achievements  of  the  nineteenth  century 
and  constitute  a  bright  and  inspiriting  chapter  with  which  to  commence 
the  record  of  the  second  era  of  Republican  rule. 

Under  his  administration  there  will  be  no  deficits,  no  more  bond 
issues  in  time  of  peace,  no  more  bond  syndicates,  no  more  trouble  about 
the  national  credit  or  the  national  currency,  no  more  "higgling"  about 
pensions  for  the  men  who  saved  this  Union,  and  no  hesitation  whatever, 
such  as  we  now  see  in  the  White  House,  in  demanding  and  securing 
for  the  United  States  her  rightful  place  and  consideration  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth.     (Applause.) 

Called  to  that  office,  he  will  fit  it  without  obligation  to  any  influence 
or  power  except  that  which  emanates  from  the  people  whom  he  will 
be  called  to  serve,  and  in  all  that  he  does  he  will  be  governed  by  that 
belief  upon  which  has  been  founded  and  run  his  whole  career — that  this 
government  is  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people. 

Other  States  are  declaring  for  him.  Ohio  cannot  lead  the  column; 
it  is  already  on  the  march.  All  we  can  do  is  to  join  the  procession. 
We  will  not  hesitate  longer  to  take  action  in  that  respect.  (Loud 
applause.) 


460  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  want  my  speech  here  today  to  be  short  enough  for  anybody  to  read 
it,  and  plain  enough  for  everybody  to  understand  it.  I  have  sounded, 
gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  the  keynote  of  this  occasion.  I  thank  you. 
(Long  continued  applause.) 

Of  this  speech  Major  McKinley  wrote  me  as  follows: 

Cakton,  O.,  March  9,  1896. 
Dear  Senator: — I  have  just  read  your  speech  as  temporary  Chairman 
of  the  State  Convention.  It  was  perfect — it  could  not  have  been  better. 
I  want  you  to  know  that  I  duly  and  fully  appreciate  it,  and  that  any 
words  which  I  could  employ  would  but  faintly  express  my  satisfaction. 
It  was  in  the  right  spirit,  admirable  in  phrase  and  will  do  much  good 
everywhere.     I  thank  you  most  heartily. 

With  best  wishes  for  you  always  and  with  cordial  regards  to  Mrs. 
Foraker,  in  which  Mrs.  McKinley  joins. 

Yours  very  sincerely, 
HoK.  J.  B.  FoRAKEB,  Wm.  McKikley. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

It  was  my  lot  to  publicly  speak  of  McKinley  formally 
and  at  lengtli  oftener,  perhaps,  than  anybody  else  did. 

First  I  nominated  him,  as  already  narrated,  for  Governor 
in  1891. 

On  the  occasion  just  mentioned  I  presented  his  name  for 
the  Presidency  directly  to  our  State  Convention,  and  through 
that  medium  to  the  Republicans  of  the  whole  United  States. 

Later,  at  his  request,  I  nominated  him  for  the  Presidency 
at  the  St.  Louis  Convention,  and  renominated  him  at  Phila- 
delphia in  1900. 

Later,  at  the  memorial  exercises  held  in  Music  Hall  in 
Cincinnati  on  the  19th  day  of  September,  1901,  I  carefully 
and  elaborately  reviewed  his  life  and  public  career. 

These  speeches  were  subsequently  compiled  and  published 
in  a  small  book  entitled  "Tributes  to  McKinley."  This 
book  is  in  a  number  of  the  large  public  libraries  of  the 
country.  For  this  reason  I  abstain  in  these  notes  from 
further  reference  to  them. 

Resuming   now   the   thread    of   events,    Major   McKinley 

next  wrote  me  as  follows : 

Canton,  O.,  April  7,  1896. 
Dear  Senator: — It  may  be  a  little  early,  but  I  think  none  too  early, 
to  write  you  my  wish  in  the  matter  of  the  presentation  of  my  name 
before  the  St.  Louis  Convention.     I  want  you  to  do  it.     Will  you?     I 


r 

WltUIAM   Mc   KiNLEV 


^'^^l^u^  #^lt*:>e^ 


£<(»  ^»  -»'*   'lOum^u 


OUT    OF    OFFICE  461 

need  not  say  to  you  that  your  compliance  with  this  request  will  be  very 
gratifying  to  me  and  greatly  appreciated. 

An  early  reply  will  oblige.  Your  friend, 

Wm.  McKinlet. 

Hon.   J.    B.    FOEAKEH, 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

In  response  to  an  affirmative  answer  from  me  he  next 
wrote  me  as  follows: 

Hon.  J.  B.  Foraker,  Canton,  O.,  April  14,  1896. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Foraker: — I  am  delighted  to  receive  yours  of  the  11th 
inst.,  and  thank  you  most  sincerely. 

I  will  be  very  glad  to  see  you  at  any  time  convenient  to  you.  Can't 
you  run  up  some  time?  Cordially, 

Wm.  McKinubt. 

I  was  not  able  to  visit  him  before  the  St.  Louis  Conven- 
tion, but  kept  him  advised  as  to  how  I  was  situated,  and  why 
it  was  impossible  for  me  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Croly  digresses  from  his  interesting  account  of  the 
achievements  of  Senator  Hanna  to  tell  us  of  the  character- 
istics of  some  of  the  men  he  finds  it  necessary  to  mention. 
In  one  place  he  tells  of  the  paucity  of  letters  and  telegrams 
from  McKinley  to  Hanna.     All  told — 

Only  about  a  score  of  letters  and  some  four  telegrams  .  .  .  and 
the  great  majority  of  th6se  are  trivial  in  character.  .  .  ,  Mr. 
McKinley  was  in  all  his  political  relations  an  extremely  wary  man. 
He  early  adopted  the  practice  of  not  committing  to  paper  any  asser- 
tions or  promises  which  might  subsequently  prove  to  be  embarrassing; 
and  even  in  the  case  of  important  conversations  over  the  telephone  he 
frequently  took  the  precaution  of  having  a  witness  at  his  end  of  the 
line.  It  is  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  any  letters  of  his  will  be  of 
much  assistance,  either  to  his  own  biographer  or  that  of  any  political 
associate  in  spite  of,  or  rather  because  of  the  fact,  that  McKinley  late 
in  his  life  wrote  too  many  of  his  letters  with  a  biographer  so  much 
in  mind.  All  important  matters  were  discussed  between  the  two  men 
in  private  conference.  .  .  .  Later  they  were  connected  by  a  special 
telephone  service. 

One  might  infer  from  these  comments  that  if  the  dicta- 
graph had  been  known  in  his  time,  McKinley  would  have 
supplied  himself  with  one  for  use  in  his  conferences.     How- 


46«  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

ever  that  may  be,  notwithstanding  what  Mr.  Croly  says, 
McKinley  did  not  seem  to  be  so  "wary"  with  me.  He  wrote 
me  as  frequently  as  there  was  occasion  and  in  a  way  that 
did  not  indicate  caution  or  wariness  in  his  expressions.  I 
have  already  quoted  a  number  of  his  letters.  I  might  have 
quoted  many  others  that  are  omitted  for  brevity's  sake. 

The  last  letter  I  received  from  him  before  starting  to 
St.  Louis  was  the  following: 

HoK.  J.  B.  FoaAKEB,  Cantok,  O.,  May  26th,  1896. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Forafcer  .-—Thinking  you  might  be  interested  in  it,  I 
send  you  copy  of  a  letter  containing  some  suggestions  in  connection 
with  the  platform  to  be  adopted  at  St.  Louis. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Wm.  McKinlet. 

This  note  and  the  "suggestions  in  connection  with  the 
platform"  were  brought  to  Cincinnati  and  there  delivered 
to  me  by  Hon.  J.  K.  Richards,  Attorney  General  of  Ohio 
during  McKinley's  administration  as  Governor,  and  later 
Solicitor  General  and  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  Ohio  by  appoint- 
ment of  President  McKinley. 

The  "suggestions"  were  of  a  very  important  character, 
as  will  be  more  fully  shown  in  another  connection  because 
of  their  relation  to  the  gold  plank  of  the  St.  Louis  platform, 
about  the  authorship  of  which  there  was  at  one  time  much 
controversy. 


/C    Kl  N  LEY 


i 


—  i^ /..*-/ i^t^-^ 


I 


C2u 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION  OF  1896. 

CHARLES  EMORY  SMITH  and  Murat  Halstead  trav- 
eled with  me  in  the  same  car  from  Cincinnati  to 
St.  Louis.  A  rather  amusing  incident  occurred  on  our 
arrival.  Before  we  reached  the  St.  Louis  station,  at  one  of 
our  stops  in  the  suburbs,  an  enterprising  reporter  for  one 
of  the  newspapers  of  that  city  boarded  our  car  and  proceeded 
to  interview  me  as  to  the  members  of  my  party.  When  I 
mentioned,  among  others,  the  names  of  Murat  Halstead  and 
Charles  Emory  Smith,  he  eagerly  asked  me  who  they  were. 
He  said  he  had  never  heard  of  either  of  these  gentlemen, 
and  seemed  reluctant  to  believe  me  when  I  told  him  of  their 
prominence  in  journalism  and  that  I  thought  as  a  newspaper 
man  I  should  not  be  required  to  furnish  him  biographical 
sketches  of  them. 

When  presently  it  dawned  upon  the  young  man  that  he 
ought  to  be  better  acquainted  with  the  distinguished  veterans 
of  his  own  craft,  he  showed  much  confusion  and  declined  to 
act  upon  my  suggestion  that  he  subject  them  to  an  interview. 

What  occurred  at  the  St.  Louis  Convention  is  familiar 
history,  which  I  shall  not  take  the  trouble  to  repeat,  but 
content  myself  with  giving  some  side  lights. 

The  Ohio  delegation  asked  me  to  serve  on  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions,  and  that  committee  made  me  Chairman,  and 
in  that  way  the  duty  again  devolved  upon  me  of  bearing 
the  chief  part  of  the  burden  connected  with  the  framing  of 
the  platform.  I  found  the  work  on  this  occasion  far  more 
difficult  than  it  was  at  Minneapolis.  In  1892  there  were  no 
serious  differences  among  Republicans  as  to  what  our  decla- 
rations should  be.  In  1896  there  was  an  irreparable  schism 
in  the  party  on  account  of  the  silver  question,  which  resulted 

463 


464  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

in  Senator  Teller  and  others  publicly  withdrawing  from  the 
Convention  when  our  platform  was  adopted. 

McKinley  and  most  of  his  immediate  friends  recommended 
that  we  insert  in  the  platform  a  declaration  that  would 
satisfy  the  free  silver  men  and  yet  not  offend  the  gold 
standard  men,  and,  succeeding  in  that,  bring  to  the  front 
the  protective  tariff  as  the  paramount  question  of  the  cam- 
paign, but  in  this  they  failed.  The  committee  used  as  far 
as  possible  the  unimportant  phrases  of  the  McKinley  reso- 
lution, but  so  modified  and  added  to  the  language  they  had 
employed  as  to  make  an  unequivocal  declaration  in  favor  of 
the  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard,  with  the  result  that 
the  tariff  question  was  relegated  to  a  secondary  place  and 
the  money  question  became  the  burning  issue  of  the  contest. 
This  was  a  new  subject  and  one  that  imparted  an  educa- 
tional feature  to  the  campaign  because  of  the  universal 
discussions  of  it  on  the  stump  and  in  the  newspapers. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Bryan  as  the  Democratic  can- 
didate and  the  vigorous  campaign  he  made  in  favor  of 
''free  silver"  accentuated  this  issue  and  made  its  importance 
vital. 

After  the  victory  had  been  won  there  arose  a  sharp  con- 
troversy as  to  who  was  entitled  to  credit  for  the  adoption 
of  the  gold  standard  plank.  A  great  many  claims  were  put 
forth  by  and  on  behalf  of  different  individuals.  I  took  no 
part  in  the  dispute  until  finally  a  claim  was  put  forth  that 
Mr.  Herman  H.  Kohlsaat  was  the  real  author.  I  had  been 
unfortunate  enough  to  have  his  ill-will  and  to  be  the  subject 
of  a  great  deal  of  caustic  and  disagreeable  criticism  in  the 
columns  of  his  newspaper.  His  claims  were  so  utterly  with- 
out foundation,  according  to  the  facts  as  I  knew  and  under- 
stood them,  that  I  felt  it  a  duty,  in  the  discharge  of  which 
I  took  some  pleasure,  to  write  and  publish  the  history  of 
this  plank  and  its  adoption.  Inasmuch  as  it  relates  to  the 
most  important  platform  declaration  made  by  the  Repub- 
lican Party  since  the  reconstruction  period,  and  because 
except  only  the  nomination  of  the  candidate  it  was  by  all 
pdds^themost  important  action  taken  by  that  Convention, 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       465 

I   insert   it   here  in   full,   not  because   of  tlie   controversial, 
but  because  of  its  historical  character. 

THE  GOLD  PLANK 

Of  the  National  Republican  Platform  of  1896 — 
The  Story  of  Its  Adoption. 

In  The  Metropolitan  for  September  is  an  article  written 
by  William  Eugene  Lewis,  in  which,  speaking  of  Mr.  H.  H. 
Kohlsaat,  it  is  stated  that 

"Mr.  Kohlsaat  drafted  the  gold  plank  of  the  Republican  platform" 
(of  1896)  .  .  .  "Mr.  Kohlsaat  perceived  that  the  fight  would  be  on 
finance  and  nothing  could  be  gained  by  evasion.  He  presented  the 
resolution  to  the  committee  and  insisted  upon  its  incorporation  in  the 
platform.  He  placed  strong  political  friendships  in  peril,  for  men  as  close 
and  even  closer  to  the  candidate  than  he — if  any  more  intimate  rela- 
tions could  exist  than  those  between  the  editor  and  the  candidate — 
were  emphatically  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  the  part  of  unwisdom  to 
declare  for  gold  coinage.  They  were  overcome,  and  the  rest  is  known. 
The  editor  had  guessed  right." 

I  have  seen  substantially  this  same  statement  several  times 
repeated,  and  have  never  seen  any  denial  of  it.  Mr.  Lewis 
has  no  doubt  repeated  it  in  perfect  good  faith,  believing, 
and  in  the  absence  of  denial  he  had  a  right  to  believe  it  to 
be  strictly  true.  Nevertheless  it  is  untrue.  Mr.  Kohlsaat 
necessarily  knows  this,  and,  being  the  editor  of  a  newsp^-per, 
has  good  facilities  for  contradicting  it,  but  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  he  has  not  done  so. 

If  the  subject  is  worth  discussing  at  all,  in  the  interest 
of  true  history,  and  for  fear  Mr.  Kohlsaat  may  be  misled 
by  apparent  acquiescence  into  the  belief  that  nobody  knows 
any  better,  and  that  after  all  he  probably  did  something  of 
the  kind  narrated,  the  truth  should  be  made  known  by 
somebody. 

I  had  opportunity  to  know  what  occurred  and  all  that 
occurred  before  or  in  connection  with  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions  of  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1896, 
for  I  was  not  only  a  member  of  the  committee,  but  I  was 
Chairman  of  both  the  Committee  that  reported  the  platform 
apd  t.h£  aub-committee  that  framed  it.      I  was  present  and 


466  JOSEPH   BENSON   FORAKER 

presided  at  all  the  meetings  of  both  the  Committee  and  sub- 
committee when  the  platform  or  any  part  of  it  was  under 
consideration,  and  necessarily  knew  everything  that  tran- 
spired. Besides,  I  have  a  complete,  stenographically  kept 
record  of  all  that  occurred,  showing  all  communications  to 
the  Committee  and  the  sub-committee,  and  showing  the 
appearance  of  all  persons  who  came  before  these  committees 
or  either  of  them,  and  what  they  appeared  for.  There  is 
no  mention  of  Mr.  Kohlsaat  in  the  record,  and  every  member 
of  the  Committee  who  has  any  recollection  on  the  subject 
knows  that  he  never  appeared  before  the  Committee  or  the 
sub-committee  in  any  connection  or  for  any  purpose  what- 
ever. More  than  that,  so  far  as  I  can  now  recall,  his  name 
was  never  mentioned  by  any  member  of  either  Committee  in 
connection  with  the  platform  or  any  proposition  in  it. 
There  were  a  great  many  "financial  planks"  and  resolutions 
on  the  "money  question"  sent  to  the  Committee,  and  brought 
to  the  Committee,  and  in  one  way  or  another  presented  to 
the  Committee  for  consideration,  but  not  one  was  identified 
in  any  way  whatever  with  Mr.  Kohlsaat  or  his  name.  I  have 
still  in  my  possession  every  such  resolution,  all  properly 
labeled,  but  none  of  them  bears  his  name  or  any  endorsement 
that  has  reference  to  him.  This  should  be  enough  to  dispose 
of  that  part  of  the  statement  which  credits  Mr.  Kohlsaat 
with  "presenting  the  resolution  that  was  adopted  to  the 
committee  and  insisting  upon  its  adoption." 

That  Mr.  Kohlsaat  favored  some  such  plank  as  was 
adopted  I  do  not  doubt,  but  if  so,  he  was  but  in  harmony 
with  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  leading  Republicans  of  the 
country  outside  of  the  so-called  free  silver  States;  and  that 
he  may  have  at  some  time,  or  in  some  manner,  or  for  some- 
body else's  benefit,  prepared  a  resolution  of  some  kind  is 
probably  also  true.  It  would  have  been  strange  if  he  had 
not,  for  the  preparation  of  financial  planks  for  that  platform 
was  very  commonly  indulged  in  shortly  before  and  about 
the  time  of  the  Convention  by  Republicans  all  over  the 
country.  Such  resolutions  were  then  being  adopted  by  the 
different  State  Conventions ;  they  were  being  discussed  by  the 


i 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       467i 

newspapers  and  the  people  generally.  Not  only  those  who 
took  an  active  part  in  politics,  but  business  and  professional 
men  who  had  no  thought  of  attending  any  Convention,  were 
giving  expression  to  their  ideas  and  striving  to  acceptably 
formulate  them.  The  great  number  of  these  resolutions 
that  were  sent  to  the  Committee,  and  which  I  still  have  in 
my  possession,  show  all  this.  They  show  more  than  this. 
They  show  that  outside  of  the  silver  States,  among  the  lead- 
ing Republicans  of  the  country,  there  was  an  overwhelming 
sentiment  in  favor  of  an  unequivocal  declaration  in  favor  of 
maintaining  the  existing  gold  standard  and  opposing  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.  Almost  every  resolu- 
tion on  the  subject  that  came  to  the  Committee  was,  in  effect, 
of  this  character,  though  many  of  them  were  objectionable 
because  of  their  prolixity  or  phraseology. 

So  that  if  Mr.  Kohlsaat  had  prepared  such  a  resolution 
and  presented  it  to  the  Committee,  he  would  have  been  only 
acting  in  harmony  with  the  leading  men  of  his  party  all 
over  the  country.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  he  did  find 
some  people  "close  to  the  candidate"  who  were  disposed  to 
be  more  conservative  with  respect  to  such  a  declaration 
than  the  Republicans  of  the  country  generally  were,  and  it 
is  possible  that  his  controversy  with  them  was  such  as  to 
strain  relations  and  "imperil  political  friendships."  If  so, 
Mr.  Kohlsaat  should  be  allowed  full  credit  for  what  he 
may  have  done  in  this  regard,  but  to  enable  us  to  judge 
rightly  he  ought  to  tell  us  all  about  it. 

To  recur  now  to  the  authorship  of  the  plank  that  was 
adopted  a  few  days  before  I  started  to  St.  Louis,  the 
Honorable  J.  K.  Richards,  now  Solicitor  General  of  the 
United  States,  then  ex-Attorney  General  of  Ohio,  and  an 
intimate,  personal  and  political  friend  of  President  McKin- 
ley,  called  upon  me  at  Cincinnati,  coming  directly  from 
Canton,  where  he  had  been  given  some  resolutions  in  regard 
to  the  money  and  tariff  questions,  which  had  been  prepared 
by  the  friends  of  President  McKinley  with  his  approval, 
and  which  it  was  desired  I  should  take  charge  of  in  view 
of  my  probable  membership  of  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions,   with    a    view    to   having   them    incorporated    in    the 


468  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

platform.      They    have    never    been    out    of    my    possession 
from  then  until  now,  and  are  as  follows: 

The  Republican  Party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It  is 
unalterably  opposed  to  every  effort  to  debase  our  currency  or  disturb  our 
credit.  It  resumed  specie  payments  in  1879,  and  since  then  it  has  made 
and  kept  every  doUar  as  good  as  gold.  This  it  will  continue  to  do,  main- 
taining aU  the  money  of  the  United  States,  whether  gold,  silver  or  paper, 
at  par  with  the  best  money  of  the  world  and  up  to  the  standard  of  the 
most  enlightened  governments. 

The  Republican  Party  favors  the  use  of  silver  along  with  gold  to 
the  fullest  extent  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  the  parity  of  the 
two  metals.  It  would  welcome  bimetallism  based  upon  an  international 
ratio,  but  until  that  can  be  secured  it  is  the  plain  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  maintain  our  present  standard,  and  we  are  therefore  opposed 
under  existing  conditions  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
at  sixteen  to  one. 

The  importance  at  all  times  of  sound  money  can  not  be  overstated, 
but  of  paramount  importance  today  is  the  restoration  of  prosperity 
through  a  return  to  the  American  policy  of  protection.  Our  money 
today  is  sound;  the  people  are  satisfied  with  its  soundness,  but  they 
are  not  satisfied  either  with  the  condition  of  the  country  or  the  condi- 
tion of  the  national  treasury. 

Unmindful  of  the  lessons  of  experience,  the  present  Democratic 
administration  inaugurated  a  policy  looking  toward  ultimate  free  trade, 
which  has  deranged  business,  depleted  our  revenues,  crippled  our  indus- 
tries and  dealt  labor  a  serious  blow.  With  deplorable  incompetency 
it  has  failed  to  raise  revenue  enough  to  run  the  Government,  and  has 
had  to  borrow,  in  the  last  three  years,  $200,000,000,  mainly  to  pay 
ordinary  running  expenses,  selling  in  secret  to  favored  foreign  syndi- 
cates the  bonds  of  the  Government  at  prices  far  below  their  actual 
value. 

It  is  time  to  return  to  the  policy  of  better  (and  happier)  days. 
The  Republican  Party  believes  that  the  income  of  the  Government 
should  equal  its  necessary  and  proper  expenditures.  It  does  not  believe 
in  deficits  or  the  issue  of  interest-bearing  bonds  in  time  of  peace.  It 
believes  that  our  work  should  be  done  at  home  and  not  abroad,  and  to 
that  end  renews  its  devotion  to  the  principles  of  a  protective  tariff, 
which,  while  providing  adequate  revenue  for  the  uses  of  the  Govern- 
ment, shall  restore  American  wages  and  American  production,  and  serve 
the  highest  interests  of  American  labor  and  American  development. 

When,  a  few  days  later,  I  went  to  St.  Louis,  I  traveled 
with  the  Honorable  Charles  Emory  Smith,  now  Postmaster- 
General,  and  Mr.  Murat  Halstead.  I  showed  them  the 
resolutions  on  the  train,  and  we  were  all  of  the  opinion  that, 
while  they  contained  much  that  was  good,  they  should  be 
more  concise,  more  explicit,  and  not  seek  to  make  the  tariff 
question    "paramount,"    and    that    if    adopted    they    should 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       469 

first  be  corrected  accordingly.  Mr.  Smith  had  made  a 
rough  draft  of  the  material  parts  of  a  platform,  including 
a  money  plank.  He  read  it  to  Mr.  Halstead  and  myself, 
and,  after  going  over  it,  we  were  of  the  opinion  that, 
reserving  the  financial  part  for  further  consideration,  with 
very  few  unimportant  changes,  it  would  be  well  to  adopt 
what  he  had  written.     His  money  plank  read  as  follows: 

Public  and  private  credit,  business  safety  and  confidence,  the  worth 
of  wages  and  the  honor  and  security  of  all  commercial  intercourse 
depend  upon  a  standard  of  value  and  a  sound  and  stable  currency.  A 
debasement  of  the  standard  and  consequent  depreciation  of  the  currency 
destroys  faith,  robs  labor,  drives  away  capital,  increases  the  rates  of 
interest,  burdens  the  borrower,  paralyzes  enterprise  and  inflicts  incal- 
culable injury  upon  all  except  the  money  changers.  Gold,  silver  and 
convertible  paper,  with  every  dollar  of  every  kind  constantly  exchange- 
able and  equivalent  to  every  other  dollar,  constitutes  our  established 
currency.  We  favor  the  use  of  silver  to  the  extent  at  which  its  parity 
with  gold  can  be  maintained;  but  we  are  opposed  to  the  free,  unlimited 
and  independent  coinage  of  silver  and  to  any  change  in  the  existing 
gold  standard  except  by  international  agreement. 

I  presented  all  that  he  furnished  to  the  sub-committee, 
and  with  very  slight  changes  the  sub-committee  adopted 
what  he  wrote  until  the  money  plank  was  reached.  In  this 
way  it  came  about  that  substantially  the  entire  platform 
down  to  the  money  plank  was  the  work  of  Mr.  Smith. 

On  my  arrival  at  St.  Louis  I  consulted  with  Senator 
Hanna  and  other  friends  of  the  President  with  regard  to 
the  financial  plank.  I  explained  to  them  the  objections 
that  had  been  made  to  the  resolutions  that  had  been  given 
me  by  Mr.  Richards,  and  told  them  also  that  there  was 
some  objection  to  the  prominence  the  resolutions  gave  to 
bimetallism.  Senator  Hanna  said  they  would  give  the 
matter  further  consideration  and  advise  with  me  later. 
A  day  or  two  afterward  he  handed  me  the  following, 
which  was  his  last  expression  on  the  subject  before  the 
committee  acted,  so  far  as  I  was  informed: 

The  Republican  Party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It  is  unal- 
terably opposed  to  every  effort  to  debase  our  currency  or  disturb  our 
credit.  It  resumed  specie  payments  in  1879,  and  since  then  has  made 
and  kept  every  dollar  as  good  as  gold.  It  will  continue  to  maintain 
all  the  money  of  the  United  States,  whether  coin  or  paper,  at  par  with 


470  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

the  best  money  of  the  world,  and  always  equal  to  the  standard  of  its 
most  enlightened  governments. 

It  favors  the  use  of  as  much  silver  for  currency  as  possible,  con- 
sistent with  maintaining  the  parity  of  gold  and  silver. 

It  would  welcome  international  bimetallism;  but  until  an  international 
agreement  as  to  silver  coinage  is  secured  it  is  the  plain  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  maintain  our  present  standard;  and  we  are,  therefore,  under 
present  conditions,  opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
at  sixteeen  to  one. 

The  money  of  the  United  States  in  circulation  today  is  absolutely 
sound.  The  people  are  satisfied  with  its  soundness;  but  they  are  not 
satisfied  with  either  the  condition  of  the  national  treasury  or  the  indus- 
trial condition  of  the  country. 

The  Treasury  of  the  United  States  is  deficient,  except  as  it  is  sup- 
plied by  loans,  and  the  people  are  suflFering  because  there  is  scanty 
demand  either  for  their  labor  or  the  products  of  their  labor.  Here  is 
the  fundamental  trouble,  the  remedy  for  which  is  Republican  opportu- 
nity and  duty.  We  must  first  of  all  supply  enough  money  to  run  the  Gov- 
ernment and  meet  its  increasing  needs.  We  must  stop  loans  and  the 
issue  of  interest-bearing  bonds  to  meet  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
Government,  which  has  inevitably  attended  the  unfortunate  tariff  policy, 
adopted  by  the  present  administration. 

The  income  of  the  Government  must  equal  its  necessary  and  proper 
expenditures. 

It  is  another  plain  duty  of  the  people,  and  their  manifest  purpose 
from  which  nothing  will  divert  them,  to  return  to  the  American  policy 
of  protection,  which  has  always  encouraged  American  production  and 
afforded  employment  to  American  labor  at  American  wages. 

The  Republican  Party  believes  that  our  work  should  be  done  at  home 
and  not  abroad,  and  to  that  end  renews  its  devotion  to  the  principles 
of  a  protective  tariff,  which,  while  supplying  adequate  revenue  for  the 
uses  of  the  Government,  promotes  and  defends  American  skill  and 
enterprise  and  gives  to  labor  its  highest  reward. 

These  and  the  Richards  resolutions  were  both  framed  and 
submitted  by  the  men  "close  to  the  candidate,"  and  it  must 
have  been  in  controversy  over  them  that  "the  editor  placed 
his  strong  political  friendships  in  peril,"  if  indeed  any 
such  thing  occurred  at  all. 

But  however  that  may  be,  it  will  be  observed  that  the 
^'revised  edition"  differed  but  very  little  from  the  original 
and  that  the  real  objections  had  not  been  obviated,  from 
which  it  follows  that  the  "close  friends"  were  not  "over- 
come," and  that  "the  editor  placed  his  political  friendships 
in  peril"  without  avail  instead  of  successfully. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing,  as  I  have  already  said,  many 
resolutions  and  suggestions  on  this  subject  were  sent  to  the 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       471 

Committee.     As  a  sample  of  them,  and  to  show  what  the 
general  sentiment  was,  I  quote  only  a  very  few. 

General  Grosvenor  submitted  the  following,  which  he  said 
he  had  secured  from  Senator  Sherman  as  his  (Sherman's) 
idea  of  what  should  be  adopted : 

We  are  in  favor  of  sound  money  composed  of  gold  and  silver  coins, 
and  of  notes  of  the  United  States  carefully  limited  in  amount  redeem- 
able in  coin  on  demand,  and  of  notes  of  national  banks  fully  secured 
by  bonds  of  the  United  States  and  redeemable  in  coin  on  demand  at 
their  counters,  and  that  both  coin  and  notes  shall  be  equal  in  purchas- 
ing power,  it  being  the  established  policy  of  the  United  States  to  main- 
tain the  parity  of  the  coins  of  the  two  metals  upon  the  legal  ratio  or 
such  ratio  as  may  be  provided  by  law,  and  that  all  paper  money,  whether 
issued  by  the  United  States  or  by  national  banks,  shall  be  of  equal 
value  to  coin  and  be  redeemable  in  coin. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  by  the  mints 
of  the  United  States  for  the  benefit  of  and  on  the  demand  of  the 
holders  of  silver  bullion.  When  needed  for  coinage  silver  bullion  should 
be  bought  by  the  United  States  at  its  market  value  and  coined  at  the 
legal  ratio  and  maintained  as  now  at  par  with  gold.  The  wide  disparity 
of  the  market  value  of  the  two  metals  from  the  legal  ratio  of  coinage 
is  such  that  the  free  coinage  of  silver  for  personal  profit  would  demon- 
etize gold,  would  establish  silver  bullion  as  the  sole  standard  of  value, 
impair  the  obligations  of  existing  contracts,  violate  the  public  faith 
pledged  in  the  bonds  of  the  United  States,  and  would  strike  a  disastrous 
blow  at  the  purchasing  power  of  the  wages  of  labor  and  of  all  the 
employments  of  life.  We  believe  that  the  American  people  will  respond 
to  the  demand  that  our  country  will  keep  its  faith  inviolate,  and  will 
co-operate  with  the  principal  nations  of  the  world  to  secure  a  ratio 
between  silver  and  gold  based  upon  commercial  values. 

At  the  same  time  General  Grosvenor,  to  supply  an  argu- 
ment in  answer  to  the  objections  that  were  being  made  in 
some  quarters  to  any  declaration  favoring  international 
bimetallism,  handed  me  a  copy  of  the  following: 

Telegram  to  the  Bimetallist  Meeting  in  London,  1894. 
We  desire  to  express  our  cordial  sympathy  with  the  movement  to 
promote  the  restoration  of  silver  by  international  agreement,  in  aid 
of  which  we  understand  a  meeting  is  to  be  held  tomorrow,  under  your 
Lordship's  presidency.  We  believe  that  the  free  coinage  of  both  gold 
and  silver  by  international  agreement  at  a  fixed  ratio  would  secure  to 
mankind  the  blessings  of  a  sufficient  volume  of  metallic  money,  and, 
what  is  hardly  less  important,  would  secure  to  the  world  of  trade 
immunity  from  violent  exchange  fluctuations.  (Signed),  John  Sherman, 
William  B.  Allison,  D.  W.  Voorhees,  H.  C.  Lodge,  G.  F.  Hoar,  N.  W. 
Aldrich,  D.  B.  Hill,  E.  Murphy,  C.  S.  Brice,  O.  H.  Piatt,  A.  P.  Gorman, 
W.  P.  Frye,  C.  K.  Davis,  S.  M.  Cullom,  J.  M.  Gary. 


i7S  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Governor  Cheney  of  New  Hampshire,  submitted  the 
following : 

We  are  firm  and  emphatic  in  our  demand  for  honest  money.  We  are 
unalterably  opposed  to  any  scheme  or  measure  wliich  threatens  to  debase 
our  currency.  We  favor  the  use  of  silver  as  currency,  but  only  to  such 
extent  and  under  such  regulations  as  will  enable  us  to  maintain  our 
present  standard  of  values  and  the  parity  of  all  our  money.  We  are 
emphatically  opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  unless 
by  international  agreement. 

Mr.  Moore,  member  of  the  Committee  from  Oregon, 
offered  this,  which  I  think  had  been  adopted  by  the  Oregon 
Republican  State  Convention: 

The  Republican  Party  has  always  been  the  advocate  of  honest  money ; 
it  points  with  pride  to  its  financial  record  during  the  greenback  move- 
ment. It  was  opposed  to  greenback  inflation  then;  it  is  opposed  to 
silver  inflation  now.  We  believe  that  every  dollar  issued  by  the  Govern- 
ment should  have  the  same  purchasing  power  as  every  other  dollar. 
We  are,  therefore,  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of  the  present  gold  stand- 
ard, and,  except  through  international  agreement,  we  are  opposed  to 
the  free  or  unlimited  coinage  of  silver. 

Col.  L.  P.  Tarlton,  a  delegate  from  Kentucky,  offered 
the  following: 

We  are  opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the 
ratio  of  16  to  1,  or  at  any  other  ratio,  unless  by  international  agreement 
with  the  other  great  commercial  nations;  and  therefore  we  demand 
that  the  existing  gold  standard  of  value  be  maintained,  believing  that 
the  industrial  interests  of  our  people  require  that  all  exchanges  in  trade 
and  the  wages  of  labor  should  be  based  upon  and  paid  in  the  money 
having  the  greatest  intrinsic  value  and  of  the  highest  standard  in  the 
markets  of  the  world;  at  the  same  time  we  favor  the  use  of  silver  in 
our  currency  to  the  extent  only  and  under  such  regulations  that  its 
parity  with  gold  shall  be  maintained. 

Senator  Chandler  offered  the  following  section  of  the 
statutes : 

And  it  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  policy  of  the  United  States  to 
continue  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  standard  money,  and  to  coin 
both  gold  and  silver  into  money  of  equal  intrinsic  and  exchangeable 
value,  such  equality  to  be  secured  through  international  agreement,  or 
by  such  safeguards  of  legislation  as  will  insure  the  maintenance  of  the 
parity  in  value  of  the  coins  of  the  two  metals,  and  the  equal  power  of 
every  dollar  at  all  times  in  the  markets  and  in  the  payment  of  debts* 
And  it  is  hereby  further  declared  that  the  efforts  of  the  Government 
should  be  steadily  directed  to  the  establishment  of  such  a  safe  system 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       473 

of  bimetallism  as  will  maintain  at  all  times  the  equal  power  of  every 
dollar  coined  or  issued  by  the  United  States  in  the  markets  and  in  the 
payment  of  debts. 

Approved  November  1,  1893. 

General    James    H.     Wilson    of    Delaware,    offered    the 

following : 

We  are  emphatic  in  our  demands  for  sound  money  on  the  gold 
standard  of  value;  we  favor  the  use  of  both  silver  and  paper  money, 
but  to  such  extent  only  and  under  such  legislation  as  will  surely  main- 
tain them  at  a  parity  with  gold ;  and  we  are  opposed  to  the  free,  unlim- 
ited and  independent  coinage  of  silver. 

George  William  Ballou  sent  the  following  telegram  from 
New  York: 

Governor  Foraker,  June  14,  1896. 

Republican  Headquarters,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
At  a  conference  here  today,  it  was  resolved  to  send  you  the  folFowing 
for  money  plank:  "That  the  money  of  our  country  should  be  sustained 
and  perpetuated  upon  as  sound  a  basis  as  the  money  of  the  other  great 
commercial  nations  and  until  such  time  as  we  can  secure  the  co-opera- 
tion of  those  nations,  or  sufficient  of  them,  to  establish  and  uphold  the 
free  coinage  of  silver  at  16  to  1  or  upon  any  reasonable  basis,  the  existing 
gold  standard  should  be  firmly  maintained,  so  that  at  all  times  the  inter- 
changeable value  of  every  dollar  issued  by  our  Government,  whether  it 
be  gold,  silver  or  paper,  shall  be  equal,  and  with  surplus  revenues  pro- 
vided for  the  Government  in  the  future  such  equal  interchangeable  cur- 
rency values  can  be  as  readily  preserved  as  they  have  been^  under  like 
circumstances,  in  the  past." 

Hon.  Joseph  H.  Walker  of  Massachusetts,  Chairman  of 
the  House  Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency,  suggested 
the  following: 

We  hereby  pledge  the  Republican  Party  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
present  policy  and  practice  of  bimetallism  in  its  only  practical  form,  to 
secure  the  use  of  gold  and  silver  as  money  at  a  parity  and  as  bimetallism 
is  now  maintained  in  this  country,  in  Germany,  in  France  and  in  other 
leading  nations. 

That  each  coin  and  paper  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer  for  his  product, 
to  the  wage  worker  for  his  labor,  and  to  all  others,  shall  be  kept  at  a 
parity  with  every  other  dollar. 

We  are  therefore  determinedly  opposed  to  the  destroying  of  bimetal- 
lism and  the  establishment  of  a  silver  monometallism  that  would 
inevitably  result  from  guaranteeing  to  silver  free  and  unlimited  coinage, 
excepting  it  be  done  in  compliance  with  international  agreement. 

Wherefore  we  call  upon  every  citizen.  North,  South,  East  and  West, 
to  rally  under  the  flag  of  our  common  country  to  preserve  the  honest 
dollar,  to  secure  a  fair  day's  pay  for  a  fair  day's  work  to  every  citizen 


474  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

in  the  American  system  of  protection,  as  indispensable  to  tlic  welfare 
of  the  farmer,  the  wage  worker,  and  to  all  others;  and  all  other  ques- 
tions being  subsidiary  to  these  two. 

We  hereby  relegate  their  decision  to  the  respective  congressional 
districts  throughout  the  various   States. 

Not  by  any  means  the  least  influential  of  all  we  received 
in  helping  us  to  the  conclusion  reached  was  the  following : 

New  York,  June  16,  1896. 

The  Chairman  Republican  National  Convention,  Convention  Hall,  8t. 
Louis,  Mo.: — The  undersigned  respectfully  request  you  to  submit  the 
following  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  of  your  honorable  conven- 
tion. The  German-American  Sound  Money  League,  consisting  of  mem- 
bers of  both  parties,  was  organized  to  ascertain  the  attitude  of  the 
German-Americans  in  regard  to  the  money  question.  The  replies 
received  from  all  over  the  United  States  justify  the  league  in  making  the 
following  statement: 

First.  That  of  the  five  hundred  and  eighty-one  German-American 
newspapers  which  discuss  politics,  five  hundred  and  one  are  in  favor  of 
the  present  gold  standard,  thirty-seven  for  bimetallism,  or  free  coinage 
of  silver,  and  forty-three  are  doubtful.  A  majority  of  the  newspapers 
from  which  answers  have  been  received  are  published  west  of  the  AUc- 
ghenies. 

Second.  That  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  German-American  voters  regard 
the  money  question  "as  the  most  important  issue  in  this  campaign.** 

Third.  That  they  will  support  only  that  party  which  in  its  platform 
declares  itself  unequivocally  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of  the  present 
gold  standard;  and  they  will  not  vote  for  a  Presidential  candidate  who 
by  his  letter  of  acceptance  does  not  pledge  himself  to  stand  by  his 
declaration.  The  party  which  will  declare  emphatically  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  gold  standard,  will  command  a  large  majority  of  the 
German  votes,  regardless  of  the  party  afiiliations. 

For  the  German-American  Sound  Money  League: 

Oswald  Ottendohfee,  Jacob  H.  Schitp, 

William  Steinwat,  Theodore  Sutro, 

Carl  Schurz,  George  F.  Victor, 

GusTAv  H.  Schwab,  John  F.  Deoener, 

Louis  Windmullkr,  Charles  C.  Wehrum, 

Edward  Grosse,  Dr.  Charles  FREmRiCH, 

Ewald  Fleitmak,  Herman  RmoER. 
Louis  F.  Dommerich, 

If  I  may  be  permitted  to  speak  of  my  own  action,  I 
submitted  the  following: 

We  believe  in  international  bimetallism  and  are  opposed  to  the  free 
and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  until  by  an  international  agreement  we 
can  secure  the  maintenance  of  its  parity  with  gold,  and  pledge  ourselves 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       475 

until  bimetallism  can  be  thus   secured  to  maintain   the  existing  gold 
standard. 

Regarding  it   as   in   effect  an   equivalent,   I   also   offered 

the  following: 

We  believe  in  bimetallism,  and  arc  opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  until  an  international  agreement  can  be  secured,  and 
pledge  ourselves  in  the  meanwhile  to  maintain  the  existing  monetary 
standard,  with  the  use  of  silver,  to  the  full  extent  that  its  parity  can  be 
maintained  with  gold. 

And  so  I  might  give  scores  of  other  contributions,  all  to 
the  same  effect,  but  I  have  quoted  enough,  and  they 
sufficiently  represent  the  different  sections  of  the  country 
to  show  that  all  wisdom  with  respect  to  this  matter  was  not 
confined  to  one  lone  man  in  Chicago,  but  that  there  was,  on 
the  contrary,  a  common  trend  of  overwhelming  sentiment  in 
favor  of  an  unequivocal  declaration  against  free  coinage  of 
silver  and  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard. 
When  at  one  time  during  the  deliberations  of  the  Com- 
mittee it  was  reported  that  a  strenuous  effort  would  be 
made  to  omit  the  use  of  the  word  "gold"  and  declare  only 
for  a  maintenance  of  the  "existing  standard,"  Mr.  Lauter- 
bach  of  New  York,  and  Senator  Lodge  of  Massachusetts, 
both  announced  that  if  the  Committee  should  take  such 
action,  they  would  make  a  minority  report  and  carry  the 
fight  into  the  Convention.  Others  made  similar  declarations, 
but  I  remember  these  two  particularly  because  of  their 
earnestness  and  the  weight  their  declarations  carried.  It 
was  not  necessary  for  them,  however,  to  make  such  a  decla- 
ration because  there  was  never  at  any  time  trouble  on  this 
point  so  far  as  the  Committee  or  sub-committee  was  con- 
cerned. This  was  early  shown  by  the  result  of  a  poll  of 
the  Committee  with  respect  to  this  question  published  in  the 
Chicago  papers  immediately  after  the  Committee  was 
appointed,  as  follows: 

Committee  oif  Resolutions. 

This  is  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  as  elected  by  the  States.  The 
list  shows  how  they  stand  on  the  currency  question  as  far  as  it  could  be 
secured: 

Alabama — H.  V.  Cashin,  existing  standard. 

Arkansas — John  McClure,  gold. 


476  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

California — Allen  B.  Lemmon,  16  to  1  free  coinage. 

Colorado — Senator  Teller,  16  to  1  free  coinage. 

Connecticut — Sam.  Fessenden,  existing  gold  standard. 

Delaware — J.  E.  Addicks,  gold. 

Florida— J.  W.  Archibald,  gold. 

Georgia — Not  settled.    Existing  standard. 

Idaho — Fred.  T.  Du  Boise,  16  to  1  free  coinage. 

Illinois— -R.  W.  Patterson,  existing  gold  standard. 

Indiana — General  Lew  Wallace,  gold. 

Iowa — John  H.  Gear, . 


Kansas — C.  A.  Swinson,  . 

Kentucky — Leslie  Coombs,  gold. 

Louisiana — H.  C.  Warmouth,  sound  money. 

Maine — Amos  L.  Allen,  gold. 

Maryland — James  A.  Gary,  gold. 

Massachusetts — Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  existing  gold  standard. 

Michigan — Mark  S.  Brewer,  sound  money. 

Minnesota^Ex-Governor  William  R.  Merriam,  gold. 

Mississippi — Wesley  Crayton,  . 

Missouri — Hon.  F.  G.  Niedringhaus,  sound  money. 

Montana — Charles  Hartman,  free  coinage. 

Nebraska — Peter  Jensen,  existing  standard. 

Nevada — A.  C.  Cleveland,  16  to  1  free  coinage. 

New  Hampshire — Frank  S.  Streeter,  gold. 

New  Jersey — Frank  Bergen,  gold. 

New  York — Edward  Lauterbach,  gold. 

North  Carolina — M.  L.  Mott,  sound  money. 

North  Dakota — Alex.  Hughes,  existing  standard. 

Ohio — J.  B.  Foraker,  existing  standard. 

Oregon — Charles  S.  Moore,  gold. 

Pennsylvania — Smedley  Darlington,  gold. 

Rhode  Island — Walter  A.  Read,  gold. 

South  Carolina — C.  M.  Wilder,  present  standard. 

South  Dakota— Gold. 

Tennessee — Not  settled.    Sound  money. 

Texas— Not  settled.    Gold. 

Utah — F.  J.  Cannon,  free  silver. 

Vermont — Dr.  H.  D.  Haton,  gold. 

Virginia — J.  D.  Brady,  sound  money. 

Washington — A.  F.  Burleigh,  gold. 

West  Virginia — F.  M.  Reynolds,  gold. 

Wisconsin — R.  M.  La  FoUette,  gold. 

Wyoming — B.  F.  Fowler,  silver. 

Tehritories. 

Arizona ,  . 

New  Mexico — John  S.  Clark, . 

Oklahoma ,  . 

Indian  Territory — J.  P.  Grady,  gold. 
District  of  Columbia— Not  settled.     Gold. 
Alaska— Not  settled.    Gold. 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       477 

The  first  action  of  the  Committee  was  to  appoint  a  sub- 
committee of  nine  members,  of  which  the  chairman  should 
be  ex-officio  one  and  the  chairman,  for  the  purpose  of  fram- 
ing a  first  draft  of  a  platform,  to  which  sub-committee  all 
resolutions  offered  should  be  referred.  This  sub-committee 
consisted  of  Senator  Lodge,  Senator  Teller,  Governor  Mer- 
riam  of  Minnesota;  Mr.  Fessenden  of  Connecticut;  Gov- 
ernor Warmouth  of  Louisiana;  Mr.  Lauterbach  of  New 
York;  Mr.  Burleigh  of  Washington;  Mr.  Patterson  of 
Illinois,  and  the  chairman.  All  resolutions  and  communica- 
tions to  which  I  have  referred  were  submitted  to  it  when 
the  money  question  was  reached  for  consideration.  Senator 
Teller  offered  the  following  as  a  substitute  for  all  of  them: 

The  Republican  Party  favors  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  equal 
standard  money,  and  pledges  its  power  to  secure  the  free,  unrestricted 
and  independent  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our  mints  at  the  ratio 
of  sixteen  parts  of  silver  to  one  of  gold. 

After  giving  consideration  to  all  that  was  offered,  and 
after  hearing  all  that  Senator  Teller  desired  to  say  in 
support  of,  his  proposition,  the  sub-committee  rejected 
Senator  Teller's  proposition  and  a  number  of  substitutes 
that  he  offered  by  a  vote  of  eight  to  one,  and  decided  not 
to  accept,  in  totidem  verbis,  anything  that  had  been  placed 
before  it,  but  to  use,  as  far  as  it  could,  the  Richards-Hanna 
resolutions  because  of  their  origin,  making  them  more  con- 
cise, however,  and  supplementing  what  was  thus  adopted  by 
a  more  explicit  statement  with  respect  to  the  gold  standard 
and  omitting  the  declaration  that  the  tariff  was  "para- 
mount." Various  members  of  the  Committee  prepared  drafts 
intended  to  meet  this  purpose.  Out  of  the  whole  of  them 
they  finally  evolved  and  adopted  the  following: 

The  Republican  Party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It  caused  the      v  V 
enactment  of  the  law  providing  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments 
in  1879,  since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good  as  gold. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated  to  debase 
our  currency  or  impair  the  credit  of  our  country.  We  are,  therefore, 
opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  except  by  international  agreement  ^ 
with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  and  until  such  agree- 
ment can  be  obtained  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be  preserved. 
All  our  silver  and  paper  currency  now  in  circulation  must  be  maintained 


478  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

at  parity  with  gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to  maintain 
inviolably  the  obligations  of  the  United  States,  and  ail  our  money, 
whether  coins  or  paper,  at  the  present  standard,  the  standard  of  the 
most  enlightened  nations  of  the  world. 

After  this  resolution  had  been  adopted  in  this  form,  and 
before  the  adjournment  of  the  sub-committee,  it  was  sug- 
gested and  finally  agreed  that  it  should  be  amended  by 
inserting  after  "international  agreement"  the  words,  "which 
we  pledge  ourselves  to  promote,"  as  they  are  now  found  in 
the  resolution,  and  they  were  accordingly  interlined  in  lead 
pencil  by  Senator  Lodge.  Afterward,  when  the  resolution 
was  reported  to  the  Committee,  the  words  "now  in  circu- 
lation," occurring  as  above,  were  stricken  out  on  the  motion 
of  Mr.  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin. 

In   this    amended   form   the    plank   was    adopted    by    the 
V    Committee    and    reported    to    the    Convention    and    by    it 
incorporated  in  the  platform. 

The  truth  is  that  the  framing  of  this  plank  was,  like 
the  doing  of  most  such  things,  not  the  work  of  any  one 
man,  but  a  mere  expression  of  a  common  sentiment,  in 
arriving  at  which  all  aided  to  whom  the  duty  of  formulating 
an  expression  had  been  assigned. 

The  subject  was  attracting  general  attention,  and  at  such 
a  time,  with  respect  to  such  a  subject,  all  intelligent  and 
informed  men  will  have  views  and  are  likely  to  formulate 
them,  especially  when  called  upon  to  take  important  action 
with  regard  thereto.  The  great  silver  debate  in  the  Senate 
that  preceded  the  Convention  of  1896  had  set  the  whole 
country  to  thinking  and  talking.  The  daily  discussions  of 
the  newspapers  were  educating  the  people,  and  it  was  every- 
where felt  by  the  masses,  as  well  as  among  the  leaders,  that 
the  platform  of  1896  must  contain  a  more  explicit  decla- 
ration against  free  silver,  and  in  favor  of  the  maintenance 
of  the  gold  standard,  than  the  Republican  Party  had 
theretofore  made;  and  therefore  when  the  committee  met  at 
St.  Louis  it  was  found  that  there  was  practically  no  differ- 
ence of  opinion  as  to  what  should  be  done,  but  only  differ- 
ences as  to  the  language  that  should  be  employed.  The 
work  of  the  Committee  was  but  a  work  of  phraseology  more 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       479 

than  anything  else,  and  because  there  was  such  a  variety 
of  phrases  and  statements  presented,  and  so  many  members 
of  the  Committee  to  agree,  the  work  was  less  perfectly  done 
as  a  work  of  phraseology  or  rhetoric  than  it  probably  would 
have  been  done  had  any  one  of  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee been  allowed  to  prepare  the  plank  on  his  own  respon- 
sibility and  without  interference  or  help. 

But  however  that  may  be,  it  must  be  manifest  that 
either  Mr.  Kohlsaat  wrote  the  Richards-Hanna  resolutions, 
which  were  adopted  only  in  part,  and  that  part  not  very 
important,  and  which  did  not  explicitly  enough  declare  for 
a  maintenance  of  the  existing  gold  standard  to  satisfy  the 
Committee,  or  else  he  must  have  written,  in  the  name  of 
somebody  else,  that  part  of  the  plank  that  was  adopted 
which  was  not  taken  from  the  Richards-Hanna  resolutions. 
Every  member  of  the  sub-committee  knows  he  did  not  do, 
and  could  not  have  done  anything  of  the  kind,  for  that  part 
of  the  plank  was  framed,  to  the  personal  knowledge  of  each 
member  of  the  sub-committee  itself,  from  what  had  been 
submitted  to  it  by  others,  and  from  what  all  its  members 
knew  was  required  to  meet  public  sentiment,  and  was  only 
what  all,  except  Senator  Teller,,  were  anxious  to  say  and 
would  have  said  had  they  acted  solely  upon  their  own 
judgment  without  the  help  of  outside  advice  or  suggestion. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  claims  of  Mr.  Kohlsaat  to 
greatness  and  the  gratitude  of  his  countrymen  rest  upon 
something  more  substantial  than  the  story  that  he  was  the 
author  of  the  gold  plank  of  the  Republican  platform  of 
1896;  and  it  is  especially  to  be  hoped  that  his  acquiescence, 
not  to  say  complicity,  in  the  claim  that  has  been  made  for 
him  in  this  regard  is  not  to  be  taken  as  a  measure  of  the 
virtues  of  that  truly  remarkable  man. 

Respectfully, 

J.   B.   FORAKER. 

Cincinnati,   Ohio,   September  21,  1899. 

This  article  on  the  gold  plank  prompted  a  great  many 
people  to  write  me  words  of  congratulation  on  account  of  it. 


480  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Most  of  the  letters  I  received  contained  references  to  Mr. 
Kohlsaat,  who  was  at  one  time  connected  in  some  way  with 
a  bakery,  that  were  so  unkind,  impolite  and  harsh  as  to  be 
unprintable  without  the  risk  of  giving  him  offense,  but  I 
received  some  of  mild  character  in  that  respect,  to  which  he 
would  probably  take  no  exception,  one  of  which  is  the 
following : 

Las  Ceuces,  N.  M.,  12-6-9. 
Dear  Governor: — I  am  glad  you  slit  the  gullet  of  that  d d  pastry- 
cook.    His  gall  is  insufferable. 

Yours, 
Senator  J.  B.  Foraker,  John  J.  Inoalls. 

Washington. 

But  in  addition  to  the  notice  taken  of  the  article  by  indi- 
viduals in  the  form  of  letters,  the  newspapers  got  into  a 
general  discussion  of  the  whole  subject,  which  continued 
through  several  months.  No  one  of  these  papers,  however, 
except  only  Mr.  Kohlsaat's,  undertook,  so  far  as  I  can 
recall,  to  defend  his  claims  to  authorship,  or  ascribed  to 
him  any  special  credit  in  connection  therewith. 

Most  of  the  discussion  was  as  to  the  claims  of  others  to 
credit  for  what  they  had  done  to  help,  who  were  not  men- 
tioned in  my  article.  Among  these  Senator  Piatt  of  New 
York,  was  prominently  named  as  one  entitled,  as  I  have  no 
doubt  he  was,  to  special  credit  for  what  he  did,  not  before 
the  Committee,  for  he  did  not  appear  there,  but  in  confer- 
ence with  Senator  Hanna  and  others. 

While  this  discussion  was  at  its  height,  December  23, 
1899,  William  E.  Curtis,  a  well-known  newspaper  man, 
whose  word  no  one  knowing  him  would  question,  then  living 
in  Washington,  called  at  my  residence  and  gave  me  the 
following  history  of  the  gold  plank,  dictated,  as  he  informed 
me,  by  the  Honorable  Myron  T.  Herrick,  at  the  date  and 
in  the  presence  of  the  gentlemen  mentioned  in  the  headlines 
of  the  article. 

I  did  not  at  that  time  have  occasion  to  make  any  use  of 
it,  but  I  think  it  due  to  history  that  I  should  here  give  it 
a  place.  Therefore,  I  insert  it,  headlines  and  all,  precisely 
as  Mr.  Curtis  gave  it  to  me. 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       481 

HISTORY  OF  THE  FINANCIAL  PLANK  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN 
PLATFORM,  1896. 

Statement  Dictated  by  Mybon  T.  Herrick,  President,  Societt  fou 
Savings,  Cleveland,  Ohio,  March  2,  1897. 

In  the  Presence  op  J.  W.  McClymonds  and  Charles  M.  Russell, 
OP  Massillon,  Ohio. 

The  financial  plank  of  the  Republican  platform  at  St.  I^ouis  was 
originally  drawn  by  Major  McKinley  himself,  and  was  handed  to  me 
by  him  one  Sunday  afternoon  about  three  weeks  before  the  Convention. 
As  I  do  not  have  my  copy  with  me,  I  cannot  quote  the  exact  language, 
but  you  will  find  in  it  the  expression,  "We  favor  the  present  standard 
of  money,"  and  it  pledges  the  Republican  Party  "to  make  every  dollar 
as  good  as  gold."  The  Governor  and  I  discussed  it  all  that  Sunday 
afternoon,  and  before  I  left  Canton  he  had  his  secretary  make  two 
copies,  one  of  which  he  gave  to  me  and  the  other  he  asked  me  to  hand 
to  Mr.  Hanna.  He  desired  us  to  confer  with  the  right  sort  of  people 
about  them,  which  we  did,  and  they  were  very  generally  approved  by 
everyone  I  showed  them  to.  We  carried  them  to  St.  Louis  with  us  and. 
I  gave  Senator  Proctor  a  copy.  Soon  after  we  arrived  in  St.  Louis 
Mr.  Hanna,  Mr.  Payne  of  Wisconsin,  and  myself  discussed  Governor 
McKinley's  plank  at  the  dining  table  in  the  Southern  Hotel  while  we 
were  eating  supper  one  evening,  and  we  unanimously  agreed  to  strike 
out  the  words,  "sixteen  to  one,"  so  that  it  would  pledge  the  party  to 
oppose  the  free  coinage  of  silver  on  any  basis  whatever,  sixteeen  to  one 
or  thirty-two  to  one,  and  as  amended  it  simply  read,  "We  are  opposed 
to  the  free  coinage  of  silver." 

I  made  it  my  business  to  gather  in  as  many  Republican  leaders  a§ 
possible  and  get  their  approval  of  this  plank.  My  rooms  were  filled 
with  people  from  morning  to  night,  and  that  was  the  general  topic  of 
discussion.  It  was  my  business  to  see  that  the  financial  plank  repre- 
sented the  views  of  Governor  McKinley.  Several  propositions  were 
submitted  by  various  people  and  it  was  on  Friday  before  the  Conven- 
tion met,  I  think,  that  we  called  a  conference  to  consider  them.  Senator 
Proctor,  Henry  C.  Payne  of  Wisconsin,  and  ex-Governor  Merriam  of 
Minnesota,  came  to  my  room  by  appointment.  No  other  person  was 
invited.  We  examined  all  the  propositions  that  had  been  suggested, 
and  we  agreed  unanimously  that  the  plank  which  Governor  McKinley 
prepared  was  the  best.  There  were  three  forms  of  expressing  the  same 
idea.  Each  of  them  contained  the  word  "gold,"  and  at  my  request 
Judge  Sanders  of  Cleveland,  telegraphed  them  to  Governor  McKinley 
over  our  private  wire  and  asked  which  he  preferred.  We  did  not  receive 
his  reply  until  the  next  morning,  when  he  informed  us  that  either  expres- 
sion would  be  satisfactory,  but  he  preferred  his  own;  and  it  was  finally 
adopted  and  appears  in  the  platform  as  he  wrote  it. 

While  we  were  consulting,  Mr.  Kohlsaat  of  Chicago,  came  in;  not  by 
invitation,  but  by  accident.  We  were  very  glad  to  see  him  and  told 
him  what  we  had  decided  upon.  He  said  that  Governor  McKinley  had 
shown  him  the  plank  several  weeks  before  at  Canton  and  it  suited  hiln 


482  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

exactly.  Mr.  Kohlsaat,  however,  did  not  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
framing  of  the  language,  and  if  he  made  any  suggestions  or  amendments 
they  were  not  adopted.  As  we  were  breaking  up,  Mr.  Kohlsaat  sug- 
gested that  we  give  the  plank  to  the  Associated  Press.  Everybody  pres- 
ent objected  on  the  ground  that  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  might  be 
offended  and  reject  it.  I  recollect  saying  that  if  I  were  a  member  of 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions  I  would  consider  it  an  impertinence,  and 
as  we  separated  it  was  understood  that  the  resolution  was  not  to  be 
given  out.  We  were,  therefore,  very  much  surprised  when  we  found 
it  in  all  the  morning  papers  with  Mr.  Kohlsaat's  portrait,  and  that  he 
was  given  the  credit  of  the  authorship.  I  called  Mr.  Kohlsaat  to  account 
and  told  him  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  a  violation  of  confidence  which 
could  not  have  been  an  accident  or  inadvertence,  because  he  had  heard 
everyone  in  the  conference  express  his  objections  to  having  the  plank 
published  until  it  had  been  accepted  by  the  Resolution  Committee.  At 
first  he  tried  to  bluff  me  off  by  saying  that  we  had  simply  objected  to 
giving  it  to  the  Associated  Press,  but  had  said  nothing  about  the  St. 
Louis  newspapers.  Finally  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  taken  the 
responsibility  in  spite  of  our  objections  because  he  believed  the  publica- 
tion was  important  and  necessary  to  stimulate  public  confidence  in 
Governor  McKinley,  and  that  such  announcement  would  remove  all 
doubt  of  his  nomination.  This  explanation  was  not  satisfactory,  and 
Mr.  Payne,  Governor  Merriam  and  myself  prepared  a  statement  of 
facts  at  the  room  of  Governor  Merriam  at  the  St.  Nicholas  Hotel,  which 
we  intended  to  give  to  the  newspapers.  This  statement  was  very  severe 
upon  Mr.  Kohlsaat,  as  it  represented  him  as  not  only  violating  our  con- 
fidence, but  claiming  credit  that  did  not  belong  to  him.  When  Mr. 
Kohlsaat's  friends  found  out  that  this  statement  had  been  prepared  they 
persuaded  us  to  suppress  it,  and  I  am  glad  that  we  did  so,  because  it 
might  have  produced  unfortunate  dissensions  among  Governor  McKin- 
ley's  friends.  The  only  newspaper  men  who  received  copies  so  far  as 
I  know  were  William  E.  Curtis,  of  the  Chicago  Record,  and  M.  P. 
Handy,  of  Mr.  Kohlsaat's  paper. 

Mr.  Kohlsaat  has  always  represented  to  me  that  he  had  never  claimed 
the  credit  of  writing  the  financial  plank,  and  that  the  honor  has  been 
thrust  upon  him,  although  he  knows  perfectly  well  that  I  know  differ- 
ently. When  a  sketch  of  his  life  appeared  in  the  Review  of  Reviews, 
written  by  Walter  Wellman,  his  Washington  correspondent,  he  wrote 
me  a  letter  of  apology,  representing  that  Mr.  Wellman  had  made  the 
publication  without  consulting  him,  and  had  claimed  for  him  the  author"- 
ship  of  the  gold  plank  without  his  authority  or  approval.  I  have  not 
noticed,  however,  that  Mr.  Kohlsaat  has  ever  made  a  public  denial  of 
Mr.  Wellman's  statements. 


In  addition  to  the  money  plank,  there  were  a  number  of 
other  declarations  in  the  St.  Louis  platform,  in  the  framing 
and  adoption  of  which  I  took  an  active  part  and  a  special 
interest.      These   declarations   had   reference   to   a   merchant 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       483 

marine,  the  independence  of  Cuba,  the  annexation  of 
Hawaii,  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  the  Nicaragua  Canal, 
and  were  as  follows: 

Hawah  and  the  Nicaragua^  Canal. — Our  foreign  policy  should  be 
at  all  times  firm,  vigorous  and  dignified,  and  all  our  interests  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere  carefully  watched  and  guarded.  The  Hawaiian 
Islands  should  be  controlled  by  the  United  States ;  and  no  foreign  power 
should  be  permitted  to  interfere  with  them ;  the  Nicaraguan  Canal  should 
be  built,  owned  and  operated  by  the  United  States ;  and  by  the  purchase 
of  the  Danish  Islands  we  should  secure  a  proper  and  much-needed  naval 
station  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  Monboe  Doctrine. — We  reassert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its  full 
extent,  and  we  reaffirm  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  give  the  doctrine 
effect  by  responding  to  the  appeals  of  any  American  State  for  friendly 
intervention  in  case  of  European  encroachment.  We  have  not  inter- 
fered with,  and  shall  not  interfere  with,  the  existing  possessions  of  any 
European  power  in  this  hemisphere,  but  those  possessions  must  not,  om 
any  pretext,  be  extended.  We  hopefully  look  forward  to  the  eventual 
withdrawal  of  European  powers  from  this  hemisphere  and  to  the  ultimate 
union  of  all  the  English-speaking  part  of  the  continent  by  the  free  con- 
sent of  its  inhabitants. 

The  Independence  of  Cuba. — From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own 
independence  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  regarded  with  sym- 
pathy the  struggles  of  other  American  people  to  free  themselves  from 
European  domination.  We  watch  with  deep  and  abiding  interest  the 
heroic  battle  of  the  Cuban  patriots  against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and 
our  best  hopes  go  out  for  the  full  success  of  their  determined  contest 
for  liberty.  The  Government  of  Spain  having  lost  control  of  Cuba,  and 
being  unable  to  protect  the  property  or  lives  of  resident  Anjerican  citi- 
zens, or  to  comply  with  its  treaty  obligations,  we  believe  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  should  actively  use  its  influence  and  good 
offices  to  restore  peace  and  give  independence  to  the  Island. 

Oua  Merchant  Marine. — We  favor  restoring  the  early  American 
policy  of  disttriminating  duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  merchant 
marine  and  the  protection  of  our  shipping  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade, 
so  that  American  ships — the  product  of  American  labor,  employed  in 
American  ship  yards,  sailing  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  manned, 
officered,  and  owned  by  Americans — may  regain  the  carrying  of  our 
foreign  commerce. 

These  declarations  were  all  in  exact  accord  with  some 
remarks  I  made  at  a  banquet  on  the  22nd  day  of  February, 
1896,  given  by  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati  in  honor  of  my 
election  to  the  Senate. 

I  quote  from  the  speech  made  on  that  occasion  as  follows: 

The  time  has  come  when  there  is  an  emphatic  demand  for  a  wise, 
broad,  patriotic,  progressive,  aggressive  American  statesmanship.     (Ap- 


484  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

plause.)  I  do  not  like  the  idea  of  our  being  unable  to  step  out  at  either 
our  front  door  or  back  door,  on  the  Atlantic  or  the  Pacific  side,  without 
seeing  England's  flag  floating  from  all  the  islands  that  meet  our  view, 
with  her  guns  pointing  wheresoever  she  will.  When  the  Sandwich  Islands 
vv;]  come  knocking  at  the  door  with  a  republican  form  of  government  and 
the  American  flag,  I  say  let  them  in.  (Applause.)  When  a  civilized 
country  turns  civilized  war  into  barbarism,  as  Spain  is  doing  in  Cuba, 
I  say,  in  the  name  of  this  republic,  and  in  the  name  of  republican  insti- 
tutions everywhere,  as  well  as  in  the  name  of  civilization  and  Christian- 
ity, it  is  our  mission  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  (Great  applause.)  And  if  as 
a  result  the  Stars  and  Stripes  should  come  to  float  over  that  island,  it 
would  be  no  bad  acquisition.     (Applause.) 

I  want  to  see  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  recently  so  much  talked  about, 
upheld  and  enforced  against  all  the  world.  (Applause.)  And  I  shall 
stand  by  the  administration  that  stands  for  America,  be  that  administra- 
tion Republican  or  Democratic.     (Applause.) 

I  want  to  see  our  merchant  marine  restored.  (Applause.)  There 
was  a  time  when  our  merchant  marine  was  the  pride  of  every  American. 
It  is  today  but  a  mortification  to  us  all.  We  once  carried  ninety  per 
cent,  of  our  foreign  trade  in  American  bottoms,  under  the  American 
flag.  We  now  carry  less  than  thirteen  per  cent.  We  are  paying  out 
annually  more  than  $160,000,000  in  gold  to  foreign  ships  for  transporta- 
tion of  freights  and  passengers.  The  time  has  come  to  remedy  that. 
The  way  to  remedy  it  is  not  with  subsidies  and  bounties,  but  by  going 
back  to  the  first  principles  practiced  by  George  Washington  and  the 
founders  of  this  Republic  when  they  applied  the  principles  of  protec- 
tion to  the  water  as  well  as  to  the  land.     (Applause.) 

I  want  to  see  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  provide  that  the  fifty 
per  cent,  or  more  of  imports  that  come  into  our  country  free  of  duty 
shall  come  in  free,  provided  they  come  in  American  bottoms  and  under 
the  American  flag.  (Applause.)  I  want  to  see  it  provided  that  the 
dutiable  goods  brought  in  American  ships  shall  be  allowed  a  rebate  on 
that  account.     (Applause.) 

And  when  we  make  these  new  reciprocity  treaties,  which  we  hope  to 
make  soon  in  the  future,  I  want  to  see  incorporated  in  every  one  of 
them  a  provision  that  the  goods  mentioned  in  the  reciprocity  treaty 
shall  have  the  benefits  of  that  provision,  provided  they  are  carried  in  the 
ships  of  the  reciprocating  countries.  (Great  applause.)  When  that  shall 
be  done,  as  done  it  can  and  should  be,  there  will  no  longer  be  an  elbow- 
ing by  Great  Britain  of  the  American  marine  off  the  waters  of  the  globe. 
(Applause.) 

Shipbuilding  will  revive,  and  once  again  the  flag  of  the  United  States 
will  be  seen  floating  in  all  the  channels  of  trade  and  commerce.  (Ap- 
plause.) And  then  after  that  will  follow  easily  and  naturally  what  we 
should  have  had  ere  this,  an  American  navy  able  to  protect  us,  let  come 
what  may.  (Applause.)  When  Mr.  Cleveland  sent  to  Congress  his 
Venezuelan  message  it  had  more  good  results  than  one.  One  of  its  good 
results  was  to  impress  the  American  people  with  our  defenseless  situa- 
tion.   We  should  realize  that  the  great  wars  of  the  future,  if  there  be 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       485 

any  at  all,  With  which  we  are  concerned,  are  far  more  likely  to  be  on 
the  water  than  on  the  land.  We  should  order  accordingly.  It  is  a 
patriotic  duty  to  do  it. 

Th«i  there  is  another  thing.  I  do  not  want  to  stop  to  discuss  all 
these  things,  but  I  read  in  the  newspapers  this  morning  just  what  I  have 
been  expecting  for  a  long  time.  I  read,  as  you  probably  did,  that  in  the 
City  of  New  York  there  was  yesterday  tendered  by  Europeans,  the 
capital  to  build  the  Nicaragua  Canal.  Unless  the  United  States  of 
America  build  that  canal  somebody  else  will  build  it.  (Voice  of  "That's 
so.'*)     The  commerce  of  the  world  demands  it. 

People  will  not  any  longer  be  content  sailing  ships  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific  Coast,  to  go  ten  thousand  miles  out  of  the  way  around 
the  Horn,  through  tempestuous  seas  and  inclement  seasons.  Every  sug- 
gestion of  patriotism  commends  us  to  do  that  work.  (Applause.)  I 
want  to  see  the  United  States  build  it,  and  own  it,  and  control  it. 
(Applause.)  Without  any  co-partnership  with  anybody,  and  without 
any  other  nation  having  any  other  right  with  respect  to  it,  except  only 
the  right  to  use  it  for  peaceful  purposes,  on  payment  of  such  tolls  as  we 
may  see  fit  to  levy.     (Applause.) 

I  had  previously  and  repeatedly  expressed  these  same 
views  in  public  speeches.  No  one  knew  better  than  Gov- 
ernor McKinley  what  I  thought  with  respect  to  all  these 
matters  at  the  time  when  he  urged  me  to  attend  the 
Convention  that  nominated  him,  and  assist  in  the  work  of 
making  a  platform. 

Everybody  else  had  the  same  knowledge.  I  do  not  men- 
tion this  because  my  views  were  peculiar,  for  they  were  not; 
they  were  entertained  generally  by  the  great  majority  of 
Republicans.  They  are  mentioned  only  to  show  that  every- 
body had  full  notice  that  if  I  lived  to  take  my  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  Cuba,  Hawaii,  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
an  American  navy  and  merchant  marine,  and  an  interoceanic 
canal  owned  by  us  exclusively,  and  controlled  by  us  exclu- 
sively, would  each  and  all  have  there  an  unqualified  friend 
and  champion  to  the  extent  of  whatever  ability  I  mi^ht  have. 

No  one  had  any  right,  therefore,  to  challenge  my  motives 
and  charge  me  with  unfriendly  feeling  for  the  adminis- 
tration when,  one  after  another,  all  these  questions  arose  in 
the  Senate  and  pressed  for  consideration  and  settlement, 
and  I  in  connection  therewith  unwaveringly  adhered  to  the 
policies  I  had  time  and  again  outlined  with  respect  to  them 


486  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

in  the  same  general  way  In  which  I  had  spoken  at  the 
banquet,  and  had  taken  particular  pains  to  pledge  the  party 
to  in  the  platform  on  which  we  had  come  into  power.  But 
of  all  this  when  I  get  to  it. 

Going  back  to  the  Convention:  When  Ohio  was  reached 
on  the  call  of  the  States  for  the  nomination  of  candidates, 
I  presented  the  name  of  Governor  McKinley,  and  he  was 
nominated  on  the  first  ballot. 

What  occurred  at  St.  Louis  is  history  with  which  all  who 
read  the  daily  papers  at  that  time,  or  who  have  read  the 
record- of  the  official  proceedings  of  the  Convention,  are 
familiar.  But  what  happened  at  Canton  in  the  little  group 
of  the  family  and  immediate  friends  who  surrounded  the 
nominee  in  the  hour  of  his  triumph  is  not  so  well  known, 
and  yet  it  is  even  more  interesting,  because  it  adds  a  touch 
of  nature  to  the  majestic  formality  with  which  the  excited 
and  surging  assemblage  took  the  first  step  in  the  making 
of  a  new  chief  magistrate  for  the  nation. 

A  newspaper  man  who  was  present  wrote  the  account 
from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

When  it  was  announced  that  the  nominating  speeches  were  about 
to  be  made,  the  Major  took  his  seat  in  a  heavy  arm  chair,  beside  his 
working  desk,  with  a  pad  of  paper  in  his  left  hand  and  a  pencil  in  his 
right.  Behind  him  was  the  telephone  apparatus  with  an  expert,  con- 
nected direct  with  the  Convention  Hall.  Thus  there  were  three  avenues 
of  lightning  line  service  between  the  Major's  office  and  the  Convention 
Hall — the  Postal  and  Western  Union,  and  the  Long  Distance  telephone. 

The  Major's  face  ^as  grave.  There  were  deep  fires  in  his  eyes,  and 
his  intellectual  pallor,  always  noticeable,  now  gave  his  features  the  stern 
grace  of  carved  marble.  It  is  a  fancy  founded  on  fact  that  Major 
McKinley  looks  like  Napoleon,  but  today  he  looked  marvelously  like 
Daniel  Webster.    ... 

Suddenly  there  came  word  almost  at  the  same  moment  through  the 
three  wires,  that  Ohio  had  been  called  and  that  Foraker  was  making 
his  way  to  the  platform  and  was  received  with  tremendous  cheering; 
also  that  the  hall  was  flooded  with  sunshine,  welcoming  the  soldier-boy 
son  of  Ohio,  about  to  nominate  another  soldier-boy  and  son  of  the  modern 
mother  of  Presidents.  The  two  boy-soldiers  were  famous  ex-Governors 
of  their  State. 

The  word  came  in  a  moment  that  Foraker  was  about  to  speak. 
McKinley  was  asked  whether  Foraker's  speech  was  probably  prepared, 
and  the  Major  said  it  was  not,  he  supposed,  written,  but  Foraker  knew 


REPUBLICAN    CONVENTION    OF    1896       487 

very  well  the  main  things  he  was  about  to  say,  and  was  a  keen,  brilliant 
man,  who  knew  how  to  make  the  best  of  the  opportunities  on  the  spot. 
The  occasion  for  the  inquiry  as  to  the  preparation  Foraker  had  made 
was  that  one  of  the  correspondents  present  had  seen  several  of  the 
nominating  speeches  in  type  and  gave  interesting  information  as  to  their 
length  and  character. 

The  young  ladies  in  the  parlor  across  the  hall  from  the  ofl&ce  had 
a  look  in  which  glee  and  distress  were  comically  mingled,  and  the  Major 
walked  up  to  them,  saying  with  gayety,  "Are  you  young  ladies  getting 
anxious  about  this  affair?" 

They  admitted  that  they  were  really  nervous.  The  Major  reassured 
them,  and  took  his  big  chair,  placing  his  silk  hat  on  an  adjacent  table, 
and  relapsing  into  meditation.  For  a  minute  his  pale,  fixed  features 
showed  he  was  thinking,  perhaps  as  much  of  the  far-off  past  as  of  the 
near  and  rising  future,  and  no  one  disturbed  his  day-dream.  This  was 
just  as  Foraker  was  waiting  for  the  storm  of  applause  that  greeted 
him  to  subside,  so  as  to  be  allowed  to  go  on  with  his  speech. 

It  was  3:21  o'clock  according  to  all  the  watches  in  the  Major's  room, 
when  word  came  that  at  that  moment  Foraker  pronounced .  the  name 
of  McKinley,  and  then  came  the  tornado  of  applause,  which  lasted  for 
nearly  half  an  hour.  There  was  a  pause  at  our  end  of  the  wire,  and 
the  Major  joined  in  the  exchange  of  recollections  with  the  veterans 
about  the  contests  in  cheering  that  distinguished  the  Convention  of  1880 
at  Chicago,  between  the  supporters  of  Grant  and  those  of  Blaine — ^the 
most  celebrated  of  all  the  contests  in  cheering. 

The  Major  stepped  to  the  telephone  and  listened  to  the  roar  of  the 
Convention  at  St.  Louis.  He  heard  it  distinctly,  and  following  his 
example,  we  could  make  out  a  vast  tumult,  struck  through  with  shrill 
notes.    It  was  like  a  storm  at  sea  with  wild,  fitful  shrieks  of  wind. 

As  time  passed,  and  Foraker  could  not  still  the  tempest  he  had 
raised,  some  one  said  he  might  not  be  able  to  regain  the  thread  of  his 
speech,  and  the  Major  remarked  it  was  hard  on  a  speaker  to  be  held 
up  in  that  way — it  was  like  stopping  a  race  horse  in  full  career.  But 
the  Major  said  Foraker  would  come  out  of  such  a  scene  in  triumph, 
and  referred  with  warm  admiration  to  his  "gem  of  a  speech"  at  the  late 
Republican  Convention.     .     .     . 

The  message  came,  "Foraker  is  trying  to  resume  his  speech,"  and  at 
this  there  was  a  smile.  In  another  minute  the  telephone  expert  repeated 
Foraker's  words  about  McKinley  when  he  resumed,  "You  seem  to  have 
heard  the  name  of  my  candidate  before." 

"Ah,"  said  the  Major,  "that  is  like  him.  He  knows  what  he  is  doing, 
and  is  all  right.     The  interruption  will  not  shake  his  speech."     .     .    . 

Suddenly  the  silence  was  abruptly  broken  by  the  announcement: 
"Alabama,  18  for  McKinley." 

Then  figures  came  thick  and  fast,  and  challenges  followed  of  the 
votes  of  several  States. 

Two  or  three  present  did  not  know  what  that  meant,  and  the  Major, 
clearly  and  carefully,  with  perfect  command  of  every  point  raised, 
stated  the  situation. 


488  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

**But  why,"  the  question  was  asked,  "do  they  challenge  the  votes  of 
States  whose  votes  are  not  contested?" 

"It  is  necessary,"  the  Major  explained,  "that  gentlemen  should  go 
upon  the  record  iif  they  care  to  do  so;  and,"  he  added,  "there  are  dis- 
putes between  the  delegates  and  the  chairmen  of  the  delegates  who 
announce  the  figures  and  it  can  only  be  settled  by  polling  the  vote  of  the 
State." 

The  voice  of  the  Major  was  not  heard,  a  profound  silence  ensued, 
when  the  telephone  gave  forth,  "the  Alabama  vote  sustained."  The 
Major  smiled,  and  then,  as  the  votes  for  him  swelled  into  hundreds,  he 
kept  the  count  without  a  change  of  countenance — not  even  when  the  Ohio 
man  next  to  him  said:  "The  Ohio  vote,  now  to  be  thrown  in  two  or  three 
minutes,  will  nominate  you  with  a  margin  of  a  dozen,  and  that  will 
please  Ohio." 

The  "recording  angel,  in  the  guise  of  a  beautiful  young  lady  in  the 
hall,  claimed  that  the  Major's  vote  was  more  than  it  had  been  repre- 
sented, and  he  quickly  responded:  "Be  careful  what  you  claim.  We 
must  have  a  fair  count."    ... 

The  Ohio  man  next  him  threw  down  his  pencil,  saying:  "There,  that 
settles  it;  no  more  figures  for  me." 

The  Major  looked  up  with  an  air  of  curiosity,  saying:  "Why  are  you 
no  longer  interested?" 

The  reply  was:  "Because  the  thing  is  done;  let  the  boys  cipher.  The 
majority  will  be  big  enough.  Major,  I  congratulate  you.  God  bless 
you  and  give  you  all  good  gifts;  and  now  you  have  just  a  quarter  of 
a  minute,  before  you  are  mobbed,  to  greet  your  wife  and  mother." 

He  quickly  crossed  the  hall  to  the  parlor,  crowded  with  ladies;  and, 
as  his  wife  and  mother  were  seated  side  by  side,  stooped  low  to  kiss 
them  and  clasp  their  eager  hands,  the  wife  responding  with  a  bright 
smile  and  a  sweet  exaltation  in  her  eyes,  as  he  told  her  that  the  vote  of 
Ohio  had  given  him  the  nomination;  and  the  grand  old  mother,  placing 
a  trembling  hand  on  her  son's  neck,  and  her  eyes  streaming  with  tears, 
brighter  even  than  smiles,  whispered  to  her  illustrious  boy  some  holy 
words  for  him  alone. 

At  this  moment  the  bells  rang,  the  whistles  blew,  the  cannon  thun- 
dered, and  beautiful  Canton  went  stark,  gloriously  mad.  The  city,  under 
a  strong  pressure,  had  kept  quiet.  There  was  a  determination  that 
there  would  be  nothing  done  prematurely.  Now  the  city  blazed  with 
bunting.  There  were  whirring  carriages,  galloping  horses,  wheel  men 
and  women  swift  as  the  wind!  There  seemed  to  have  been  an  organ- 
ization, including  all  the  men,  women  and  children,  to  demonstrate 
instantly  the  moment  the  momentous  signal  was  given. -Haktead's  "Life 
of  Wm.  McKinley." 


CHAPTEE  XXIX. 

THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1896. 

IMMFDIATELY  after  the  adjournment  of  the  St.  Louis 
Convention  I  returned  to  Cincinnati,  where,  on  the 
evening  of  the  next  day,  June  20th,  a  great  ratification 
meeting  was  held  in  Music  Hall.  This  was  the  first  ratifi- 
cation meeting  h^ld  in  Ohio.  I  was  asked  to  preside.  In 
taking  the  chair  1  made  some  remarks  with  respect  to  the 
Convention,  our  platform  and  our  candidate,  and  closed 
as  follows: 

Now  I  want  to  take  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  say  a  word 
about  another  matter.  I  was  very  much  edified  as  I  rode  home  on  the 
cars  this  evening  by  a  cartoon  that  w<^s  published  in  one  of  the  evening 
papers.  It  was  a  picture  of  what  wa&  called  "A  new  white  elephant," 
and  labeled  "Gold,"  and  I  was  there,  along  with  some  other  Republicans, 
worshipping  this  new  white  elephant,  and  the  lesson  sought  to  be  taught 
was  that  the  Republican  Party  had  declared  in  its  money  plank  for 
something  new  at  St.  Louis.    This  is  not  true. 

The  declaration  of  the  Republican  Party,  as  embodied  in  its  money 
plank  at  St.  Louis,  defines  exactly  what  has  beeA  the  position  of  the 
Republican  Party  through  all  these  years,  with  respect  to  this  silver 
question.  (Applause.)  Silver  was  demonetized  in  1873,  and  ever  since 
that  we  have  been  on  a  single  gold  standard  basis.  About  the  same 
time  several  of  the  leading  nations  of  Europe  demonetized  silver,  and 
ever  since  that  time  an  eflFort  has  been  made  to  get  back  to  bimetallism. 
We  have  had  in  that  behalf  three  international  monetary  conferences, 
the  object  of  them  being  to  agree  with  other  nations  upon  an  inter- 
national ratio,  according  to  which  we  could  have  the  free  coin<«ge  of 
silver.     But  all  these  efforts  have  failed. 

It  has  been  constantly  and  repeatedly  declared  by  both  parties  that 
bimetallism  was  desirable  in  preference  to  gold  or  silver  monometallism 
Both  parties  have  agreed  that  we  could  maintain  the  parity  of  the  two 
metals  and  bring  about  bimetallism  again  by  an  international  agree- 
ment. Some  people  have  insisted  that  in  the  meanwhile,  if  we  could 
not  do  it  that  way,  we  could  do  it  alone  without  regard  to  what  other 
nations  might  see  fit  to  do.  The  Republican  Party  has  constantly,  con- 
sistently and  persistently  stood  up  against  that  idea. 

480 


490  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

Four  years  ago,  when  we  held  the  convention  at  Minneapolis,  it  was 
my  fortune  to  be  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  as  I 
was  at  the  St.  Louis  Convention,  and  it  was  my  fortune  to  be  associated 
on  that  committee  with  Senator  Teller.  He  and  his  associates  from  the 
silver  states  came  to  that  convention  and  came  before  that  committee, 
asking  us  to  insert  a  plank  pledging  the  Republican  Party  to  the  free 
coinage  of  silver.  We  refused  to  do  it.  We  declared  that  we  were  in 
favor  of  international  bimetallism,  but  that  until  that  could  be  brought 
about  it  would  be  our  policy  to  maintain  silver  at  a  parity  with  gold  by 
issuing  no  more  of  it  than  could  be  maintained  at  a  parity  with  gold. 

They  accepted  the  result  and  remained  in  the  Republican  Party. 
That  declaration  was  simply  a  declaration,  as  the  one  adopted  the  other 
day  was,  that  we  would  stand  precisely  where  we  were  until  we  could 
do  better.  We  were  agreed  that  we  could  safely  undertake  to  have 
bimetallism  by  international  agreement;  we  were  unwilling  and  refused 
to  attempt  it  by  free  and  independent  coinage. 

They  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  go  out  of  the  party  then;  their 
consciences  did  not  seem  to  trouble  them  so  much  then  as  now.  They 
remained  in  the  party  four  years  longer.  When  the  last  session  of 
Congress  commenced,  as  a  result  of  this  Democratic  free  trade  experi- 
ment, the  government  was  found  to  have  deficient  revenues,  not  enough 
revenues  to  meet  its  current  expenses.  A  bill  was  prepared  in  the 
House  and  passed  that  body  without  partisan  division,  almost,  pro- 
viding for  an  increase  of  revenue.  That  bill  was  known  as  the  Dingley 
bill.  It  went  to  the  Senate.  The  national  credit,  the  national  honor, 
the  national  life  were  at  stake.  These  gentlemen  said  the  bill  was 
unobjectionable,  but  they  refused  to  vote  for  it  (that  is,  six  of  these 
gentlemen  from  silver  states  did)  unless  the  great  majority  who  did 
not  agree  with  them  would  sacrifice  their  convictions  and  vote  for  the 
free,  unlimited  and  independent  coinage  of  silver.  The  great  majority 
in  the  Senate  would  not  be  coerced  by  that  minority. 

That  action  upon  the  part  of  these  people  directed  the  attention  of 
the  country  to  that  subject  as  it  had  not  been  directed  before.  And, 
therefore,  when  we  met  at  St.  Louis  conditions  were  ripe,  not  for  a 
diflFerent  stand  to  be  taken  by  the  Republican  Party,  but  for  more 
explicit  declarations  than  we  had  heretofore  made,  and,  inasmuch  as 
they  had  thrown  down  the  gage  of  battle  by  demanding  free  silver 
and  seeking  to  coerce  us  to  accept,  we  concluded  that  was  a  good  time 
to  meet  them  half  way,  join  issue  and  let  the  battle  come  on.  (Applause!) 
They  appeared  before  the  committee,  and  were  part  of  the  committee, 
just  as  they  were  four  years  ago.  They  made  the  same  demand;  we 
made  the  same  answer;  but  when  we  came  to  write  the  platform,  we 
said,  we  will  make  it  so  plain  all  can  understand,  and  so  we  declared 
that  we  were  unalterably  opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  until  we  can  have  an  international  agreement,  and  in  the  mean- 
time we  will  preserve  the  existing  gold  standard.     (Loud  applause.) 

(At  this  point  the  Stamina  League  and  other  clubs  marched  in  and 
interrupted  the  speaker.  After  the  clubs  had  been  seated  Senator 
Foraker  resumed  his  speech  as  follows:) 

To  resume  and  conclude  with  a  word,  the  point  I  was  seeking  to 
make  was  this:  That  when  Senator  Teller  and  his  associates  bolted  the 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1896  491 

party  at  the  St.  Louis  Convention,  they  had  no  cause  whatever  that  did 
not  exist  four  years  before  at  the  Minneapolis  Convention,  and  when 
the  Republican  Party  made  the  declaration  it  did  make  at  St.  Louis, 
it  did  not  change  its  position  one  particle,  but  simply  made  it  abso- 
lutely certain,  in  order  that  there  could  be  a  settlement  of  that  question, 
that  the  proposition  for  free,  independent  and  unlimited  coinage  of 
silver  is  a  proposition  that  we  will  not  entertain.     (Cheers  and  applause.) 

We  will  not  entertain  it  because,  in  our  judgment,  it  does  not,  as 
Senator  Teller  and  his  associates  claim,  mean  bimetallism,  but  simply 
silver  monometallism.     (Applause.) 

According  to  a  law  as  settled  as  the  law  of  gravitation,  the  cheaper 
money  always  drives  out  the  dearer.  To  have  free,  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  would  mean  to  put  the  United  States  of  America  in  the  same 
class  with  Mexico,  China  and  Japan,  and  so  long  as  the  Republican 
Party  has  control,  the  United  States  will  never  get  into  that  class. 
(Cheers.) 

We  go  into  this  fight,  therefore,  with  our  gallant  standard  bearer 
representing  to  the  people  of  America  protection  to  American  indus- 
tries, and  American  labor,  and  an  absolutely  sound  dollar,  with  which 
to  do  our  business.  (Applause.)  An  absolutely  sound  dollar,  not 
simply  for  the  banker  and  the  merchant,  but  for  the  wage-earner  as 
well.  (Cheers.)  When  a  man  does  a  full  day's  work  he  is  entitled  to 
have  a  full  one  hundred  cents  in  the  dollar  with  which  he  is  paid,  and 
we  propose  that  he  shall  have  it.  (Applause.)  We  propose  that  the 
dollar  we  put  into  circulation — the  metallic  dollar — shall  be  worth  one 
hundred  cents  in  gold  all  over  the  world — no  matter  whether  it  carries 
the  eagle  and  superscription  or  not.  Take  a  silver  dollar  and  pound 
it  into  bullion  and  it  is  worth  fifty- four  cents;  take  a  gold  dollar  and 
pound  it  into  bullion  and  it  is  worth  one  hundred  cents  all  over  the 
world.  (Applause.)  Nobody  is  cheated  by  that  kind  of  a  dollar; 
nobody  is  misled  by  it;  no  distrust  is  excited;  everybody  has  confidence 
in  it;  and  when  Governor  McKinley  shall  have  been  elected  prosperity 
will  at  once  come  again,  because  that  will  insure  a  protective  tariff, 
reciprocity  and  a  sound  currency.     (Great  applause  and  cheers.) 

I  was  particular  to  put  the  money  plank  to  the  front  as 
the  paramount  question  of  the  campaign,  and  to  show  that 
we  had  not  taken  a  new  position  with  respect  to  it,  because 
there  had  already  sprung  up  a  great  difference  of  opinion 
among  Republicans  as  to  whether  the  tariff  question  or  the 
money  question  was  to  be  the  leading  issue;  and  because  it 
was  charged  that  we  had  changed  our  posiljion  and,  having 
taken  a  new  position,  every  dissatisfied  Republican  was  at 
liberty  to  go  with  his  party  or  against  it,  as  he  might  prefer. 

This  diversity  of  opinion  went  on  until  the  Commercial 
Tribune  interrogated  and  published  the  answers  of  the 
leading  Republicans  of  the  country  on  the  subject. 


492    .  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

It  is  interesting  to  note  at  this  time  some  of  these  answers. 
A  facsimile  of  Senator  Hanna's  answer  was  published  at 
the  head  of  the  column.     It  was  as  follows: 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  July  14,  1896. 
Editor  Cincinnati  Commercial  Tribune,  Cincinnati: 

In  my  judgment  financial  issue  should  not  overshadow  protection  in 
this  campaign. 

M.  A.  Hakka. 

Senator  Fairbanks  answered: 

I  regard  the  tariff  and  currency  as  the  leading  issues.  Neither  should 
be  neglected  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  I  would  keep  both  well  to 
the  front. 


Senator  T.  C.  Piatt  answered: 

In  my  opinion  the  money  question  cannot  be  made  the  chief  issue 
of  the  present  campaign.  It  will  make  itself  the  chief  issue.  Party 
managers  and  party  organs  will  not  be  able  to  turn  the  campaign  into 
any  other  channel. 

Governor  Bradley  of  Kentucky  said: 

The  sad  and  bitter  experience  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
during  the  last  few  years  renders  discussion  of  the  tariff  in  a  large 
degree  unnecessary.  The  money  question  is  the  all-absorbing,  living, 
burning  issue.  It  involves  not  only  the  prosperity,  but  the  honor  of 
the  country.  You  ask,' "Shall  it  be  made  the  chief  issue?"  It  is  the 
chief  issue.  The  crisis  is  upon  us  and  must  be  met  bravely  by  patriotic 
men  in  every  party. 

I  answered: 

I  would  not  disparage  the  tariff  question;  that  is  always  important, 
and  especially  so  now,  when  our  revenues  are  insufficient  to  meet  the 
government's  expenses,  but  all  Republicans  are  in  favor  of  the  Republican 
policy  of  protection,  and  most  Democrats.  There  is  not,  therefore,  any 
commanding  issue  with  respect  to  the  question. 

It  is  different  as  to  the  money  question.  This  is  in  an  important 
sense  a  new  question;  the  people  are  not  educated  in  regard  to  it;  they 
do  not  fully  understand  it,  and  there  is  much  error  being  taught  about 
it.  People  are  talking  of  it  and  wanting  light  upon  it.  It  is  uppermost 
in  everybody's  mind.  In  view  of  this  fact,  and  considering  its  vital 
importance,  I  regard  it  as  the  controlling  question  in  the  campaign 
upon  which  we  are  entering.  I  think  it  should  be  discussed  by  speakers 
and  newspapers,  and  I  congratulate  the  Commercial  Tribune  for  the 
stand  it  has  taken.  J.  B.  Forakee. 


CAMPAIGN   OF  1896  493 

I  continued  active  m  the  campaign  until  I  went  abroad, 
sailing  from  New  York  August  19th.  I  was  gone  only 
about  four  weeks. 

My  last  speech  before  sailing  was  made  at  Columbus, 
Saturday,  August  15th.  Senator  Sherman  and  ex-Governor 
Stewart  L.  Woodford  of  New  York  were  also  present,  and 
each  made  a  capital  good  speech. 

I  discussed  the  financial  question  as  the  most  important 
question  of  the  campaign,  treating  it  as  I  had  at  the 
ratification  meeting. 

In  my  preliminary  remarks  leading  up  to  that  discussion 
I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Mr.  Bryan  had  been 
nominated  not  only  by  the  Democratic  Party,  but  also  by 
the  Populistic  and  the  Free  Silver  Conventions,  and  then 
proceeded  as  follows: 

Who  were  the  prominent  actors  in  those  conventions?  Who  were  the 
men  there  representing  constituencies  and  claiming  to  have  a  new  light 
about  finances?  Who  were  the  profound  constitutional  lawyers  and  the 
wise  financiers  of  these  bodies?  I  want  to  read  you  a  few  of  their 
names  that  I  thought  of  today  as  I  came  up  here.    .    .    . 

Well,  there  was  Governor  Altgeld  and  "Pitchfork"  Tillman.  (Laugh- 
ter.) And  along  with  them  as  the  next  chief  actor  on  that  side  of  the 
convention  was  this  man,  who,  when  last  heard  from,  was  threatening 
"to  blow  the  livers  and  lights"  out  of  the  federal  troops  if  Cleveland 
should  send  them  to  Texas,  as  he  had  sent  them  into  Chicago  to  sup- 
press the  riots  there.  I  refer  to  Governor  Hogg.  (Applause  and 
laughter.)  Altgeld,  Tillman  and  Hogg!  (Renewed  applause  and 
laughter.) 

And  then  when  the  Populists  assembled  the  chief  instrumentalities 
for  good  there  were  "Cyclone"  Davis  from  Sulphur  Spring,  Texas. 
(Long  continued  laughter.)  He  made  at  least  three  speeches  at  every 
session  of  the  convention,  and  he  was  ably  seconded  by  "Stump"  Ashley 
and  "BuflFalo"  Jones,  and  "Commonweal"  Coxey;  then  last,  but  not 
least,  Mary  Ellen  Lease.  (Long  continued  applause  and  laughter.) 
There  you  have  it.  Senator  Hill  of  New  York,  Governor  Russell  of 
Massachusetts,  and  men  of  that  character,  men  of  ability,  men  of  good 
record,  men  of  their  belief,  tried  in  that  convention  to  keep  it  from 
making  the  fatal  mistake  it  did  make,  but  all  in  vain.  The  votes,  if  not 
the  brains  of  those  conventions  belonged  to  the  Cyclone  Davises  and  the 
Buffalo  Joneses  and  the  Mary  Ellen  Leases.     (Applause.) 

Now,  my  fellow  citizens,  I  would  rather  take  the  judgment  of  John 
Sherman  on  a  financial  proposition  than  the  judgment  of  Mary  Ellen 
Lease.  (Great  laughter  and  applause.)  I  would  rather,  on  a  profound 
constitutional  or  financial  question,  follow  Benjamin  Harrison  than 
"Pitchfork"   Tillman.      (Continued  laughter  and  applause.)      I  would 


494  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

rather  trust  Governor  Bushnell  than  Governor  Hogg  (cheering),  no 
matter  how  fat  he  may  be.  (Laughter.)  And  I  would  rather  follow 
the  leadership  of  the  gallant  Governor  McKinley  (long  continued 
cheering)  with  all  these  great  representatives  of  sound  money,  sound 
protection,  sound  patriotism  and  sound  everything  else,  supporting  him, 
than  "the  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte,"  especially  with  such  people  con- 
trolling him.     (More  cheering  and  applause.) 

Now,  my  fellow  citizens,  don't  you  think,  just  on  the  face  of  the 
case,  that  the  issue  ought  to  be  decided  in  our  favor? 

And  yet  I  am  going  to  talk  with  you  about  this  issue  a  little  bit; 
not  very  long.  It  is  pretty  warm  here  this  afternoon.  (Voices  of 
"Go  on.")  Well,  I  shall.  You  are  not  done  with  me  yet.  I  am  going 
to  talk  with  you  about  that  issue  for  a  little  while,  notwithstanding 
what  has  been  so  well  said  by  Senator  Sherman.  I  want  to  talk  to  you 
about  it  in  the  first  place  to  the  end  that  we  may  understand  just  what 
that  issue  is ;  £ind  I  am  a  little  bit  particular  about  that  because  I  read  a 
day  or  two  ago — and  it  took  me  a  day  or  two  to  do  it — the  speech  of 
acceptance  made  by  "the  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte"  when  he  was  notified 
in  New  York.  It  filled  eight  columns  in  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer,  close 
print.  I  read  every  word  of  it,  and  when  I  got  done  with  it,  I  didn't 
know  much  more  about  the  money  question,  but  I  thought  I  knew  why 
he  was  called  "the  Boy  Orator  of  the  Platte."  Geography  tells  us  that 
the  Platte  is  a  very  peculiar  river;  that  it  is  a  thousand  miles  long 
and  only  six  inches  deep.     (Long  continued  laughter  and  cheering.) 

As  I  closed  the  reading  of  that  speech  I  had  another  thought  about 
him.  I  thought  "Mr.  Bryan  made  himself  by  one  speech,  and  now  he 
has  unmade  himself  by  one  speech.  (Applause.)  No  man  will  ever 
be  made  President  of  the  United  States  upon  that  speech."  (Renewed 
applause.) 


I  took  my  vacation  chiefly  on  account  of  my  health, 
which  was  suffering  seriously  from  the  effects  of  the  over- 
strain of  the  Convention  and  the  numerous  meetings  I  was 
called  upon  to  address  immediately  following.  But  I  took 
that  particular  form  of  recreation  because  my  three  daugh- 
ters had  gone  abroad  in  May  preceding,  and  I  desired,  in 
addition  to  the  ocean  voyage,  to  join  them  for  a  short  visit 
in  London  and  Paris,  and  then  return  with  them. 

My  only  regret  in  connection  with  the  trip  was  that 
Mrs.  Foraker  was  unable  to  accompany  me,  but  later,  in 
1910,  she  made  up  for  this  by  taking  what  was  called  the 
Mediterranean  trip,  accompanied  by  my  two  sons,  Benson 
and  Arthur,  the  eldest  and  the  youngest  of  the  family, 
who,  although  there  was  a  difference  of  almost  twenty  years 
in  their  ages,  were  most  companionable  and  made  a  splendid 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1896  496 

escort  not  only  as  protectors,  but  as  contributors  to  the 
pleasure  of  the  trip. 

I  never  before  crossed  the  ocean  and  have  never  crossed 
since.  I.  enjoyed  the  trip  very  much  and  was  greatly 
benefited.  There  was  so  much  to  see  and  my  time  was  so 
limited,  that  I  was  constantly  on  the  go,  spending  one  week 
in  London  and  one  week  in  Paris. 

Never  having  had  any  such  an  experience,  I  went  to  the 
bank  in  London,  on  which  I  had  a  letter  of  credit,  to  present 
it  and  get  some  funds,  with  some  trepidation  as  to  how  I 
should  identify  myself. 

No  one  except  my  son  was  with  me  and  I  had  no  London 
references.  I  was  greatly  surprised,  therefore,  when,  on 
passing  in  my  letter  of  credit,  the  man  behind  the  banking 
counter  who  took  it  merely  glanced  at  my  signature  and, 
without  asking  for  any  identification,  commenced  imme- 
diately to  count  out  the  money  it  called  for.  As  he  did  so, 
however,  he  gave  me  a  second  surprise  by  blurting  out  the 
inquiry,  "And  what  are  the  chances  of  McKinley?"  His 
pronunciation  was  as  though  the  words  were  spelled: 
*'And  what  are  the  chonces  of  Muckinle?*'  with  the  accent 
on  "Muck."  His  pronunciation  was  so  unlike  ours  that  I 
found  it  difficult  to  understand  his  inquiry,  and  I  was 
compelled  to  ask  him  to  repeat  it  more  than  once  before 
I  could  understand  what  he  was  saying. 

He  then  told  me  that  on  account  of  the  money  question. 
Englishmen,  especially  in  banking  circles,  were  taking  an 
unusual  interest  in  our  approaching  election. 

Campaign  of  1896. 

My  first  meeting  after  my  return  was  at  Jackson,  Ohio. 
It  was  estimated  that  there  were  fully  20,000  people  present, 
and  I  do  not  think  the  number  was  exaggerated. 

I  found  that  by  this  time  everybody  was  becoming  well 
informed  on  the  money  question,  and  that  all  classes  were 
sufficiently  educated  to  make  it  unnecessary  to  go  into 
tedious  explanations  and  details  in  addressing  the  average 
political  meeting. 


496  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

I  made  a  number  of  speeches  in  Ohio,  and  then  went  into 
other  States,  speaking  in  New  York  and  several  of  the 
New  England  States,  also  in  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Iowa,  Michigan,  Nebraska,  Kansas  and  Missouri. 

Returning  to  Ohio,  my  closing  work  of  the  campaign 
was  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State,  my  last  speech  being 
at  Canton,  where  I  visited  McKinley  on  the  Saturday  before 
the  election  and  was  by  him  introduced  to  a  large  audience 
assembled  in  front  of  his  residence.  He  had  not  traveled 
about  any  in  the  campaign,  but  had  been  almost  constantly 
addressing  delegations  that  called  upon  him  from  various 
parts  of  the  country.  In  this  way  he  kept  abreast  with 
the  discussions  of  the  campaign  and  constantly  had  some- 
thing new  in  the  papers  for  the  people  to  read.  His  speeches 
were  all  "safe  and  sane,"  yet  full  of  spirit  and  inspiration. 
Only  Harrison,  in  1888,  of  all  the  Republican  candidates 
I  have  known  anything  about,  did  as  much  by  his  speeches  to 
help  his  cause  as  McKinley  did  in  1896.  His  speeches 
were  all  short,  very  readable  and  each  presented  clearly 
some  point  which,  if  not  new,  was,  at  least,  newly  garbed 
for  the  occasion. 

I  found  him  at  the  close  of  the  campaign  apparently  in 
perfectly  good  health,  perfectly  confident  and  as  near 
perfectly  happy  as  it  is  possible,  I  imagine,  for  any  human 
being  to  be  in  this  life. 

Sherman  Appointed  Secretary  of  State. 

A  few  days  after  the  election  I  found  it  necessary  to  go 
to  Cleveland  to  argue  a  case  pending  there.  I  took  advan- 
tage of  the  opportunity  to  call  on  Senator  Hanna.  In  the 
course  of  the  conversation  that  ensued,  he  greatly  astonished 
me  by  telling  me  that  he  was  very  anxious  to  have  McKinley 
appoint  Senator  Sherman  Secretary  of  State,  and  that  in 
such  event,  he  wanted  to  succeed  Senator  Sherman  in  the 
Senate,  and  desired  me  to  intercede  for  him  with  G-^-  rnor 
Bushnell,  to  secure  the  appointment  to  fill  the  v  ancy 
until  the  next  election.  I  was  still  more  surprised  to  learn 
from  him  that  he  had  already  talked  the  matter  over  with 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  49T 

McKinley,  and  thai  McKinley  favored  the  program,  pro- 
viding they  could  bring  Governor  Bushnell  to  the  support 
of  it  with  an  agreement  to  appoint  Hanna  to  the  vacancy, 
and  that  they  had  allotted  to  me  the  work  of  bringing  him 
into  line. 

I  was  greatly  embarrassed,  because,  unwilling  to  commit 
myself  at  once,  I  found  it  difficult  to  say  "No"  to  what  had 
evidently  been  fully  determined  upon. 

Until  Mr.  Hanna  suggested  it  on  that  occasion  I  had 
never  thought  of  him  in  connection  with  the   Senatorship. 

I  learned  recently  from  Mr.  Croly's  book,  for  the  first  time, 
that  he  had  been  cherishing  a  senatorial  ambition  for  many 
years.  Mr.  Croly  tells  us  that  in  January,  1892,  Mr.  Hanna, 
while  in  Columbus  conducting  Mr.  Sherman's  candidacy  for 
re-election  in  opposition  to  my  candidacy,  had  a  confidential 
talk  with  Mr.  James  H.  Dempsey,  a  friend  and  his  attorney, 
from  Cleveland,  in  which  they  discussed 

many  things,  such  as  Sherman's  lively  and  persistent  ambition  to  be 
President  and  of  his  career  in  the  Senate. 

During  their  conversation  Mr.  Hanna  said,  "Jim,  there  is  one  thing 
I  should  like  to  have,  but  it  is  the  thing  I  can  never  get."  When  asked 
what  it  was,  he  replied,  "I  would  rather  be  Senator  in  Congress  than 
have  any  other  office  on  earth." 

He  said  this  with  great  feeling,  adding  that  he  had  never  betrayed 
his  ambition  to  any  other  person. 

While  not  doubting  the  statement  of  Mr.  Dempsey,  yet 
I  am  surprised  by  it,  because  it  had  always  been  Senator 
Hanna's  boast  that  he  did  not  want  any  political  recognition 
of  any  kind,  and  especially  did  not  want  any  political  office. 
I  had  not,  therefore,  had  occasion  to  consider  his  qualifica- 
tions for  the  position,  and  when  suddenly  confronted  with 
the  necessity  for  doing  so,  it  was  at  a  time  when  I  did  not 
think  him  very  well  endowed  in  that  respect.  I  had  known 
him  as  a  successful  business  man,  a  generous  contributor 
to  campaign  funds,  as  a  good  political  organizer,  and  as  an 
effective,  hard-working  supporter  of  other  men,  and  as 
having  power  to  employ  persuasive  methods  "to  bend  them 
to  his  will,"  to  use  Senator  Sherman's  expression,  but  I  had 


498  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

never  heard  of  him  making  a  speech  of  any  kind,  anywhere, 
on  any  subject.  I  knew  he  did  not  profess  to  have  any 
knowledge  of  law,  either  domestic  or  international,  or  any 
experience  in  public  aif airs ;  naturally  from  all  this  it 
seemed  to  me  when  first  presented  like  a  mistake  to  sub- 
stitute him  for  Senator  Sherman,  whose  name  was  a 
synonym  of  complete  fitness  for  a  position  he  had  so 
greatly  honored,  and  that  it  would  be  wiser  and  better 
to  put  him  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  great  business  depart- 
ments of  the  government. 

I  knew  Mr.  Hanna  also  as  a  successful  Chairman  of  our 
National  Committee  in  the  contest  just  ended,  who  had 
raised  a  large  sum  of  money  and  used  it  helpfully.  The 
campaign  funds  so  raised  and  disbursed  by  Mr.  Hanna 
were  estimated  at  the  time  to  amount  to  six  or  seven  mil- 
lions of  dollars;  but  Mr.  Croly  states  in  his  life  of  Mr. 
Hanna,  apparently  speaking  from  the  official  record,  that 
the  total  sum  amounted  to  only  about  three  and  one-half 
millions  of  dollars. 

Assuming  that  this  statement  is  correct,  though  I  know 
there  are  many  who  would  challenge  it,  the  amount  was 
sufficiently  large  to  make  a  very  popular  man  out  of  any 
distributor  of  it,  no  matter  how  unselfishly  he  might  use  it. 

I  did  not  realize  that  this  office  and  this  work  had  given 
him  the  prominence  and  the  influen-ce  he  had  acquired,  for 
at  that  time  it  seemed  to  me  that,  with  the  New  York 
World,  the  New  York  Post,  the  Philadelphia  Times,  the 
Philadelphia  Record,  the  New  York  Sun,  and  fully  one- 
half  the  leading  Democratic  and  independent  newspapers 
of  the  country  bolting  Bryan  and  supporting  McKinley, 
his  election  was  assured  from  the  start,  and  that  he  would 
have  been  successful  even  if  there  had  not  been  anything 
extraordinary  done  by  the  National  Committee. 

In  fact,  I  never  had  the  slightest  doubt  from  the  day 
Bryan  was  nominated  on  a  free  silver  platform  about  his 
defeat;  but  people  generally  did  not  stop  after  the  election 
to  analyze  conditions  and  apportion  credit.  All  who  were 
in    responsible    relation    to    the    campaign,    and    especially 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  499 

Mr.  Hanna,  the  Captain-General  of  the  whole  organization, 
were  given  unqualified  praise  for  what  had  been  accom- 
plished. 

This  made  him  at  once  a  great  man  before  the  country 
and  a  leader  of  unusual  influence  in  his   party. 

President  McKinley  clearly  perceived  and  properly  appre- 
ciated all  this.  In  addition  he  knew  more  of  the  mental 
equipment  and  general  fitness  of  Mr.  Hanna  for  the  posi- 
tion to  which  he  aspired  than  I  did;  and  he  especially 
knew  more  at  that  time  than  I  did  of  the  value  in  the 
Senate,  in  connection  with  committee  work,  and  acting 
generally  in  an  advisory  character,  of  a  strong  man  of 
good,  sound,  business  judgment.  Particularly  so,  if  pos- 
sessed at  the  same  time  of  the  intimate  and  accurate 
knowledge  of  political  leaders  and  situations  throughout 
the  country,  such  as  Mr.  Hanna  had  acquired  from  his 
experience  as  chairman,  added  to  what  had  gone  before. 

But  I  did  not  find  it  necessary  to  demur  on  account  of 
anything  personal  to  Mr.  Hanna  himself  and  avoided  doing 
so,  for  one  of  the  first  thoughts  that  came  to  my  mind 
was,  that  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  appoint  Mr.  Sherman 
to  be  Secretary  of  State,  especially  at  that  particular  time, 
and  in  my  talk  with  Mr.  Hanna  I  confined  myself  to 
that  point. 

To  begin  with,  the  Shermans  were  soldiers  and  financiers 
and  executives,  rather  than  diplomats;  but  in  the  next  place, 
and  more  particularly,  it  was  well  known  that  on  account 
of  the  Cuban  situation,  we  were  likely  to  have  serious  inter- 
national complications  on  account  of  which  the  whole 
country  was  interested  in  having  at  the  head  of  the  State 
Department  a  man  who,  as  to  both  his  mental  and  physical 
qualities,  was  of  strong  and  virile  character. 

I  had  observed  first  at  the  Zanesville  Convention  where 
Mr.  Sherman  was  presiding,  that  his  memory  was  failing 
him.  On  other  occasions,  subsequently,  and  especially  dur- 
ing the  campaign  of  1896,  I  had  observed  again  even  more 
pronounced  evidences  of  that  fact.  He  had  difficulty  in 
recalling  the  names  of  friends  whose  faces  were  to  him 
perfectly    familiar.       My    attention    was     directed    to    his 


500  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

failing  memory  by  his  requests  that  I  would  repeat  to  him 
the  names  of  persons  with  whom  I  knew  him  to  be  well 
acquainted. 

There  was  nothing,  however,  to  indicate  that,  with  time 
to  think,  his  reasoning  faculties  or  his  decisions  about  public 
questions  were  not  as  sound  as  they  ever  had  been.  His 
speech  at  Columbus,  August  15th,  was  a  very  able  effort — 
worthy  of  his  best  days.  Mr.  Kerr,  in  his  life  of  Sherman, 
quotes  a  number  of  very  ably  written  letters  and  papers  to 
show  his  mental  faculties  were  practically  unimpaired  until 
the  end  of  his  life.  He  might  have  gone  on  doing  faith- 
ful and  efficient  work  in  the  Senate  for  years,  but  to  put 
him  at  the  head  of  a  great  department,  with  the  work  of 
which  he  was  not  familiar,  at  a  critical  time,  was  to  subject 
him  to  a  tax,  both  mentally  and  physically,  that  no  man 
should  have  been  asked  to  assume  who  was  not  in  prime 
condition  every  way. 

I  made  all  this  as  plain  to  Mr.  Hanna  as  I  could,  but 
without  avail.  *'A  man  convinced  against  his  will  is  of 
the  same  opinion  still."  I  discovered  that  I  was  arguing 
with  exactly  that  kind  of  a  man,  and  was  glad  when  it 
came  time  to  tell  him  I  would  think  the  matter  over  more 
carefully,  find  out  what  the  Governor  might  be  willing  to 
do,  end  my  call  and  get  away. 

I  felt  so  troubled  over  the  matter  that,  instead  of  return- 
ing immediately  to  Cincinnati,  I  went  to  Canton  and  called 
upon  McKinley  and  talked  the  matter  over  with  him,  telling 
him  what  Senator  Hanna  had  said  and  of  the  distrust  I 
had  of  the  wisdom  of  such  a  program,  but  I  found  him 
so  thoroughly  committed  to  the  plan  that  he,  too,  at  once 
commenced  an  earnest  defense  of  it,  by  which  I  was  admon- 
ished that  anything  I  might  say  would  probably  be  unavail- 
ing, as  it  was.  Nevertheless  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  state  to 
him  fully,  and  did  so,  the  fear  I  had  that  Mr.  Sherman 
would  not  make  a  successful  Secretary  of  State  at  that 
important  juncture  of  our  national  affairs,  and  that  to 
appoint  him  might  make  trouble  later,  and  of  a  character 
he  could  not  afford.  I  further  told  him  that,  as  Senator 
Hanna   knew,   and   as  he   doubtless  knew,   there   was   some 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  501 

friction  between  Governor  Bushnell  and  Senator  Hanna  and 
their  respective  friends,  and  had  been  since  the  Zanesville 
Convention,  at  which  Senator  Hanna  had  so  vigorously 
opposed  the  Governor's  nomination,  on  account  of  which 
Governor  Bushnell  might  not  want  to  appoint  Mr.  Hanna 
to  fill  the  vacancy,  if  one  should  be  created,  and  that  it 
might  prove  very  embarrassing  to  me  to  undertake  to 
induce  him  to  do  so,  because  the  Governor  had  other  friends 
who  would  try,  I  was  sure,  to  have  him  appoint  some- 
body else. 

I  returned  to  Cincinnati  in  a  troubled  and  meditative 
mood.  I  concluded  I  would  think  the  whole  matter  over 
most  carefully  before  saying  anything  to  anybody;  but 
before  I  had  a  chance  to  do  this,  the  newspapers  got  an 
inkling  of  what  was  proposed,  and  day  after  day  there 
appeared  from  Washington,  Canton  and  other  places  tele- 
grams having  reference  to  the  matter;  some  of  them 
truthful,  others  untruthful,  and  all  of  them,  taken  together, 
having   a  mischief-making  effect. 

Finally  I  ventured  to  talk  with  Governor  Bushnell  on 
the  subject.  I  found  him  in  about  the  frame  of  mind  I 
had   indicated   to   McKinley. 

Before  I  reached  the  point  where  I  felt  like  talking 
further  with  Senator  Hanna,  I  got  a  letter  from  him, 
which  I  am  now  unable  to  find;  but,  as  shown  by  my 
answer,  it  was  a  letter  urging  me  to  secure  some  kind  of 
definite  promise  from  the  Governor  with  respect  to  his 
appointment.  Being  unable  to  answer  him  satisfactorily, 
I  delayed  writing  him  for  a  few  days,  when  I  heard  from 
him  again.     I  then  wrote  him  the  following  letter: 

January  25,  1897. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Hanna: — I  have  delayed  answering  your  second  letter 
until  now  in  the  hope  that  I  might  be  able  to  say  something  definite. 
In  that  I  am  disappointed,  and  to  be  frank  with  you,  I  do  not  know 
what  to  write  now,  except  only  that  I  am  sure  no  appointment  will  be 
made  until  Senator  Sherman  resigns,  and  a  vacancy  is  created.  In  that 
event  the  Governor  will  of  course  determine  what  action  to  take,  but 
he  seems  unwilling  to  commit  himself  in  advance  of  that  contingency. 

In  a  talk  I  had  with  him  Saturday  night  over  the  telephone  he  says 
that  he  has  a  letter  from  Senator  Sherman,  in  which  the  Senator  tells 
him  that  he  has  been  tendered  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  and  that 


602  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

he  has  signified  his  willingness  to  accept  it,  and  that  in  all  probability- 
he  will  resign  his  office  as  Senator  March  5th,  next,  but  that  he  will  not 
resign  until  he  has  been  appointed  and  confirmed. 

A  gentleman,  in  whose  statements  I  have  implicit  confidence,  told 
me  yesterday  that  in  a  conversation  he  had  with  Senator  Sherman 
recently — within  the  last  two  or  three  days — the  Senator  said  that  unless 
Governor  Bushnell  would  promise  in  advance  to  allow  him  (Senator 
Sherman)  to  name  his  successor,  he  will  withdraw  his  acceptance  of 
the  Portfolio  of  State,  and  remain  in  the  Senate. 

From  the  same  gentleman  I  learned  that  there  is  much  dissatisfaction 
among  leading  and  thoughtful  Republicans  at  Washington,  particularly 
in  the  Senate,  over  the  appointment  of  Senator  Sherman;  not  that  they 
dislike  him,  but  because  they  are  of  the  opinion  I  expressed  to  you 
when  I  talked  with  you  in  your  office,  and  you  told  me  of  the  propo- 
sition to  appoint  Senator  Sherman  Secretary  of  State,  viz. — that  he  is 
a  failing  man  mentally  as  well  as  physically,  and  not  on  that  account 
possessed  of  the  mental  vigor  requisite  for  the  head  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment at  this  serious  juncture  of  our  foreign  aft'airs,  and  that  there  is  a 
strong  movement  contemplated  to  induce  Senator  Sherman  to  reconsider 
his  acceptance  both  for  the  good  of  the  country  and  the  party. 

In  view  of  all  this,  I  do  not  know  what  to  think,  or  what  to  do,  and 
yet  some  points  are  very  plain  to  me. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Governor  can  not  be  asked  to  consider  the 
question  of  an  appointment  until  a  vacancy  occurs. 

In  the  second  place,  if  Senator  Sherman  takes  the  position  of  Sec- 
retary of  State  he  will  not,  even  in  that  event,  tender  his  resignation 
until  March  5th. 

In  the  third  place,  at  the  time  when  this  vacancy  occurs  we  will  all 
be  in  Washington,  and  we  can  there  have  a  conference  in  regard  to  the 
matter,  and  determine  what  may  be  the  best  thing  to  do. 

I  am  of  the  opinion,  therefore,  that  a  conference  at  this  time,  such 
as  you  suggest,  would  be  unavailing,  and  on  this  account  as  well  as 
others  I  might  name,  I  am  disposed  to  forego  the  pleasure  of  the  visit 
you  have  asked  me  to  make  you,  and  to  suggest  that  we  simply  stand 
still  and  await  developments  until  we  all  meet  in  Washington,  at  which 
time  we  will  have  full  information,  and  perhaps  no  trouble  of  any  kind. 

Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

J.    B.    FoRAKER. 


Mr.  Hanna's  response  has  also  disappeared  from  my 
files,  but  the  following  letter  indicates  that  he  was  very- 
prompt  in  sending  it,  and  also  indicates  that  trouble  was 
brewing  and  that  I  was  meeting  with  precisely  the  embar- 
rassment I  had  foreseen: 

HoK.  M.  A.  Hakna,  January  29,  1897. 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Banna: — I  have  your  letter  of  the  28th  inst.     My 
suggestion  about   a  conference  had  reference  to  your   request  that  I 
meet  you  at  Columbus  at  the  Legislative  Banquet.     I  was  assuming 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  503 

at  that  time  that  Senator  Sherman  would  at  once  send  in  his  resigna- 
tion to  take  effect  March  4th.  Since  I  wrote  that  letter  the  Senator 
has  written  the  Governor,  saying  he  will  not  tender  his  resignation  until 
after  he  has  been  appointed  and  confirmed,  and  the  Governor  says,  very 
properly  I  think,  that  he  will  not  consider  the  question  of  an  appoint- 
ment until  there  is  a  vacancy.  The  result  of  all  this  is  that  we  shall 
be  in  Washington  before  there  is  occasion  to  do  anything,  and  inasmuch 
as  we  can  see  each  other  there,  if  it  be  necessary,  without  inconvenience 
or  exciting  comment,  I  thought  it  well  to  wait  until  then. 

I  have  not  communicated  with  the  Governor  on  this  subject,  since  I 
last  wrote  you,  and  do  not,  therefore,  have  anything  new  from  him. 

I  do  not  know  what  the  truth  is  as  to  what  is  occurring  at  Wash- 
ington, or  as  to  what  the  Senator  said,  but  I  gave  you  the  feports 
exactly  as  they  came  to  me  for  whatever  they  might  be  worth,  and  just 
at  the  time  when  I  wrote  you  these  reports  were  being  confirmed  by 
telegrams  from  Washington  published  from  day  to  day  in  the  Enquirer. 
But  for  all  these  matters  I  do  not  care  anything,  except  only  to  keep 
the  record  straight  with  respect  to  them. 

I  appreciate  your  suggestion  that  you  would  like  to  know  at  as 
early  a  day  as  possible  whether  or  not  you  are  to  be  appointed,  and  I 
would  be  glad  to  answer  the  question  for  you,  but  I  am  not  able  to  do 
so;  neither  is  anybody  else,  except  the  Governor,  and  he  doesn't  see  fit 
to  say  to  me,  or  so  far  as  I  know  to  anybody  else,  what  he  will  ulti- 
mately do.  The  truth  is,  he  seems  to  be  quite  as  unapproachable  about 
this  matter  as  the  President  was  about  Sherman's  appointment. 

It  may  seem  strange  to  you  that  Governor  Bushnell  should  take 
such  a  position,  but  I  assure  you  it  seems  equally  strange  to  me  that 
the  President  should  have  appointed  Senator  Sherman  without  any 
reference  to  you  or  anybody  else,  when,  as  you  informed  me,  you 
desired  him  to  follow  exactly  the  program  he  has,  and  told  me  that 
you  intended  to  talk  both  with  him  before  going  to  Washington,  and 
with  Senator  Sherman  after  you  got  there,  and  then  communicate  with 
me  as  to  the  results  after  your  return  home.  Failure  to  do  this,  and 
making  the  appointment  without  consultation,  or  understanding,  with 
anybody,  have  precipitated  a  situation  that  prevents  Governor  Bushnell, 
as  nearly  as  I  can  make  out  his  opinion  of,  it,  from  considering  you, 
except  upon  the  theory  that  he  does  not  ■*'dare,"  to  use  the  flashing 
head  lines  of  the  Canton  correspondent,  to  do  anything  else.  His  self- 
respect  rebels  against  such  an  idea,  and  all  his  friends  are  made  to  feel 
like  resenting  it. 

In  consequence  we  have  conditions  that  were  unforeseen,  and  with 
respect  to  which  I  can  not  make  any  promises,  or  take  any  responsibility. 

All  this  may  change  before  the  time  for  action  comes,  but  whether 
or  not  it  will,  you  can  judge  as  well  as  I. 

I  am  quite  as  anxious  as  you  for  party  harmony  and  success,  and 
I  trust  we  shall  have  both,  for  I  do  not  imagine  that  the  Governor  in 
discharging  his  duty  will  do  anything  that  will  aflFord  a  just  ground 
for  preventing  either.  Very  truly  yours,  etc., 

j.  b.  forakek. 
Hon.  M.  a.  Hanka, 

Cleveland,  Ohio. 


504  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

This  is  a  disagreeable  chapter  in  Ohio  politics,  not  only 
because  of  the  embarrassments  caused  by  the  plan  agreed 
upon  by  the  President  and  Mr.  Hanna  for  putting  Mr. 
Sherman  in  the  Cabinet  and  Mr.  Hanna  in  the  Senate, 
but  also,  and  because  of  the  unfortunate  results  that  fol- 
lowed, so  far  as  Mr.   Sherman  was  concerned. 

Governor  Bushnell's  friends  and  all  my  friends  were  dis- 
pleased with  the  proposition.  Mr.  Hanna's  attitude  during 
the  campaign  of  1889  and  his  rather  boastful  proclamation 
given  in  a  New  York  interview,  that  he  was  entitled  to 
credit  for  having  defeated  me  and  "driven  me  out  of 
politics,"  followed  by  his  opposition  to  my  candidacy  for 
Senator  in  1891-2  were  still  fresh  and  rankling  in  the 
warlike  minds  of  thousands  of  good  Republicans,  who  were 
not  afraid  of  battle.  To  all  such  the  proposition  seemed 
like  a  piece  of  impudence  and  effrontery.  As  I  now  recall 
those  troublesome  days,  the  Governor  and  I  were  about  the 
only  ones  who  kept  our  temper  and  tried  earnestly  to  bring 
about  some   satisfactory   result. 

In  this  emergency  we  discussed  various  men,  among 
others  Senator  Burton,  then  a  Member  of  Congress  from 
Cleveland. 

At  one  time  Governor  Bushnell  authorized  me  to  speak 
to  Mr.  Burton  on  the  subject,  and  to  say  to  him  that,  if 
agreeable,  he  would  appoint  him.  I  had  such  a  conference 
with  Mr.  Burton,  but  he  for  some  reason  seemed  unable 
to  make  up  liis  mind  about  it. 

At  last  we  reached  the  conclusion  that,  while  Senator 
Hanna  had  no  claim  on  either  Governor  Bushnell  or  myself 
for  such  recognition,  yet  in  view  of  the  President's  desires 
and  the  importance  of  having  harmony  in  the  party  at 
home  and  with  the  administration  at  Washington,  it  was 
better  to  yield.  Thereupon,  February  Slst,  Governor 
Biishnell  wrote  Senator  Hanna  to  that  effect,  thus  ending 
what  Mr.  Croly  says  was  for  Mr.  Hanna  an  "agony  of 
suspense."  I  suppose,  since  Mr.  Croly  so  states,  that  Mri 
Hanna  had  been  in  "agony"  over  the  matter,  but  I  would 
have  thought  the  word  too  strong  even  on  that  authority 


GOVERNOR   ASA  S.    BUSHNHLL 

isiMi-nMH). 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  505 

if  Mr.  Dempsey  had  not  told  us  that  during  all  the  years 
of  his  proclaimed  unselfish  service  to  the  party  he  was 
secretly  cherishing  a  Senatorial  ambition. 

Accordingly,  when  Mr.  Sherman  resigned  to  accept  the 
State  portfolio,  as  he  did  immediately  after  his  confirma- 
tion on  March  5th,  Mr.  Hanna  was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

In  this  whole  matter  Governor  Bushnell  had  acted  most 
generously  and  most  kindly  toward  all  concerned.  That 
Mr.  Hanna  would,  under  all  the  circumstances,  ask  such 
a  recognition  at  the  hands  of  Governor  Bushnell,  and  that 
he  would  appeal  to  me  to  use  my  influence  with  the 
Governor  to  secure  it  was  unexpected  and  the  cause  of 
much  irritation  and  resentment  upon  the  part  of  thousands 
of  as  good  Republicans  as  there  were  in  Ohio,  who  indig- 
nantly protested  to  Governor  Bushnell  against  the  appoint- 
ment by  letter,  telegram  and  otherwise. 

That  Governor  Bushnell,  under  such  circumstances,  and 
particularly  when  Senator  Sherman  wrote  him  that  he  would 
not  resign  until  after  he  was  confirmed  as  Secretary  of 
State,  should  hesitate  and  delay  until,  if  possible,  he  could 
bring  about  some  satisfactory  solution  of  the  trouble,  will 
appear,  I  am  sure,  to  every  unbiased  mind,  as  only  natural 
and  entirely  justifiable;  but  Mr.  Croly  says  that  the  Gov- 
ernor's action  in  thus  delaying  was  only  because  of  a 
desire  to  avoid  altogether,  if  he  could,  making  the  appoint- 
ment; that  his  final  favorable  action  was  because  "he  did 
not  dare  refuse."  Of  the  delay  in  delivering  to  Senator 
Hanna  his  commission  after  he  had  determined  to  appoint 
him,  he   says: 

Various  reasons  have  been  suggested  for  the  Governor's  delay  in 
issuing  the  commission,  of  which,  perhaps,  the  most  plausible  is  that 
Mr.  Hannahs  colleague  (myself)  wished  to  be  technically  the  Senior 
Senator  from  Ohio. 

That  this  kind  of  chaff  is  intended  only  for  the  "marines" 
is  manifest  from  the  fact  that  I  had  been  the  Senator-elect 
for  more  than  a  year  and  there  was  no  vacancy  for  which 
Mr.  Hanna  could  be  qualified  except  only  that  to  be  created 


606  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

by    the    retirement    of    Mr.    Sherman,    and    Mr.    Sherman 
refused  to  retire  until  after  I  was  sworn  and  in  my  seat. 
Mr.    Kerr,    in    his    life    of    Senator    Sherman,    says    on 
this  point: 

He  desired  to  hold  his  seat  until  the  beginning  of  the  extra  session 
of  the  Senate,  so  that  he  might  extend  the  usual  courtesy  to  Governor 
Foraker,  whose  Senatorial  term  would  begin  at  noon  on  the  fourtk 
of  March. 


Senator  Sherman  remained  in  his  seat  and  showed  me  the 
usual  courtesies,  escorting  me  to  the  bar  of  the  Senate  to 
be  sworn,  entirely  on  his  own  motion.  Neither  I  nor  any 
friend  of  mine  ever  spoke  a  word  to  him  on  the  subject. 

It  was  not,  therefore,  possible  for  Senator  Hanna  to  be 
inducted  into  office  ahead  of  me  in  point  of  time  so  as  to 
become  thereby  the  "senior  Senator."  So  far  as  I  was 
personally  concerned,  I  never  had  any  thought  on  the 
subject  so  far  as  I  can  now  recall.  I  am  not  surprised, 
however,  to  learn  from  such  suggestions  that  the  thought 
was  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  Senator's  friends,  but  I 
am  sure  it  never  occurred  to  him,  or  if  it  did,  that  it  did 
not  appeal  to  him,  since,  otherwise,  judging  from  other 
experiences,  he  would  not  have  hesitated  to  request  me  to 
delay  my  induction  until  after  his  ambition  in  that  respect 
could  be  also  realized;  and,  judging  in  like  manner,  if  I 
had  yielded,  we  would  have  been  told  by  Mr.  Croly  that 
I  did  so  only  because  "I  didn't  dare  to  do  otherwise." 

Mr.  Sherman  had  the  confidence  of  the  business  interests 
of  the  country  to  an  unusual  degree,  and  his  appointment 
to  the  first  place  in  the  Cabinet  produced  a  favorable 
impression  for  the  incoming  administration.  He  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  office  at  a  troublesome  time.  Matters 
in  Cuba  grew  constantly  worse.  Daily,  almost,  some  vexa- 
tious question  arose  for  solution  by  the  State  Department. 
It  was  not  long  before  Cabinet  meetings  were  devoted 
almost  exclusively  to  the  consideration  of  international 
problems,  about  which  Mr.  Sherman,  as  the  head  of  the 
State  Department,  was  expected  to  be  fully  informed.  The 
work  proved  too  much  for  him. 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  60T 

The  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  was  the  Honorable 
William  R.  Day  of  Canton,  Ohio,  now  a  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  He  was  a  life-long  friend  of  the  Presi- 
dent. It  was  natural  for  the  President,  under  such  circum- 
stances, to  confer  with  him  more  and  more,  rather  than 
with  Mr.  Sherman. 

Retirement  of  Mr.  Sherman. 

As  the  weeks  and  months  went  by  Mr.  Sherman  noticed 
that  he  was  not  conferred  with  and  deferred  to  with 
respect  to  the  important  matters  he  had  in  charge  to  the 
full  extent  he  thought  he  should  be.  He  felt  offended. 
Just  what  may  have  been  said  by  him  to  the  President  or 
by  the  President  to  him,  I  do  not  know,  but  I  do  know 
that  no  one  in  Washington  official  life  was  surprised  when, 
finally,  upon  the  declaration  of  war  with  Spain,  Mr. 
Sherman  tendered  his  resignation  and  the  President 
accepted  it. 

Mr.  Sherman  continued  to  reside  in  Washington  most  of 
the  time  until  his  death,  in  October,  1900.  During  all 
the  time  he  was  in  the  Cabinet  and  thereafter  until  his 
death  he  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  show  me  the  warmest 
friendship  and  the  strongest  good  will.  He  did  not  come 
very  often  to  the  Senate  Chamber,  but  he  visited  there  a 
number  of  times  during  this  period.  In  each  instance, 
when  I  did  not  happen  to  see  him  as  he  entered,  he  at 
once  sent  a  page  to  notify  me  he  was  there  and  to  request 
me  to  come  and  sit  with  him  on  a  sofa  in  the  rear  of  the 
Senators'  seats,  provided  for  the  accommodation  of  those 
entitled  to  the  privileges  of  the  floor. 

On  no  one  of  these  occasions  did  he  ever  speak  to  Mr. 
!Hanna  or  ever  speak  of  him,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  except 
only  once,  when  he  asked  me  if  Senator  Hanna  was  then 
in  the  chamber.  The  Senator  was  in  his  seat  and  I  pointed 
him  out  to  him,  but  he  did  not  ask  to  see  him  or  speak 
to  him  on  that  occasion  or  engage  in  any  conversation 
whatever  in  regard  to  him.  He  came  several  times  to  my 
residence.  He  was  always  extremely  cordial  and  talked 
much    about    the    business    of    the    Senate,    its    agreeable 


508  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

character  and  how  much  he  had  enjoyed  his  service  there. 
But  he  never,  at  any  time,  except  in  the  one  instance 
mentioned,  made  any  inquiry  about  Senator  Hanna  or 
mentioned  his  name  in  any  connection  whatever;  neither 
did  he  ever,  on  any  occasion,  speak  of  the  President  or 
his  administration  or  any  of  the  policies  he  was  pursuing. 
He  was  always,  in  his  conversation  with  me,  as  silent  with 
respect  to  both  and  what  they  were  doing,  as  though  he 
had  never  heard  of  either. 

I  know,  however,  from  others  with  whom  he  did  talk, 
that  .he  felt  deeply  offended  and  that,  when  he  took  occa- 
sion to  speak  on  the  subject,  he  usually  said,  what  for 
him  were  very  bitter  things.  I  know  that  his  family  shared 
this  feeling  to  such  extent  that  when  I  attended  his  funeral 
at  Mansfield  I  was  told  by  one  of  the  relatives  that  some 
flowers  had  been  sent  from  the  White  House  and  that  they 
had  refused  to  receive  them. 

Having  heard  all  this,  I  was  less  surprised  than  I  would 
otherwise  have  been  when,  on  the  first  day  of  March,  1902, 
while  en  route  from  Washington  to  New  York,  I  met  on 
the  train  General  Nelson  A.  Miles,  whose  wife  was  a 
daughter  of  Judge  Charles  T.  Sherman,  the  Senator's 
brother,  and  was  told  by  him  that  he  had  been  carrying  in 
his  pocket  for  some  time  an  autograph  letter  written  by 
Mr.  Sherman  to  somebody,  he  did  not  know  to  whom,  but 
for  some  reason  not  mailed  to  the  party  for  whom  it  was 
intended,  but  carefully  filed  with  other  papers  that  were  to 
be  made  public  after  his  death;  that  he  was  authorized  to 
give  it  to  me  for  such  use  as  I  might  see  fit  to  make  of  it. 
He  then  produced  the  following  letter,  which  on  my  return 
to  Washington  I  placed  in  an  envelope,  where  until  now  it 
has  ever  since  remained,  on  which  envelope  I  indorsed  "The 
within  letter  delivered  to  me  by  General  Miles  on  train 
en  route  to  New  York,  March  1,  1902." 

Washington,  D.  C,  November  8,  1898. 
My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  note  of  the  6th  inst.  is  received  and  I  give  you 
my  hearty  thanks.  No  doubt  I  ought  to  have  remained  in  the  Senate 
during  my  term,  which  would  not  have  expired  until  the  4th  of  March 
next.  At  that  time  I  regarded  McKinley  as  a  sincere  and  ardent  friend 
whom  I  had  assisted  and  whose  election  I  had  promoted.     When  he 


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CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  609 

urged  me  to  accept  the  position  of  Secretary  of  State,  I  accepted  with 
some  reluctance  and  largely  to  promote  the  wishes  of  Mark  Hanna. 
The  result  was  that  I  lost  the  position  both  of  Senator  and  Secretary, 
and  I  hear  that  both  McKinley  and  Hanna  are  pitying  me  for  failing 
memory  and  physical  strength.  I  do  not  care  for  their  pity  and  do  not 
ask  them  any  favors,  but  wish  only  to  feel  independent  of  them,  and 
conscious  that,  while  they  deprived  me  of  the  high  office  of  Senator  by 
the  temporary  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State,  they  have  not  les- 
sened me  in  your  opinion  or  in  the  good  will  of  the  great  Republican 
Party  of  the  United  States. 

Very  truly  yours, 

John  She&max. 

I  never  made  any  use  of  this  letter  and  would  not  make 
any  use  of  it  now  except  only  that  I  have  seen  within  the 
last  two  or  three  years  a  number  of  flat  denials  that  there 
was  ever  any  ill  feeling  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Sherman  such 
as  he  here  expresses.  Mr.  Croly  indulges  in  what  is 
apparently  rather  tortuous  and  troublesome  speculation  on 
the  subject. 

History  is  entitled  to  the  truth  and  especially  to  Mx% 
Sherman's  own  statement  upon  that  precise  point,  appar- 
ently written  and  left  behind  by  him  for  use  in  just  the 
contingency  these  denials  have  created. 

My  Estimate  of  Me.  Sherman. 

Here  Mr.  Sherman  practically  drops  out  of  these  notes 
so  far  at  least  as  any  special  mention  may  be  concerned. 

It  seems  appropriate,  therefore,  that  I  should  now  record 
my  estimate  of  him  as  given  in  an  address  made  at  the 
celebration  of  the  Centennial  Anniversary  of  the  Admission 
of  Ohio  to  the  Union,  held  at  Chillicothe,  the  first  capital 
of  the  State,  May  20,  1903.  My  subject  was  "Ohio  in 
the  Senate."  After  referring  to  the  whole  line  of  Sena- 
torial representatives  preceding  him  and  contemporary 
with  him,  I  said: 

It  is  no  disparagement  of  anyone  and  no  exaggeration  of  the  truth 
to  say  that,  of  all  the  many  able  men  who  have  represented  Ohio  in 
national  affairs,  John  Sherman  is  facile  princeps. 

Others  reached  the  Presidency,  and  some  of  them,  through  for- 
tuitous circumstances  and  opportunities,  may  have  attained  greater 
popularity  and  a  more  commanding  place  in  history,  but  no  other  stood 
so  long  on  the  "perilous  heights." 


610  JOSEPH    BENSON    FORAKER 

No  other  was  tried  in  so  many  ordeals.  No  other  was  called  upon 
to  deal  with  so  many  and  such  difficult  questions.  No  other  showed 
such  varied  powers  of  adaptation  to  rapidly  changing  and  widely  differ- 
ent conditions,  and  no  other  so  completely  and  uninterruptedly  com- 
manded the  confidence  and  enjoyed  the  respect  of  the  whole  American 
people  as  a  wise,  safe  and  capable  leader  and  statesman. 

He  had  a  tall  and  commanding  figure — ^not  a  magnetic,  but  a  pleasing 
personality.  He  was  a  man  of  conservative  temperament,  considerate 
judgment  and  affable  manners. 

He  had  a  strong  intellectual  endowment,  clear  conceptions,  and  great 
powers  of  logic  and  analysis.  His  voice  was  agreeable  and  his  speech 
easy  and  fluent.  His  arguments  were  plain,  direct  and  convincing. 
He  commanded  attention  and  easily  held  it.  No  one  could  remain 
within  the  sound  of  his  voice  while  he  was  speaking,  no  matter  what 
his  subject,  without  following  his  remarks. 

He,  too,  was  a  self-made  man.  He  was  of  the  plain  people  and 
always  had  their  sympathy  and  support.  He  was  born  poor,  but  had  a 
sound  constitution  and  was  proud  to  earn  his  own  living.  He  com- 
menced as  a  rodman  in  an  engineering  corps,  but  he  advanced  rapidly. 
He  acquired  a  good  education,  read  law,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and 
finally  entered  public  life  in  1854  as  a  Member  of  the  Thirty-fourth 
Congress,  admirably  equipped  for  the  great  work  and  the  great  career 
before  him. 

The  slavery  question  in  general,  and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  question 
in  particular,  then  held  public  attention.  From  the  first  he  took  and 
held  high  rank  as  a  leader  and  a  debater. 

When  the  war  came  he  was  thoroughly  prepared  for  his  part. 

Entering  the  Senate  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  he  carried  with  him 
from  the  House  an  experience  and  a  prestige  that  gave  him  rightfully 
a  place  in  the  front  rank  of  his  colleagues. 

It  is  impossible  and  unnecessary  to  relate  here  his  services  during 
the  thirty-six  years  that  followed  until  the  4th  of  March,  1897,  when  he 
resigned  his  seat  at  the  request  of  President  McKinley  to  accept  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  State.  They  are  so  interwoven  with  the  history 
of  our  country  for  that  period  that  all  are  familiar  with  them. 

It  is  enough  to  say  that  to  him  more  than  to  any  other  man  the 
American  people  are  indebted  for  the  sound  cui'rency,  the  safe  and 
adequate  banking  facilities,  and  the  general  improvement  of  our  fiscal 
system  by  the  adoption  and  development  of  those  economic  policies, 
under  which  our  country  has  so  developed  and  prospered. 

His  most  pronounced  triumph  was  in  connection  with  the  resumption 
of  specie  payments  in  1879,  but  his  services  in  that  respect  were  only 
in  keeping  with  his  record  throughout.  He  was  given  special  credit  in 
that  instance,  not  because  his  labors  in  that  particular  were  exceptional, 
but  because  they  were  practical  and  apparent.  While  he  will  be  most 
remembered  for  his  services  in  connection  with  the  finances  of  the 
country,  yet  they  were  only  a  part  of  his  work. 

In  the  troublesome  and  trying  days  of  reconstruction  he  was  untiring. 

As  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  the  Pacific 
Railroads  and  the  Judiciary,  he  was  constantly  engaged  in  the  consid- 
eration of  grave  questions  and  great  measures. 


CAMPAIGN    OF    1896  511 

Many  statutes  bear  testimony  to  his  far-sighted  wisdom  as  a  legis- 
lator.    One  of  the  most  important  was  one  of  the  latest. 

It  shows  how  clearly  he  understood  the  progress  of  changing  con- 
ditions and  the  legislative  remedy  to  apply  to  correct  apprehended  evils 
and  abuses. 

He  was  among  the  first  to  see  the  enormous  combinations  of  capital 
we  have  been  witnessing  and  the  temptation  there  would  be  to  unrea- 
sonable restraint  and  monopoly,  and  before  others  realized  the  danger 
or  comprehended  that  any  legislation  was  necessary  or  even  appropriate, 
he  had  secured  the  enactment  of  what  the  whole  country  has  recently 
become  familiar  with  as  the  Sherman  Anti-trust  Law  of  1890. 

He  gave  himself  up  whoUy  and  devotedly  to  his  work,  so  much  so 
that  he  probably  did  himself  an  injustice  by  the  consequent  neglect 
thereby  occasioned,  to  some  extent  at  least,  of  social  duties  and  relations. 

He  was  for  years,  without  regard  to  his  own  desires  in  the  matter, 
considered  a  leading  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  His  name  was 
repeatedly  presented  to  National  Conventions  for  the  nomination.  That 
honor  was  denied  him,  but  there  never  was  a  time  when  the  whole 
cduntry  did  not  feel  that  he  was  well  equipped  and  well  entitled  to 
hold  that  high  office.  He  will  rank  in  history  with  Webster,  Clay 
and  Blaine. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

RENEWALS  ONLY— TEL.  NO.  642-3405 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


JUL  29  1969 


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